The Loyalists of America and Their Times Volume I Part 45

When the Earl of Shelburne read Mr. Jefferson's report, he said: "In my life I was never more pleased with a State paper than with the a.s.sembly of Virginia's discussion of Lord North's proposition. It is masterly.

But what I fear is, that the evil is irretrievable."

"At Versailles, the French Minister, Vergennes, was equally attracted by the wisdom and dignity of the doc.u.ment. He particularly noticed the insinuation that a compromise might be effected on the basis of the modification of the Navigation Acts; and saw so many ways opened of settling every difficulty, that it was long before he could persuade himself that the infatuation of the British Ministry was so blind as to neglect them all." (Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII., Chap, x.x.xvii., pp. 386-388.)]

[Footnote 378: Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VII., Chap.

xxv., p. 276.

"The offer of freedom to the negroes came very oddly from the representative of the nation which had sold them to their present masters, and of the King who had been displeased with the colony for its desire to tolerate that inhuman traffic no longer; and it was but a sad resource for a commercial metropolis, to keep a hold on its colony by letting loose slaves against its own colonists."--_Ib._, p. 276.

"Dunmore's menace to raise the standard of a servile insurrection and set the slaves upon their masters, with British arms in their hands, filled the South with horror and alarm. Besides, the retreat of the British troops from Concord raised the belief that the American forces were invincible; and the spirit of resistance had grown so strong, that some of the Burgesses appeared in the uniform of the recently inst.i.tuted provincial troops, wearing a hunting shirt of coa.r.s.e linen over their clothes, and a woodman's axe by their sides."--_Ib._, pp. 384, 385.]

[Footnote 379: "Meantime, Dunmore, driven from the land of Virginia, maintained command of the water by means of a flotilla composed of the _Mercury_, of 24 guns; the _Kingfisher_, of 16; the _Otter_, of 14, with other ships and light vessels, and tenders which he had engaged in the King's service. At Norfolk, a town of about 6,000 inhabitants, a newspaper was published by John Holt. About noon on the last day of September (1775), Dunmore, finding fault with its favouring (according to him) 'sedition and rebellion,' sent on sh.o.r.e a small party, who, meeting with no resistance, seized and brought off two printers and all the materials of the printing office, so that he could publish from his ship a Gazette on the side of the King. The outrage, as we shall see, produced retaliation." (Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol.

VIII., Chap. lv., pp. 220, 221.)]

[Footnote 380: Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VIII., Chap. lv., pp. 221, 222.

The English Annual Register of 1776 states as follows the policy of Lord Dunmore, culminating in the successful defence of Hampton and the repulse of his ships:

"Whether Lord Dunmore expected that any extraordinary advantages might be derived from an insurrection of the slaves, or that he imagined there was a much greater number of people in the colony who were satisfied with the present system of government than really was the case (_a mistake, and an unfortunate one, which, like an epidemical distemper, seems to have spread through all our official departments in America_)--upon whatever grounds he proceeded, he determined, though he relinquished his government, not to abandon his hopes, nor entirely to lose sight of the country which he had governed. He, accordingly, being joined by those friends of government who had rendered themselves too obnoxious to the people to continue with safety in the country, as well as by a number of runaway negroes, and supported by the frigates of war which were upon the station, endeavoured to establish such a marine force as would enable him, by means of the n.o.ble rivers, which render the most valuable parts of that rich country accessible by water, to be always at hand and ready to profit by any favourable occasion that offered.

"Upon this or some similar system he by degrees equipped and armed a number of vessels of different kinds and sizes, _in one of which he constantly resided, never setting his foot on sh.o.r.e but in a hostile manner_. The force thus put together was, however, _calculated only for depredation_, and never became equal to any essential service. The former, indeed, was in part a matter of necessity; for as the people on sh.o.r.e would not supply those on board with provisions or necessaries, they must either starve or provide them by force.... These proceedings occasioned the sending of some detachments of the new-raised forces of the colonists to protect their coasts, and from these ensued a small, mischievous, predatory war, incapable of affording honour or benefit, and in which, at length, every drop of water and every necessary was purchased at the price or risk of blood.

