The Magnificent Adventure Part 9

The Spanish minister made similar excuse to his own wife. Thus Theodosia Alston left Meriwether Lewis for the second time that day.

It was a late conference, the one held that night at the home of the Vice-President of the United States. Burr, cool, calculating, always in hand, sat and weighed many matters well before he committed himself beyond repair. His keen mind saw now, and seized the advantage for which he waited.

"You say right, gentlemen, both of you," he began, leaning forward. "I would not blame you if you never went to the White House again."

"Should I ever do so again," blazed the Spanish minister, "I will take my own wife in to dinner on my own arm, and place her at the head of the table, where she belongs! It was an insult to my sovereign that we received today."

"As much myself, sir!" said Mr. Merry, his brows contracted, his face flushed still with anger. "I shall know how to answer the next invitation which comes from Mr Jefferson.[1] I shall ask him whether or not there is to be any repet.i.tion of this sort of thing."

[Footnote 1: During the following winter Mr. Merry had opportunity to fulfill his threat. In February, 1804, the President again invited him to dine, in the following words:

"Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of Mr. Merry to dine with a small party of friends on Monday, the 13th, at half past three."

Mr. Merry, still smarting all these months, stood on his dignity and addressed his reply to the Secretary of State.

Reviewing at some length what seemed to him important events, he added:

"If Mr. Merry should be mistaken as to the meaning of Mr. Jefferson's note, and it should prove that the invitation is designed for him in a public capacity, he trusts that Mr. Jefferson will feel equally that it must be out of his power to accept it, without receiving previously, through the channel of the Secretary of State, the necessary formal a.s.surance of the President's determination to observe toward him those niceties of distinction which have heretofore been shown by the executive government of the United States to the persons who have been accredited as our Majesty's ministers.

"Mr. Merry has the honor to request of Mr. Madison to lay this explanation before the President, and to accompany it with the strongest a.s.surance of his highest respect and consideration."

The Secretary of State, who seems to have been acting as social secretary to Mr. Jefferson, without hesitation replied as follows:

"Mr. Madison presents his compliments to Mr. Merry. He has communicated to the President Mr. Merry's note of this morning, and has the honor to remark to him that the President's invitation, being in the style used by him in like cases, had no reference to the points of form which will deprive him of the pleasure of Mr. Merry's company at dinner on Monday next.

"Mr. Madison tenders to Mr. Merry his distinguished consideration."

The friction arising out of this and interlocking incidents was part of the unfortunate train of events which later led up to the war of 1812.]

"So much for the rule of the plain people!" said Burr, as he laid the tips of his fingers together contemplatively.

"Yet, Colonel Burr, you are Vice-President under this administration!"

broke out Merry.

"One must use agencies and opportunities as they offer. My dear sir, perhaps you do not fully know me. I took this election only in order to be close to the seat of affairs. I am no such rabid adherent to democracy as some may think. You would be startled if I told you that I regard this republic as no more than an experiment. This is a large continent. Take all that Western country--Louisiana--it ought not to be called attached to the United States. At this very moment it is half in rebellion against its const.i.tuted authorities. More than once it has been ready to take arms, to march against New Orleans, and to set up a new country of its own. It is geography which fights for monarchy, against democracy, on this continent--in spite of what all these people say."

"Sir," said the British minister, "you have been a student of affairs."

"And why not? I claim intelligence, good education, a.s.sociation with men of thought. My reason tells me that conquest is in the blood of those men who settled in the Mississippi Valley. They went into Kentucky and Tennessee for the sake of conquest. They are restless, unattached, dissatisfied--ready for any great move. No move can be made which will seem too great or too daring for them. Now let me confess somewhat to you--for I know that you will respect my confidence, if you go no further with me than you have gone tonight. I have bought large acreages of land in the lower Louisiana country, ostensibly for colonization purposes. I do purpose colonization there--_but not under the flag of this republic!_"

Silence greeted his remark. The others sat for a moment, merely gazing at him, half stunned, remembering only that he was Jefferson's colleague, Vice-President of the United States.

"You cannot force geography," resumed Burr, in tones as even as if he had but spoken of bartering for a house and lot. "Lower Louisiana and Mexico together--yes, perhaps. Florida, with us--yes, perhaps. Indeed, territories larger perhaps than any of us dare dream at present, once our new flag is raised. All that I purpose is to do what has been discussed a thousand times before--to unite in a natural alliance of self-interest those men who are sundered in every way of interest and alliance from the government on this side of the Alleghanies. Would you call that treason--conspiracy? I dislike the words. I call it rather a plan based upon sound reason and common sense; and I hold that its success is virtually a.s.sured."

"You will explain more fully, Colonel Burr?" Mr. Merry was intent now on all that he heard.

