The Life of Joan of Arc Part 74

She had never seen this baron, and doubtless she had never heard of him. Jean IV, son of that Constable of France who had been killed in 1418, was the cruellest man in the kingdom. At that time he was between thirty-three and thirty-four years of age. He held both Armagnacs, the Black and the White, the country of the Four Valleys, the counties of Pardiac, of Fesenzac, Astarac, La Lomagne, and l'ile-Jourdain. After the Count of Foix he was the most powerful n.o.ble of Gascony.[1691]

[Footnote 1691: A. Longnon, _Les limites de la France et l'etendue de la domination anglaise a l'epoque de la mission de Jeanne d'Arc_, Paris, 1875, in 8vo. Vallet de Viriville, in _Nouvelle biographie generale_, iii, col. 255, 257.]

While his name was among those of the adherents of the King and while it was used to designate those who were hostile to the English and Burgundians, Jean IV himself was neither French nor English, but simply Gascon. He called himself count by the grace of G.o.d, but he was ever ready to acknowledge himself the King's va.s.sal when it was a question of receiving gifts from that suzerain, who might not always be able to afford himself new gaiters, but who must perforce spend large sums on his great va.s.sals. Meanwhile Jean IV showed consideration to the English, protected an adventurer in the Regent's pay, and gave appointments in his household to men wearing the red cross. He was as violent and treacherous as any of his retainers.

Having unlawfully seized the Marshal de Severac, he exacted from him the cession of all his goods and then had him strangled.[1692]

[Footnote 1692: _Chronique de Mathieu d'Escouchy_, vol. i, p. 68, and proofs and ill.u.s.trations, pp. 126, 128, 139, 140. Dom Vaissette, _Histoire generale du Languedoc_, vol. iv, pp. 469, 470. De Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 151. Vallet de Viriville, in _Nouvelle biographie generale_, 1861, vol. iii, pp. 255-257. Le P.

Ayroles, _La vierge guerriere_, p. 66.]

This murder was quite recent. And now we have the docile son of Holy Church appearing eager to discover who is his true spiritual father.

It would seem, however, that his mind was already made up on the subject and that he already knew the answer to his question. In verity the long schism, which had rent Christendom asunder, had terminated twelve years earlier. It had ended when the Conclave, which had a.s.sembled at Constance in the House of the Merchants on the 8th of November, 1417, on the 11th of that month, Saint Martin's Day, proclaimed Pope, the Cardinal Deacon Otto Colonna, who a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Martin V. In the Eternal City Martin V wore that tiara which Lorenzo Ghiberti had adorned with eight figures in gold;[1693] and the wily Roman had contrived to obtain his recognition by England and even by France, who thenceforward renounced all hope of a French pontiff.

While Charles VII's advisers may not have agreed with Martin V on the question of a General Council, all the rights of the Pope of Rome in the Kingdom of France had been restored to him by an edict, in 1425.

Martin V was the one and only pope. Nevertheless, Alphonso of Aragon, highly incensed because Martin V supported against him the rights of Louis d'Anjou to the Kingdom of Naples, determined to oppose to the Pope of Rome a pontiff of his own making. And just ready to hand he had a canon who called himself pope, and on the following grounds: the Anti-pope, Benedict XIII, having fled to p.e.n.i.scola, had on his death-bed nominated four cardinals, three of whom appointed to succeed him a canon of Barcelona, one Gil Munoz, who a.s.sumed the t.i.tle of Clement VIII. Imprisoned in the chateau of p.e.n.i.scola on a barren neck of land on three sides washed by the sea, this was the Clement whom the King of Aragon had chosen to be the rival of Martin V.[1694]

[Footnote 1693: _Annales juris pontificis_ (1872-1875), vii, 385. E.

Muntz, _La tiare pontificale du VIII'e au XVI'e siecle_ in _Mem.

Acad. Inscript. et Belles Lettres_, vol. xxvi, I, pp. 235-324, fig.

_Les arts a la cour des papes pendant les XV'e et XVI'e siecles_, in _Bibl. des ecoles francaises d'Athenes et Rome_, vol. iv.]

