The Life of John Marshall Volume I Part 11

Two months of service followed, as hard as the many gone before with which Fate had blackened the calendar of the patriot cause. Washington was frantically urged to "storm" Philadelphia: Congress wished it; a "torrent of public opinion" demanded it; even some of Washington's officers were carried off their feet and advised "the mad enterprise,"

to use Marshall's warm description of the pressure upon his commander.[347] The depreciation of the Continental paper money, the increasing disaffection of the people, the desperate plight of American fortunes, were advanced as reasons for a "grand effort" to remedy the ruinous situation. Washington was immovable, and his best officers sustained him. Risking his army's destruction was not the way to stop depreciation of the currency, said Washington; its value had fallen for want of taxes to sustain it and could be raised only by their levy.[348]

And "the corruption and defection of the people, and their unwillingness to serve in the army of the United States, were evils which would be very greatly increased by an unsuccessful attempt on Philadelphia."[349]

So black grew American prospects that secret sympathizers with the British became open in their advocacy of the abandonment of the Revolution. A Philadelphia Episcopal rector, who had been chaplain of Congress, wrote Washington that the patriot cause was lost and besought him to give up the struggle. "The most respectable characters" had abandoned the cause of independence, said d.u.c.h.e. Look at Congress. Its members were "obscure" and "distinguished for the weakness of their understandings and the violence of their tempers ... chosen by a little, low, faction.... Tis you ... only that support them." And the army! "The whole world knows that its only existence depends on you." Consider the situation: "Your harbors are blocked up, your cities fall one after the other; fortress after fortress, battle after battle is lost.... How fruitless the expense of blood!" Washington alone can end it. Humanity calls upon him to do so; and if he heeds that call his character "will appear with l.u.s.tre in the annals of history."[350] Deeply offended, Washington sent the letter to Congress, which, however, continued to find fault with him and to urge an attack upon the British in the Capital.

Although Washington refused to throw his worn and hungry troops upon the perfectly prepared and victorious enemy entrenched in Philadelphia, he was eager to meet the British in the open field. But he must choose the place. So when, early in December, Howe's army marched out of Philadelphia the Americans were ready. Washington had taken a strong position on some hills toward the Schuylkill not far from White Marsh.

After much maneuvering by the British and effective skirmishing by detachments of the patriots,[351] the two armies came into close contact. Not more than a mile away shone the scarlet uniforms of the Royal troops. Washington refused to be lured from his advantageous ground.[352] Apparently the British were about to attack and a decisive battle to be fought. After Brandywine and Germantown, another defeat would have been ruinous.

Washington personally animated his men. Marshall, who witnessed it, thus describes the scene: "The American chief rode through every brigade of his army, delivering, in person, his orders respecting the manner of receiving the enemy, exhorting his troops to rely princ.i.p.ally on the bayonet, and encouraging them by the steady firmness of his countenance, as well as by his words, to a vigorous performance of their duty."[353]

These words make one see, as one reads, the great Virginian in his n.o.blest aspect--calm in the face of possible disaster, his spirit burning brightest on the very fuel of danger itself, his clear mind unclouded by what was likely to befall.

Each division, each regiment, each company, was given plain and practical orders for the expected conflict. And we may be sure that each man, private as well as officer, took heart as he looked upon the giant figure and listened to the steady directions and undismayed encouragement of his chief. Certain it is that John Marshall so felt and thought. A rare picture, this, full of life and color, that permits us to behold the growth in the young soldier's soul of that faith in and devotion to George Washington, seeds of which had been planted in his childhood days in the Blue Ridge home.

Finally the British, seeing the resolute front of the Americans and already bleeding from the fierce thrusts of Morgan's Virginia riflemen, suddenly withdrew to Philadelphia,[354] and Washington's army went into winter quarters on the hills of Valley Forge.