"During this state of hostility, Lord Dunmore procured a few soldiers from different parts, with whose a.s.sistance an attempt (Oct. 25th) was made to burn a post town in an important situation called Hampton. It seems the inhabitants had some previous suspicion of the design, for they had sunk boats in the entrance of the harbour and thrown such other obstacles in the way as rendered the approach of the ships, and consequently a landing, impracticable on the day when the attack was commenced. The ships cut a pa.s.sage through the boats in the night, and began to cannonade the town furiously in the morning; but at this critical period the townspeople were relieved from their apprehensions and danger by the arrival of a detachment of rifle and minute men from Williamsburg, who had marched all night to their a.s.sistance. These, joined with the inhabitants, attacked the ships so vigorously with their small arms that they were obliged precipitately to quit their station, with the loss of some men and of a tender, which was taken." (Annual Register, Vol. XIX., Fourth Edition, pp. 26, 27.)]

[Footnote 381: English Annual Register, Vol. XIX.]

[Footnote 382: British Annual Register, Vol. XIX., p. 31.

Mr. Bancroft's account of this barbarous conflagration is as follows:

"New Year's day, 1776, was the saddest day that ever broke on the women and children then in Norfolk; warned of their danger by the commander of the squadron, there was for them no refuge. The _Kingfisher_ was stationed at the upper end of Norfolk; a little below her, the _Otter_; Belew, in the _Liverpool_, anch.o.r.ed near the middle of the town; and next him lay the _Dunmore_; the rest of the fleet was moored in the harbour. Between three and four in the afternoon, the _Liverpool_ opened its fire upon the borough; the other ships immediately followed the example, and a severe cannonade was begun from about sixty pieces of cannon. Dunmore then himself, as night was coming on, ordered out several boats to burn warehouses on the wharves; and hailed to Belew to set fire to a large brig which lay in the dock. All the vessels of the fleet, to show their zeal, sent great numbers of boats on sh.o.r.e to a.s.sist in spreading the flames along the river; and as the buildings were chiefly of pine wood, the conflagration, favoured by the wind, spread with amazing rapidity, and soon became general. Women and children, mothers with little ones in their arms, were seen by the glare running through the shower of cannon b.a.l.l.s to get out of their range.

Two or three persons were hit; and the scene became one of extreme horror and confusion. Several times the British attempted to land, and once to bring cannon into the street; but they were driven back by the spirit and conduct of the Americans. The cannonade did not abate till ten at night; after a short pause it was renewed, but with less fury, and was kept up till two the next morning. The flames, which had made their way from street to street, raged for three days; till four-fifths, or, as some computed, nine-tenths of the houses were reduced to ashes and heaps of ruins." (History of the United States, Vol. VIII., Chap.

lvi., pp. 230, 231.)]

[Footnote 383: History of the United States, Vol. VIII., Chap. lvi., p.

231.

The English Annual Register observes: "Such was the fate of the unfortunate town of Norfolk, the most considerable for commerce in the colony, and so growing and flourishing before these unhappy troubles, that in the two years from 1773 to 1775, the rents of the houses increased from 8,000 to 10,000 a year. However just the cause, or urgent the necessity, which induced this measure, it was undoubtedly a grievous and odious task to a Governor to be himself the princ.i.p.al actor in burning and destroying the best town in his government.

"Nor was the situation of other Governors in America much more eligible than that of Lord Dunmore. In South Carolina, Lord William Campbell, having as they said, entered into a negotiation with the Indians for coming in to the support of the Government in that province, and having also succeeded in exciting a number of those back settlers whom we have heretofore seen distinguished in the Carolinas, under the t.i.tle of Regulators, to espouse the same cause, the discovery of these measures, before they were ripe for execution, occasioned such a ferment among the people, that he thought it necessary to retire from Charleston on board a ship of war in the river, from whence he returned no more to the seat of his government.

"Similar measures were pursued in North Carolina (with the difference that Governor Martin was more active and vigorous in his proceedings), but attended with as little success. The Provincial Congress, Committees, and Governor were in a continual state of the most violent warfare. Upon a number of charges, particularly of fomenting a civil war, and exciting an insurrection among the negroes, he was declared an enemy to America in general, and to that colony in particular, and all persons were forbidden from holding any communication with him. These declarations he answered with a proclamation of uncommon length, which the Provincial Congress resolved to be a false, scandalous, scurrilous and seditious libel, and ordered it to be burned by the hands of the common hangman.

"As the Governor expected, by means of the back settlers, as well as of the Scotch inhabitants and Highland emigrants, who were numerous in the province, to be able to raise a considerable force, he took pains to fortify and arm his palace at Newburn, that it might answer the double purpose of a garrison and a magazine. Before this could be effected, the moving of some cannon excited such a commotion among the people that he found it necessary to abandon the palace and retire on board a sloop-of-war in Cape Fear river. The people upon this occasion discovered powder, shot, ball, and various military stores and implements which had been buried in the palace garden and yard. This served to inflame them exceedingly, every man considering it as if it had been a plot against himself in particular.

"The Provincial Congress published an address to the inhabitants of the British empire, of the same nature with those we have formerly seen to the people of Great Britain and Ireland, containing the same professions of loyalty and affection, and declaring the same earnest desire of a reconciliation." (English Annual Register, Vol. XIX., pp. 31-33.)]

[Footnote 384: General Conway said: "The n.o.ble lord who has the direction of the affairs of this country tells you that the Americans aim at Independence. I defy the n.o.ble lord, or any other member of this House, to adduce one solid proof of this charge. He says: 'The era of 1763 is the time they wish to recur to, because such a concession on our part would be, in effect, giving up their dependence on this country.' I would ask the n.o.ble lord, Did the people of America set up this claim previous to the year 1763? No; they were then peaceful and dutiful subjects. They are still dutiful and obedient. (Here was a murmur of disapprobation.) I repeat my words; I think them so inclined; I am sure they would be so, if they were permitted: The acts they have committed arise from no want of either. They have been forced into them. Taxes have been attempted to be levied on them; their Charters have been violated, nay, taken away; administration has attempted to coerce them by the most cruel and oppressive laws."]

[Footnote 385: Annual Register, Vol. XIX., Chap. ix., pp. 57, 58, 63, 69, 70, 74, 75.]

CHAPTER XXV.

THE a.s.sEMBLING OF CONGRESS, MAY 10TH, 1776, AND TRANSACTIONS UNTIL THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, THE 4TH OF JULY.

It was under the circ.u.mstances stated in the preceding chapter, the General Congress, according to adjournment the previous October, rea.s.sembled in Philadelphia the 10th of May, 1776. The colonies were profoundly convulsed by the transactions which had taken place in Ma.s.sachusetts, Virginia, North and South Carolina, by the intelligence from England, that Parliament had, the previous December, pa.s.sed an Act to increase the army, that the British Government had largely increased both the army and navy, and on failure of obtaining sufficient recruits in England, Scotland, and Ireland, had negotiated with German princes, who traded in the blood of their down-trodden subjects, for seventeen thousand Hanoverian and Hessian mercenaries, to aid in reducing the American colonies to absolute submission to the will of the King and Parliament of Great Britain. It was supposed in England that the decisive Act of Parliament, the unbending and hostile att.i.tude of the British Ministry, the formidable amount of naval and land forces, would awe the colonies into unresisting and immediate submission; but the effect of all these formidable preparations on the part of the British Government was to unite rather than divide the colonies, and render them more determined and resolute than ever to defend and maintain their sacred and inherited rights and liberties as British subjects.

The thirteen colonies were a unit as to what they understood and contended for in regard to their British const.i.tutional rights and liberties--namely, the rights which they had enjoyed for more than a century--the right of taxation by their own elected representatives alone, the right of providing for the support of their own civil government and its officers--rights far less extensive than those which are and have long been enjoyed by the loyal provinces of the Canadian Dominion. There were, indeed, the Governors and their officers, sent from England--the favourites and needy dependents of the British Ministry and Parliament, sent out to subsist upon the colonists, but were not of them, had no sympathy with them, nor any influence over them except what they had over their dependents and the families with whom they had formed connections. They were noisy and troublesome as a _faction_, but not sufficient in numbers or influence to const.i.tute a _party_, properly speaking.