[Footnote 1694: Baluze, _Vitae paparum Avenionensium_, 1693, I, pp. 1182 _et seq._ Fabricius, _Bibliotheca medii aevi_, 1734, I, p. 1109.]

The Pope excommunicated the King of Aragon and then opened negotiations with him. The Count of Armagnac joined the King's party.

For the baptism of his children the Count had holy water blessed by Benedict XIII brought from p.e.n.i.scola. He likewise was excommunicated.

The blow had fallen upon him in this very year, 1429. Thus for some months he had been deprived of the sacraments and excluded from public worship. Hence arose all manner of secular difficulties, in addition to which he was probably afraid of the devil.

Moreover his position was becoming impossible. His powerful ally, King Alfonso, gave in, and himself called upon Clement VIII to resign. When he addressed his inquiry to the Maid of France, the Armagnac was evidently meditating the withdrawal of his allegiance from an unfortunate anti-pope, who was himself renouncing or about to renounce the tiara; for Clement VIII abdicated at p.e.n.i.scola on the 26th of July. The dictation of the Count's letter cannot have occurred long before that date and may have been after. At any rate whenever he dictated it he must have been aware of the position of the Sovereign Pontiff Clement VIII.

As for the third Pope mentioned in his missive, Benedict XIV, he had no tidings of him, and indeed he was keeping very quiet. His election to the Holy See had been singular in that it had been made by one cardinal alone. Benedict XIV's right to the papacy had been communicated to him by a cardinal created by the Anti-pope, Benedict XIII, at the time of his promotion in 1409. That Cardinal was Jean Barrere, a Frenchman, Bachelor of laws, priest and Cardinal of Saint-etienne _in Coelio monte_. It was not to Benedict XIV that the Armagnac was thinking of giving his allegiance; obviously he was eager to submit to Martin V.

It is not easy therefore to discover why he should have asked Jeanne to indicate the true pope. Doubtless it was customary in those days to consult on all manner of questions those holy maids to whom G.o.d vouchsafed illumination. Such an one the Maid appeared, and her fame as a prophetess had been spread abroad in a very short time. She revealed hidden things, she drew the curtain from the future. We are reminded of that _capitoul_[1695] of Toulouse, who about three weeks after the deliverance of Orleans, advised her being consulted as to a remedy for the corruption of the coinage. Bona of Milan, married to a poor gentleman in the train of her cousin, Queen Ysabeau, besought the Maid's help in her endeavour to regain the duchy which she claimed through her descent from the Visconti.[1696] It was just as appropriate to question the Maid concerning the Pope and the Anti-pope. But the most difficult point in this question is to discover what were the Count of Armagnac's reasons for consulting the Holy Maid on a matter concerning which he appears to have been sufficiently informed. The following seems the most probable.

[Footnote 1695: Cf. vol. i, p. 337 (W.S.).]

[Footnote 1696: According to Le Maire, _Histoire et antiquites de la ville et d.u.c.h.e d'Orleans_, p. 197, this request is addressed to "Jeanne the Maid, greatly to be honoured and most devout, sent by the King of Heaven for the restoration, and for the extirpation of the English who tyrannize over France." _Trial_, vol. v, p. 253. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 131.]

Jean IV was prepared to recognise Martin V as Pope; but he desired his submission to appear honourable and reasonable. Wherefore he conceived the idea of ascribing his conduct to the command of Jesus Christ, speaking through the Holy Maid. But it was necessary for the command to be in accordance with his wishes. The letter provides for that. He is careful to indicate to Jeanne, and consequently to G.o.d, what reply would be suitable. He lays stress on the fact that Martin V, who had recently excommunicated him, was elected at Constance by the consent of all Christian nations, that he dwells at Rome and that he is obeyed by all Christian kings. He points out on the other hand the circ.u.mstances which invalidate the election of Clement VIII by only three cardinals, and the still more ridiculous election of that Benedict, who was chosen by a conclave consisting of only one cardinal.[1697]

[Footnote 1697: Noel Valois, _La France et le grand schisme d'Occident_, vol. iv (1902), in 8vo, _pa.s.sim_.]