FOOTNOTES:

[217] Slaughter, 107-08. This was "the first minute battalion raised within this Commonwealth." (Memorial of Thomas Marshall to the Virginia Legislature for military "emoluments"; MS. Archives, Va. St. Lib.) Appendix IV.

[218] Washington to Mason, April 5, 1769; _Writings_: Ford, ii, 263.

[219] Meade, ii, 219.

[220] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 286.

[221] _Ib._

[222] Statement of eye-witness. (Binney, in Dillon, iii, 287.)

[223] _Ib._, 288.

[224] In all descriptions of Marshall, it is stated that his eyes were black and brilliant. His portraits, however, show them as dark brown, but keen and piercing.

[225] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 287-88.

[226] _Ib._

[227] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 288.

[228] Not only do we find Marshalls, father and sons, taking gallant part in the Revolutionary War, but, thereafter, advocates of war with any country when the honor or interest of America was at stake.

[229] Binney, in Dillon, iii, 288.

[230] _Infra_, chap. IV.

[231] Slaughter, 107-08. But Binney's informant says that it was twenty miles from the court-house. (Binney, in Dillon, iii, 286.)

[232] Slaughter, 107-08; and certificate of J. Marshall in pension claim of William Payne; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938-1/2, Pension Bureau.

[233] Slaughter, 107-08.

[234] _Ib._

[235] Campbell, 607-14.

[236] Slaughter, 107-08; certificate of J. Marshall in pension claim of David Jameson; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 5607, Pension Bureau.

[237] Only the Tories and the disaffected were frightened by these back-countrymen. Apparently Slaughter took this for granted and failed to make the distinction.

[238] "The people hearing that we came from the backwoods, and seeing our savage-looking equipments, seemed as much afraid of us as if we had been Indians," writes the chronicler of that march. But the people, it appears, soon got over their fright; for this frontier soldiery, as one of them relates, "took pride in demeaning ourselves as patriots and gentlemen, and the people soon treated us with respect and great kindness." (Slaughter, 107-08.)

[239] Slaughter, 107-08.

[240] _Ib._

[241] Campbell, 633-34; Eckenrode: _R. V._, 81, 82.

[242] Burk, iv, 85; and Lossing, ii, 535-36.

[243] Marshall, i, 69; and Campbell, 635.

[244] Marshall to Samuel Templeman, Richmond, Sept. 26, 1832, supporting latter's claim for pension; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 6204, Pension Bureau.

[245] For the conduct of the men then in supreme authority in Virginia see Wirt, 166-81; and Henry, i, 333-36; also, Campbell, 636 _et seq._; and see Eckenrode: _R. V._, 75.

[246] Marshall, i, 69; and see Eckenrode: _R. V._, chap. iii, for the best account that has been given of this important episode. Dr.

Eckenrode's narrative is a complete statement, from original sources, of every phase of this initial armed conflict between the patriots and Royalists in Virginia. Also see affidavit of Marshall in pension claim of William Payne, April 26, 1832; MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938-1/2, Pension Bureau.

[247] Affidavit of Marshall in pension claim of William Payne, April 26, 1832: MSS. Rev. War, S. F. no. 8938-1/2, Pension Bureau.

[248] Memorial of Thomas Marshall. (_Supra_, and Appendix IV.)

[249] This uniform was rare; it is probable, however, that Thomas Marshall procured it for himself and son. He could afford it at that time, and he was a very proud man.

[250] Chastellux found the army nearly disbanded from necessity in 1782.

(Chastellux, translator's note to 60.)

[251] Washington to President of Congress, Jan. 24, 1776; _Writings_: Ford, iii, 372-73.

[252] Washington to Reed, Feb. 10, 1776; _ib._, 413.

[253] Washington to Committee of Safety of New York, April 27, 1776; _Writings_: Ford, iv, 51-52.

[254] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 20, 1776; _ib._, 422.

[255] Washington to President of Congress, Sept. 24, 1776; _ib._, 439.