The Life of Joan of Arc Part 37

To the ecclesiastics what was told of Jeanne seemed marvellous but not incredible, since parallel instances were to be found in sacred history, which was all the history they knew. To those who were lettered among them their erudition furnished fewer reasons for denial than for doubt or belief. Those who were simple frankly wondered at these things.

Certain of the captains, and certain even of the people, treated them with derision. But by so doing they ran the risk of ill usage. The inhabitants of the city believed in the Maid as firmly as in Our Lord.

From her they expected help and deliverance. They summoned her in a kind of mystic ecstasy and religious frenzy. The fever of the siege had become the fever of the Maid.[864]

[Footnote 864: _Journal du siege_, p. 77.]

Nevertheless, the use made of her by the King's men proved that, following the counsel of the theologians, they were determined to adopt only such methods as were prompted by human prudence. She was to enter the town with a convoy of victuals, then being prepared at Blois by order of the King a.s.sisted by the Queen of Sicily.[865] In all the loyal provinces a new effort was being made for the relief and deliverance of the brave city. Gien, Bourges, Blois, Chateaudun, Tours sent men and victuals; Angers, Poitiers, La Roch.e.l.le, Albi, Moulins, Montpellier, Clermont sulphur, saltpetre, steel, and arms.[866] And if the citizens of Toulouse gave nothing it was because their city, as the notables consulted by the _capitouls_[867] ingenuously declared, had nothing to give--_non habebat de quibus_.[868]

[Footnote 865: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 93. _Geste des n.o.bles_, in _La chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 250. The Accounts of fortresses (1428-1430), in Boucher de Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc_, pp. 30 _et seq._]

[Footnote 866: _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 287. _Journal du siege_, p. 81. Boucher de Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc_, pp.

28, 29. P. Mantellier, _Histoire du siege_, p. 230.]

[Footnote 867: The name by which the town councillors of Toulouse were called.]

[Footnote 868: _Le siege d'Orleans, Jeanne d'Arc et les capitouls de Toulouse_, by A. Thomas, in _Annales du Midi_, 1889, p. 232. It would appear that Saint-Flour, although solicited, did not contribute: it had enough to do to defend itself from the freebooters who were constantly hovering round. Cf. _Villandrando et les ecorcheurs a Saint-Flour_ by M. Boudet, Clermont-Ferrand, 1895, in 8vo, pp. 18 _et seq._]

The King's councillors, notably my Lord Regnault de Chartres, Chancellor of the Realm, were forming a new army. What they had failed to accomplish, by means of the men of Auvergne, they would now attempt with troops from Anjou and Le Mans. The Queen of Sicily, d.u.c.h.ess of Touraine and Anjou, willingly lent her aid. Were Orleans taken she would be in danger of losing lands by which she set great store.

Therefore she spared neither men, money, nor victuals. After the middle of April, a citizen of Angers, one Jean Langlois, brought letters informing the magistrates of the imminent arrival of the corn she had contributed. The town gave Jean Langlois a present, and the magistrates entertained him at dinner at the ecu Saint-Georges. This corn was a part of that large convoy which the Maid was to accompany.[869]

[Footnote 869: Receipts of the town of Orleans in 1429, in Boucher de Molandon, _Premiere expedition de Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 36.]

Towards the end of the month, by order of my Lord the b.a.s.t.a.r.d, the captains of the French garrisons of La Beauce and Gatinais, betook themselves to the town to reinforce the army of Blois, the arrival of which was announced. On the 28th, there entered my Lord Florent d'Illiers,[870] Governor of Chateaudun, with four hundred fighting men.[871]

[Footnote 870: Florent d'Illiers, descended from an old family of the Chartres country, had married Jeanne, daughter of Jean de Coutes and sister of the little page whom the Sire de Gaucourt had given the Maid (A. de Villaret).]

[Footnote 871: _Journal du siege_, p. 73. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 278.]

What was to become of Orleans? The siege, badly conducted, was causing the English the most grievous disappointments. Further, their captains perceived they would never succeed in taking the town by means of those bastions, between which anything, either men, victuals, or ammunition, could pa.s.s, and with an army miserably quartered in mud hovels, ravaged by disease, and reduced by desertions to three thousand, or at the most to three thousand two hundred men. They had lost nearly all their horses. Far from being able to continue the attack it was hard for them to maintain the defensive and to hold out in those miserable wooden towers, which, as Le Jouvencel said, were more profitable to the besieged than to the besiegers.[872]

[Footnote 872: _Le Jouvencel_, vol. ii, p. 44.]

Their only hope, and that an uncertain and distant one, lay in the reinforcements, which the Regent was gathering with great difficulty.[873] Meanwhile, time seemed to drag in the besieged town.