After such a setting forth could there possibly remain a single doubt as to whether Pope Martin was the true pope? But such guile was lost on Jeanne; it escaped her entirely. The Count of Armagnac's letter, which she had read to her as she was mounting her horse, must have struck her as very obscure.[1698] The names of Benedict, of Clement and of Martin she had never heard. The Saints, Catherine and Margaret, with whom she was constantly holding converse, revealed to her nothing concerning the Pope. They spoke to her of nought save of the realm of France; and Jeanne's prudence generally led her to confine her prophecies to the subject of the war. This circ.u.mstance was pointed out by a German clerk as a matter extraordinary and worthy of note.[1699] But for this once she consented to reply to Jean IV, in order to maintain her reputation as a prophet and because the t.i.tle of Armagnac strongly appealed to her. She told him that at that moment she was unable to instruct him concerning the true pope, but that later she would inform him in which of the three he must believe, according as G.o.d should reveal it unto her. In short, she in a measure followed the example of such soothsayers as postpone the announcement of the oracle to a future day.

[Footnote 1698: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 82.]

[Footnote 1699: _Trial_, vol. iii, pp. 466, 467.]

Jhesus [cross symbol] Maria

Count of Armagnac, my good friend and beloved, Jehanne the Maid lets you to wit that your message hath come before me, the which hath told me that you have sent from where you are to know from me in which of the three popes, whom you mention in your memorial, you ought to believe. This thing in sooth I cannot tell you truly for the present, until I be in Paris or at rest elsewhere, because for the present I am too much hindered by affairs of war; but when you hear that I am in Paris send a message to me, and I will give you to understand what you shall rightfully believe, and what I shall know by the counsel of my Righteous and Sovereign Lord, the King of all the world, and what you should do, as far as I may. To G.o.d I commend you; G.o.d keep you. Written at Compiengne, the 22nd day of August.[1700]

[Footnote 1700: _Ibid._, vol. i, pp. 245, 246.]

Jeanne before she made this reply can have consulted neither the good Brother Pasquerel nor the good Friar Richard nor indeed any of the churchmen of her company. They would have told her that the true pope was the Pope of Rome, Martin V. They might also have represented to her that she was belittling the authority of the Church by appealing to a revelation from G.o.d concerning popes and anti-popes. Sometimes, they would have told her, G.o.d confides the secrets of his Church to holy persons. But it would be rash to count upon so rare a privilege.

Jeanne exchanged a few words with the messenger who had brought her the missive; but the interview was brief. The messenger was not safe in the town, not that the soldiers would have made him pay for his master's crimes and treasons; but the Sire de la Tremouille was at Compiegne; and he knew that Count Jean, who for the nonce was in alliance with the Constable De Richemont, was meditating something against him. La Tremouille was not so malevolent as the Count of Armagnac: and yet the poor messenger only narrowly escaped being thrown into the Oise.[1701]

[Footnote 1701: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 83.]

On the morrow, Tuesday the 23rd of August, the Maid and the Duke of Alencon took leave of the King and set out from Compiegne with a goodly company of fighting men. Before marching on Saint-Denys in France, they went to Senlis to collect a company of men-at-arms whom the King had sent there.[1702] As was her custom, the Maid rode surrounded by monks. Friar Richard, who predicted the approaching end of the world, had joined the procession. It would seem that he had superseded the others, even Brother Pasquerel, the chaplain. It was to him that the Maid confessed beneath the walls of Senlis. In that same spot, with the Dukes of Clermont and Alencon,[1703] she took the communion on two consecutive days. She must have been in the hands of monks who were in the habit of making a very frequent use of the Eucharist.

[Footnote 1702: Perceval de Cagny, p. 165. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 331. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, vol. i, p. 106. Morosini, vol.

iii, pp. 212, 213. The accounts of Hemon Raguier, in the _Trial_, vol.

iv, p. 24.]

[Footnote 1703: _Trial_, vol. ii, p. 450.]

The Lord Bishop of Senlis was Jean Fouquerel. Hitherto, he had been on the side of the English and entirely devoted to the Lord Bishop of Beauvais. On the approach of the royal army, Jean Fouquerel, who was a cautious person, had gone off to Paris to hide a large sum of money.