There was like unity among the colonies in regard to the _defence_ and _support_ of the rights and liberties which they claimed. There was, indeed, doubt on the part of a few, and but a few, comparatively, as to the wisdom and expediency of taking arms and meeting the King's officers and troops in the field of battle in support of their rights; but all agreed that they should defend themselves and their property when attacked by the King's troops, whether attacked by the King's orders or not; for they held that their t.i.tle to their property and const.i.tutional rights was as sacred and divine as that of the King to his throne.[386]

The question of questions with the General Congress on its a.s.sembling in May, 1776, was what measures should be adopted for the defence of their violated and invaded rights, and upon what grounds should that defence be conducted? For the first time in the General Congress was it proposed to abandon the ground on which they had vindicated and maintained their rights as British subjects in their several Legislatures and Conventions for eleven years, and successfully defended them by force of arms for more than one year, or to avow entire separation from the mother country, and declare absolute independence as the ground of maintaining their rights and liberties?

There had long been some prominent men who held republican sentiments, and some newspapers had in 1775 mooted the idea of separation from the mother country. Such views prevailed widely in Ma.s.sachusetts; there had always been a clique of Congregational Republicans and Separationists in Boston, from the days of Cromwell. They looked back upon the halcyon days when none but Congregationalists could hold office--civil, judicial, or military--or even exercise the elective franchise, and the disclaimers of any earthly king; and though the separation from the mother country and renunciation of monarchical government was carefully avoided in the official doc.u.ments of Ma.s.sachusetts, as it was disclaimed in the strongest terms in the official papers of other colonies, yet the sentiment of hostility to monarchy and of separation from England was artfully inculcated in resolutions, addresses, etc., prepared by Samuel Adams, and sent forth from the Ma.s.sachusetts Convention.[388] He was a man of blameless life (no relation to John Adams)--a rigid religionist of the old Ma.s.sachusetts Puritan stamp--a hater of England and of British inst.i.tutions, able and indefatigable in everything that might tend to sever America from England, in regard to which his writings exerted a powerful influence. He was the Corypheus of the Separatist party in Boston, the Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence, and wrote the Ma.s.sachusetts circulars to other colonies.

It was only early in May, 1776, that the question of independence was discussed in the General Congress. The Congress _recommended_ those colonies whose Governors had left their governments, or were declared disqualified on account of their oppressive and cruel conduct, to form governments for themselves. This, however, was not understood as a declaration of independence, but a temporary measure of necessity, to prevent anarchy and confusion in the colonies concerned. This proceeding was immediately followed by a more comprehensive measure intended to feel the pulse of the colonies on the subject of independence.

The Congress had waited with considerable patience, and some anxiety, the result of the late session of Parliament; they had forborne to do anything which might not be justified upon the fair principles of self-defence, until it appeared that the Ministry was resolved that nothing short of the most abject submission should be the price of accommodation. Early in May, therefore, the Congress adopted a measure intended to sound the sentiments of the colonies on the subject of independence. They stated the rejection of their pet.i.tions, and the employment of foreign mercenaries to reduce them to obedience, and concluded by declaring it expedient that all the colonies should proceed to the establishment of such a form of government as their representatives might think most conducive to the peace and happiness of the people. This preamble and resolution were immediately forwarded; and in a few days afterwards Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, gave notice to the Congress that he should, on an appointed day, move for a _Declaration of Independence_. This was accordingly done, but the consideration of the question was postponed until the 1st of July--_so timid, so wavering, so unwilling to break the maternal connection were most of the members_.[389]

It is clear that, so far from the Declaration of Independence being the spontaneous uprising of the colonies, as represented by so many American historians, that when it was first mooted in Congress the majority of the General Congress itself were startled at it, and were opposed to it.

"On the 15th day of May, only four of the colonies had acted definitely on the question of independence. North Carolina had authorized her delegates to concur with the delegates from the other colonies 'in declaring independency;' Rhode Island had commissioned hers 'to join in any measures to secure American rights;' in Ma.s.sachusetts, various towns had pledged themselves to maintain any declaration on which Congress might agree; and Virginia had given positive instructions to her delegates that Congress should make a declaration of independence. These proceedings were accompanied with declarations respecting a reservation to each colony of the right to form its own government, in the adjustment of the power universally felt to be necessary, and which was to be lodged in a new political unit, designated by the terms, 'Confederation,' 'Continental Const.i.tution,' and 'American Republic.'"[390]

"On the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, in behalf of the Virginia delegates, submitted in Congress resolves on independence, a confederation, and foreign alliances. His biographer says that 'tradition relates that he prefaced his motion with a speech,'

portraying the resources of the colonies and their capacity for defence, dwelling especially on the bearing which an independent position might have on foreign Powers, and concluded by urging the members so to act, that the day might give birth to an American Republic. The motion was:--

"'That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved.'

"'That it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign alliances.'

"'That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective colonies for their consideration and approbation.'

"John Adams seconded the motion. The Journal of Congress says, 'that certain resolutions respecting independency being moved and seconded, they were postponed till to-morrow morning,' and that 'the members were enjoined to attend punctually at ten o'clock in order to take the same into their consideration. Jefferson says the reason of postponement was that the House were obliged to attend to other business. The record indicates that no speech was made on that day.

"The next day was Sat.u.r.day. John Hanc.o.c.k, the President, was in the chair; and Charles Thompson was the Secretary. The resolves were immediately referred to a Committee of the Whole, in which Benjamin Harrison presided--the confidential correspondent of Washington, and subsequently Governor of Virginia. They were debated with animation until seven o'clock in the evening, when the President resumed the chair, and reported that the Committee had considered the matter referred to them, but, not having come to any decision, directed him to move for leave to sit again on Monday.

"In Congress, on Monday, Edward Rutledge moved that the question be postponed three weeks. The debate on this day continued until seven o'clock in the evening. Not a single speech of any member is known to be extant. Jefferson at the time summed up the arguments used by the speakers during both days. The result may be given in his words: 'It appearing, in the course of the debates, that the colonies of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem, but that they were fast advancing to that state, it was thought most prudent to wait awhile for them. It was agreed in Committee of the Whole to report to Congress a resolution, which was adopted by a vote of seven colonies to five, and this postponed the resolution on independence to the 1st day of July; and 'in meanwhile, that no time be lost, a Committee be appointed to prepare a declaration in conformity to it.' On the next day a Committee was chosen for this purpose by ballot: Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia; John Adams, of Ma.s.sachusetts; Benjamin Franklin, of Pennsylvania; Roger Sherman, of Connecticut; and Robert R. Livingstone, of New York. [Such was the Committee that prepared the Declaration of Independence.] On the 12th a Committee of one from each colony was appointed to report the form of confederation, and a Committee of five to prepare a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign Powers.

"When Congress postponed the vote on independence, the popular movement in its favour was in full activity. Some of the members left this body to engage in it. Others promoted it by their counsel."[391]

"On the day agreed upon for the consideration of Mr. Lee's motion, the 1st of July, Congress resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole; the debates on the question were continued with great warmth for _three days_. It had been determined to take the vote by _colonies_; and as a master-stroke of policy, the author of which is not known to history, it had been proposed and agreed, that _the decision on the question, whatever might be the state of the votes, should appear to the world as the unanimous voice of the Congress_. On the first question [of independence], _six_ colonies were in the affirmative, and _six_ in the negative--_Pennsylvania_ being without a vote by the equal division of her delegates. In this state of the business, it appears, on the authority of evidence afterwards adduced before Parliament, that Mr.

_Samuel Adams_ once more successfully exerted his influence; and that one of the delegates of Pennsylvania was brought over to the side of independence. It is more probable, however, that the influence of Mr.

Adams extended no further than to procure that one of the dissenting members withdraw from the House; and that the vote of Pennsylvania was thus obtained."[392]

It is thus seen that the Declaration of Independence, so far from being the spontaneous uprising of the American colonies, was the result of months of agitation by scarcely a dozen leaders in the movement, by canva.s.sing at public meetings, and of delegates elected by them, not excelled by any political and nearly balanced parties in England or Canada in a life and death struggle for victory. In this case, the important question was to be decided by some fifty members of Congress; and when the first vote was given, after many weeks of popular agitation, and three days of warm discussion in Congress, there was a tie--six colonies for and six against the Declaration of Independence--after which a majority of one was obtained for the Declaration, by inducing the absence of certain members opposed to it; and then, when a majority of votes was thus obtained, others were persuaded to vote for the measure "_for the sake of unanimity_," though they were opposed to the measure itself.