The warriors who defended it were brave, but they had come to the end of their resources and knew not what more to do. The citizens were good at keeping guard, but they would not face fire. They did not suspect the miserable condition to which the besiegers had been reduced. Hardship, anxiety, and an infected atmosphere depressed their spirits. Already they seemed to see _Les Coues_ taking the town by storm, killing, pillaging, and ravaging. At every moment they believed themselves betrayed. They were not calm and self-possessed enough to recognise the enormous advantages of their situation. The town's means of communication, whereby it could be indefinitely reinforced and revictualled, were still open. Besides, a relieving army, well in advance of that of the English, was on the point of arriving. It was bringing a goodly drove of cattle, as well as men and ammunition enough to capture the English fortresses in a few days.

[Footnote 873: Jarry, _Le compte de l'armee anglaise_, pp. 75 _et seq._]

With this army the King was sending the Maid who had been promised.

CHAPTER XI

THE MAID AT BLOIS--THE LETTER TO THE ENGLISH--THE DEPARTURE FOR ORLeANS

With an escort of soldiers of fortune the Maid reached Blois at the same time as my Lord Regnault de Chartres, Chancellor of France, and the Sire de Gaucourt, Governor of Orleans.[874] She was in the domain of the Prince, whom it was her great desire to deliver: the people of Blois owed allegiance to Duke Charles, a prisoner in the hands of the English. Merchants were bringing cows, rams, ewes, herds of swine, grain, powder and arms into the town.[875] The Admiral, De Culant, and the Lord Ambroise de Lore had come from Orleans to superintend the preparations. The Queen of Sicily herself had gone to Blois.

Notwithstanding that at this time the King consulted her but seldom, he now sent to her the Duke of Alencon, commissioned to concert with her measures for the relief of the city of Orleans.[876] There came also the Sire de Rais, of the house of Laval and of the line of the Dukes of Brittany, a n.o.ble scarce twenty-four, generous and magnificent, bringing in his train, with a goodly company from Maine and Anjou, organs for his chapel, choristers, and little singing-boys from the choir school.[877] The Marshal de Boussac, the Captains La Hire and Poton came from Orleans.[878] An army of seven thousand men a.s.sembled beneath the walls of the town.[879] All that was now waited for was the money necessary to pay the cost of the victuals and the hire of the soldiers. Captains and men-at-arms did not give their services on credit. As for the merchants, if they risked the loss of their victuals and their life, it was only for ready money.[880] No cash, no cattle--and the wagons stayed where they were.

[Footnote 874: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 4.]

[Footnote 875: _Journal du siege_, _pa.s.sim_. _Chronique de Tournai_, ed. Smedt (vol. iii, in the _Recueil des chroniques de Flandre_), p.

409.]

[Footnote 876: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 93.]

[Footnote 877: Wavrin, in the _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 407. Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 316. _Chronique de la Pucelle_, p. 278. Jean Chartier, _Chronique_, p. 68. _Mistere du siege_, lines 11,431 _et seq._ Abbe Bossard, _Gilles de Rais, Marechal de France, dit Barbe-Bleue_ (1404-1440), Paris, 1886, 8vo, pp. 31, 106.]

[Footnote 878: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 74.]

[Footnote 879: Jeanne says (in her _Trial_) from 10,000 to 12,000 men; Monstrelet says, 7000; Eberhard Windecke, 3000; Morosini, 12,000.]

[Footnote 880: "_Car vous ne trouverez nulz marchans qu'ils se mettent en ceste peine ne en ce danger, s'ilz n'ont l'argent contant._" ("For you will find no merchants who will take that trouble, and run that risk, unless they are paid ready money.") _Le Jouvencel_, vol. i, p.

184.]

In the month of March, Jeanne had dictated to one of the doctors at Poitiers a brief manifesto intended for the English.[881] She expanded it into a letter, which she showed to certain of her companions and afterwards sent by a Herald from Blois to the camp of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils.

This letter was addressed to King Henry, to the Regent and to the three chiefs, who, since Salisbury's death, had been conducting the siege, Scales, Suffolk, and Talbot. The following is the text of it:[882]

[Footnote 881: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 74.]

[Footnote 882: There are eight ancient texts of this letter: (1) the text used in the Rouen trial (_Trial_, i, p. 240); (2) a text probably written by a Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem; the original doc.u.ment has been lost, but there are two copies dating from the 18th century (_Ibid._, v, p. 95); (3) the text contained in _Le journal du siege_ (_Ibid._, iv, p. 139); (4) the text in _La chronique de la Pucelle_ (_Ibid._, iv, p. 215); (5) the text in Thoma.s.sin's _Registre Delphinal_ (_Ibid._, iv, p. 306); (6) the text of the Greffier de La Roch.e.l.le (_Revue historique_, vol. iv); (7) the text of the Tournai Chronicle (_Recueil des chroniques de Flandre_, vol. iii, p. 407); (8) the text in _Le mistere du siege_. There may be mentioned also a German contemporary translation by Eberhard Windecke.

The text from the _Trial_ is the one quoted here. It is a reproduction of the original. The others differ from it and from original too widely for it to be possible to indicate the differences except by giving the whole of each text. And after all these variations are of no great importance.]