He was careful of his possessions. Some one in the army took his nag and gave it to the Maid. By means of a draft on the receiver of taxes and the _gabelle_ officer of the town, two hundred golden _saluts_[1704] were paid for it. The Lord Bishop did not approve of this transaction and demanded his hackney. Hearing of his displeasure, the Maid caused a letter to be written to him, saying that he might have back his nag if he liked; she did not want it for she found it not sufficiently hardy for men-at-arms. The horse was sent to the Sire de La Tremouille with a request that he would deliver it to the Lord Bishop, who never received it.[1705]

[Footnote 1704: So called because stamped with the picture of the Annunciation and bearing the inscription: _Salus populi suprema lex est_; the coin was worth about 1 of our money (W.S.).]

[Footnote 1705: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 104. Extracts from the 13th account of Hemon Raguier, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 267. E. Dupuis, _Jean Fouquerel, eveque de Senlis_, in _Memoires du comite archeologique de Senlis_, 1875, vol. i, p. 93. Vatin, _Combat sous Senlis entre Charles VII et les Anglais_, in _Comite archeologique de Senlis, Comptes rendus et memoires_, 1866, pp. 41, 54.]

As for the bill on the tax receiver and _gabelle_ officer, it may have been worthless; and probably the Reverend Father in G.o.d, Jean Fouquerel, never had either horse or money. Jeanne was not at fault, and yet the Lord Bishop of Beauvais and the clerks of the university were shortly to bring home to her the gravity of the sacrilege of laying hands on an ecclesiastical hackney.[1706]

[Footnote 1706: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 264.]

To the north of Paris, about five miles distant from the great city, there rose the towers of Saint-Denys. On the 26th of August, the army of the Duke of Alencon arrived there, and entered without resistance, albeit the town was strongly fortified.[1707] The place was famous for its ill.u.s.trious abbey very rich and very ancient. The following is the story of its foundation.

[Footnote 1707: Perceval de Cagny, p. 165. The 25th according to _Le journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 243.]

Dagobert, King of the French, had from childhood been a devout worshipper of Saint Denys. And whenever he trembled before the ire of King Clotaire his father, he would take refuge in the church of the holy martyr. When he died, a pious man dreamed that he saw Dagobert summoned before the tribunal of G.o.d; a great number of saints accused him of having despoiled their churches; and the demons were about to drag him into h.e.l.l when Saint Denys appeared; and by his intercession, the soul of the King was delivered and escaped punishment. The story was held to be true, and it was thought that the King's soul returned to animate his body and that he did penance.[1708]

[Footnote 1708: J. Doublet, _Histoire de l'abbaye de Saint-Denys en France, contenant les antiquites d'icelle, les fondations, prerogatives et privileges_, Paris, 1625, 2 vol. in 4to, vol. i, ch.

xx and xxiv. Des Rues, _Les antiquites, fondations et singularites des plus celebres villes_, pp. 84, 85.]

When the Maid with the army occupied Saint-Denys, the three porches, the embattled parapets, the tower of the Abbey Church, erected by the Abbot Suger, were already three centuries old. There were buried the kings of France; and thither they came to take the _oriflamme_.

Fourteen years earlier the late King Charles had fetched it forth, but since then none had borne it.[1709]

[Footnote 1709: J. Doublet, _Histoire de l'abbaye de Saint-Denys_, vol.

i, ch. x.x.xi, x.x.xiv.]

Many were the wonders told touching this royal standard. And with some of those marvels the Maid must needs have been acquainted, since on her coming into France, she was said to have given the Dauphin Charles the surname of _oriflamme_,[1710] as a pledge and promise of victory.[1711] At Saint-Denys was preserved the heart of the Constable Du Guesclin.[1712] Jeanne had heard of his high renown; she had proffered wine to Madame de Laval's eldest son; and to his grandmother, who had been Sire Bertrand's second wife, she had sent a little ring of gold, out of respect for the widow of so valiant a man,[1713] asking her to forgive the poverty of the gift.

[Footnote 1710: Cf. vol. i, p. 182 (W.S.).]

[Footnote 1711: Thoma.s.sin, _Registre Delphinal_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 304. See Du Cange, _Glossaire_ under the word _Auriflamme_.]

[Footnote 1712: J. Doublet, _Histoire de l'abbaye de Saint-Denys_, vol.