"I march only with destiny, yonder--do you not see, gentlemen?" Burr resumed. "Those who march with me are in alliance with natural events.

This republic is split now, at this very moment. It must follow its own fate. If the flag of Spain were west of it on the south, and the flag of Britain west of it on the north, why, then we should have the natural end of the republic's expansion. With those great powers in alliance at its back, with the fleets of England on the seas, at the mouth of the great river--owning the lands in Canada on the north--it would be a simple thing, I say, to crush this republic against the wall of the Appalachians, or to drive it once more into the sea."

They were silent alike before the enormousness and the enormity of this. Reading their thoughts, Burr raised his hand in deprecation.

"I know what is in your minds, gentlemen. The one thing which troubles you is this--the man who speaks to you is Vice-President of the United States. I say what in your country would be treason. In this country I maintain it is not yet treason, because thus far we are in an experiment. We have no actual reign of reason and of law; and he marches to success who marches with natural laws and along the definite trend of existing circ.u.mstances and conditions."

"What you say, Mr. Burr," began Merry gravely, "a.s.suredly has the merit of audacity. And I see that you have given it thought."

"I interest you, gentlemen! You can go with me only if it be to your interest and to that of your countries to join with me in these plans.

They have gone far forward--let me tell you that. I know my men from St. Louis to New Orleans--I know my leaders--I know that population.

If this be treason, as Mr. Patrick Henry said, let us make the most of it. At least it is the intention of Aaron Burr. I stake upon it all my fortune, my life, the happiness of my family. Do you think I am sincere?"

Merry sat engaged in thought. He could see vast movements in the game of nations thus suddenly shown before him on the diplomatic board. And on his part it is to be said that he was there to represent the interests of his own government alone.

In the same even tones, Burr resumed his astonishing statements.

"My son-in-law, Mr. Alston, of South Carolina--a very wealthy planter of that State--is in full accord with all my plans. My own resources have been pledged to their utmost, and he has been so good as to add largely from his own. I admit to you that I sought alliance with him deliberately when he asked my daughter's hand. He is an ambitious man, and perhaps he saw his way to the fulfillment of certain personal ambitions. He has contributed fifty thousand dollars to my cause. He will have a place of honor and profit in the new government which will be formed yonder in the Mississippi Valley."

"So, then," began Yrujo, "the financing is somewhat forward! But fifty thousand is only a drop."

"We may as well be plain," rejoined Burr. "Time is short--you know that it is short. We all heard what Mr. Jefferson said--we know that if we are to take action it must be at once. That expedition must not succeed! If that wedge be driven through to the Pacific--and who can say what that young Virginian may do?--your two countries will be forever separated on this continent by one which will wage successful war on both. Swift action is my only hope--and yours."

"Your funds," said Mr. Merry, "seem to me inadequate for the demands which will be made upon them. You said fifty thousand?"

Burr nodded.

"I pledge you as much more--on one condition that I shall name."

Burr turned from Mr. Merry to Senor Yrujo. The latter nodded.

"I undertake to contribute the same amount," said the envoy of Spain, "but with no condition attached."

The color deepened in the cheek of the great conspirator. His eye glittered a trifle more brilliantly.

"You named a certain condition, sir," he said to Merry.

"Yes, one entirely obvious."

"What is it, then, your excellency?" Burr inquired.

"You yourself have made it plain. The infernal ingenuity of yonder Corsican--curse his devilish brain!--has rolled a greater stone in our yard than could be placed there by any other human agency. We could not believe that Napoleon Bonaparte would part with Louisiana thus easily. No doubt he feared the British fleet at the mouth of the river--no doubt Spain was glad enough that our guns were not at New Orleans ere this. But, I say, he rolled that stone in our yard. If t.i.tle to this Louisiana purchase is driven through to the Pacific--as Mr. Jefferson plans so boldly--the end is written now, Colonel Burr, to all your enterprises! Britain will be forced to content herself with what she can take on the north, and Spain eventually will hold nothing worth having on the south. By the Lord, General Bonaparte fights well--he knows how to sacrifice a p.a.w.n in order to checkmate a king!"

"Yes, your excellency," said Burr, "I agree with you, but----"

"And now my condition. Follow me closely. I say if that wedge is driven home--if that expedition of Mr. Jefferson's shall succeed--its success will rest on one factor. In short, there is a man at the head of that expedition who must fight with us and not against us, else my own interest in this matter lacks entirely. You know the man I have in mind."

Burr nodded, his lips compressed.

"That young man, Colonel Burr, will go through! I know his kind.

Believe me, if I know men, he is a strong man. Let that man come back from his expedition with the map of a million square miles of new American territory hanging at his belt, like a scalp torn from his foes--and there will be no chance left for Colonel Burr and his friends!"