[cross symbol] JHESUS MARIA [cross symbol]

King of England, and you, Duke of Bedford, who call yourself Regent of the realm of France,--you, Guillaume de la Poule, Earl of Sulford; Jehan, Sire de Talebot, and you Thomas, Sire d'Escales, who call yourselves Lieutenants of the said Duke of Bedfort, do right in the sight of the King of Heaven. Surrender to the Maid sent hither by G.o.d, the King of Heaven, the keys of all the good[883] towns in France that you have taken and ravaged.[884] She is come here in G.o.d's name to claim the Blood Royal.[885] She is ready to make peace if so be you will do her satisfaction by giving and paying back to France what you have taken from her.[886] And you, archers, comrades-in-arms, gentle and otherwise,[887] who are before the town of Orleans, go ye hence into your own land, in G.o.d's name. And if you will not, then hear the wondrous works[888] of the Maid who will shortly come upon you to your very great hurt. And you, King of England, if you do not thus, I am a Chieftain of war,--and in whatsoever place in France I meet with your men, I will force them to depart w.i.l.l.y nilly; and if they will not, then I will have them all slain. I am sent hither by G.o.d, the King of Heaven, body for body, to drive them all out of the whole of France. And if they obey, then will I show them mercy. And think not in your heart that you will hold the kingdom of France [from] G.o.d, the King of Heaven, Son of the Blessed Mary, for it is King Charles, the true heir, who shall so hold it. G.o.d, the King of Heaven, so wills it, and he hath revealed it unto King Charles by the Maid. With a goodly company the King shall enter Paris. If ye will not believe these wondrous works wrought by G.o.d and the Maid, then, in whatsoever place ye shall be, there shall we fight. And if ye do me not right, there shall be so great a noise as hath not been in France for a thousand years. And know ye that the King of Heaven will send such great power to the Maid, to her and to her good soldiers, that ye will not be able to overcome her in any battle; and in the end the G.o.d of Heaven will reveal who has the better right. You, Duke of Bedfort, the Maid prays and beseeches you that you bring not destruction upon yourself. If you do her right, you may come in her company where the French will do the fairest deed ever done for Christendom. And if ye will have peace in the city of Orleans, then make ye answer; and, if not, then remember it will be to your great hurt and that shortly. Written this Tuesday of Holy Week.

[Footnote 883: The King of France himself designated as _good_ such of his towns as he wished to honour.]

[Footnote 884: Compare: "Et ardirent la ville et _violerent l'abbaye_." ("And burnt the town and _violated the abbey_.") Froissart, quoted by Littre. As early as _Le chanson de Roland_ we find: "_Les castels pris, les cites violees._" ("The castles taken, the cities violated.")]

[Footnote 885: The deliverance of the Duke of Orleans. _Reclamer_ in the French. M. S. Reinach proposes to subst.i.tute _relever_, which is plausible (cf. _Trial_, vol. ii, p. 421).]

[Footnote 886: _Le journal du siege_ omits the word _France_ and thus renders the phrase unintelligible. This omission proceeds from a text of great antiquity on which are based notably _La chronique de la Pucelle_ and the account of the Greffier de La Roch.e.l.le whom this mangled phrase visibly embarra.s.sed.]

[Footnote 887: _Gentle_ is here in opposition to _villein_. _Gentle and otherwise_: n.o.bles and villeins. Here we must interpret the terms _comrades_ and _gentle_ according to their true meaning and not consider them as used ironically, as in the following pa.s.sage from Froissart: "_Il (le duc de Lancastre) entendit comme il pourroit estre saisy de quatre gentils compaignons qui estrangle avoyent son oncle, le duc de Glocestre, au chasteau de Calais._" "He (the Duke of Lancaster) realised how he might be seized by the four gentle comrades who had strangled his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, in the Castle of Calais." (Froissart in La Curne.)]

[Footnote 888: French. _Attendez les nouvelles de la Pucelle_ and further on: _Si vous ne voules croire lez nouvelles de par Dieu de la Pucelle...._ This word _Nouvelles_ then as now meant _tidings_, but it also had a sense of _marvels_ as in the following phrase: "_En celle annee apparurent maintes nouvelles a Rosay en Brie; le vin fut mue en sang et le pain en chair sensiblement ou (au) sacrement de l'autel._"

("In that year many _marvels_ were wrought at Rosay in Brie; the wine was turned to blood and the bread to flesh visibly at the sacrament of the altar.") (_Chroniques de Saint Denys_, in La Curne.)]

Such is the letter. It was written in a new spirit; for it proclaimed the kingship of Jesus Christ and declared a holy war. It is hard to tell whether it proceeded from Jeanne's own inspiration or was dictated to her by the council of ecclesiastics. On first thoughts one might be inclined to attribute to the priests the idea of a summons, which is a literal application of the precepts of Deuteronomy:

"When thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim peace unto it.

"And it shall be, if it make thee answer of peace, and open unto thee, then it shall be, that all the people that is found therein shall be tributaries unto thee, and they shall serve thee.

"And if it will make no peace with thee, but will make war against thee, then thou shalt besiege it: