The Life of Joan of Arc Part 121

Meanwhile, in the beginning of August, the Maid's eldest brother, Jean du Lys, called Pet.i.t-Jean, had gone to Orleans to announce that his sister was alive. As a reward for these good tidings, he received for himself and his followers ten pints of wine, twelve hens, two goslings, and two leverets.[2635]

[Footnote 2635: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 275. Lottin, _Recherches_, vol.

ii, p. 286.]

The birds had been purchased by two magistrates; the name of one, Pierre Baratin, is to be found in the account books of the fortress, in 1429,[2636] at the time of the expedition to Jargeau; the other was an old man of sixty-six, a burgess pa.s.sing rich, Aignan de Saint-Mesmin.[2637]

[Footnote 2636: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 262. Lecoy de la Marche, _Jeanne des Armoises_, p. 568.]

[Footnote 2637: He died at the age of one hundred and eighteen.

_Trial_, iii, p. 29.]

Messengers were pa.s.sing to and fro between the town of Duke Charles and the town of the d.u.c.h.ess of Luxembourg. On the 9th of August a letter from Arlon reached Orleans. About the middle of the month a pursuivant arrived at Arlon. He was called Coeur-de-Lis, in honour of the heraldic symbol of the city of Orleans, which was a lily-bud, a kind of trefoil. The magistrates of Orleans had sent him to Jeanne with a letter, the contents of which are unknown. Jeanne gave him a letter for the King, in which she probably requested an audience. He took it straight to Loches, where King Charles was negotiating the betrothal of his daughter Yolande to Prince Amedee of Savoie.[2638]

[Footnote 2638: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 326. Vallet de Viriville, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol. ii, p. 376, note. G. Lefevre-Pontalis, _La fausse Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 23, note 5.]

After forty-one days' journey the pursuivant returned to the magistrates, who had despatched him on the 2nd of September. The messenger complained of a great thirst, wherefore the magistrates, according to their wont, had him served in the chamber of the town-hall with bread, wine, pears, and green walnuts. This repast cost the town two _sous_ four _deniers_ of Paris, while the pursuivant's travelling expenses amounted to six _livres_ which were paid in the following month. The town varlet who provided the walnuts was that same Jacquet Leprestre who had served during the siege. Another letter from the Maid had been received by the magistrates on the 25th of August.[2639]

[Footnote 2639: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 327.]

Jean du Lys proceeded just as if his miracle-working sister had in very deed been restored to him. He went to the King, to whom he announced the wonderful tidings. Charles cannot have entirely disbelieved them since he ordered Jean du Lys to be given a gratuity of one hundred francs. Whereupon Jean promptly demanded these hundred francs from the King's treasurer, who gave him twenty. The coffers of the victorious King were not full even then.

Having returned to Orleans, Jean appeared before the town-council. He gave the magistrates to wit that he had only eight francs, a sum by no means sufficient to enable him and four retainers to return to Lorraine. The magistrates gave him twelve francs.[2640]

[Footnote 2640: _Trial_, vol. v, p. 326. Lottin, _Recherches_, vol. i, pp. 284-285.]

Every year until then the anniversary of the Maid had been celebrated in the church of Saint-Sanxon[2641] on the eve of Corpus Christi and on the previous day. In 1435, eight ecclesiastics of the four mendicant orders sang a ma.s.s for the repose of Jeanne's soul. In this year, 1436, the magistrates had four candles burnt, weighing together nine and a half pounds, and pendent therefrom the Maid's escutcheon, a silver shield bearing the crown of France. But when they heard the Maid was alive they cancelled the arrangements for a funeral service in her memory.[2642]

[Footnote 2641: Since 1432. But there is no evidence of any anniversary service having been held in 1433 and 1434. It was reinst.i.tuted in 1439.]

[Footnote 2642: _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 274, 275. Lottin, _Recherches_, vol. i, p. 286.]

While these things were occurring in France, Jeanne was still with the d.u.c.h.ess of Luxembourg. There she met the young Count Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who refused to leave her. He had a handsome cuira.s.se made for her and took her to Cologne. She still called herself the Maid of France sent by G.o.d.[2643]

[Footnote 2643: _Chronique du doyen de Saint-Thibaud_, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 323. Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p.

325. Lecoy de la Marche, _loc. cit._, p. 566.]

Since the 24th of June, Saint John the Baptist's Day, her power had returned to her. Count Ulrich, recognising her supernatural gifts, entreated her to employ them on behalf of himself and his friends.

Being very contentious, he had become seriously involved in the schism which was then rending asunder the diocese of Treves. Two prelates were contending for the see; one, Udalric of Manderscheit, appointed by the chapter, the other Raban of Helmstat, Bishop of Speyer, appointed by the Pope.[2644] Udalric took the field with a small force and twice besieged and bombarded the town of which he called himself the true shepherd. These proceedings brought the greater part of the diocese on to his side.[2645] But although aged and infirm, Raban too had weapons; they were spiritual but powerful: he p.r.o.nounced an interdict against all such as should espouse the cause of his rival.

[Footnote 2644: _Art de verifier les dates_, vol. xv, pp. 236 _et seq._ _Gallia Christiana_, vol. xiii, pp. 970 _et seq._; Gams, _Series Episcoporum_ (1873), pp. 317, 319.]

[Footnote 2645: Quicherat, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p. 502, note, erroneously states that the contest for the Archbishopric of Treves was between Raban of Helmstat and Jacques of Syrck. Concerning Jacques of Syrck or Sierck, see de Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII_, vol.

iv, p. 264.]

Count Ulrich of Wurtemberg, who was among the most zealous of Udalric's supporters, questioned the Maid of G.o.d concerning him.[2646]

Similar cases had been submitted to the first Jeanne when she was in France. She had been asked, for example, which of the three popes, Benedict, Martin, or Clement, was the true father of the faithful, and without immediately p.r.o.nouncing on the subject she had promised to designate the Pope to whom obedience was due, after she had reached Paris and rested there.[2647] The second Jeanne replied with even more a.s.surance; she declared that she knew who was the true archbishop and boasted that she would enthrone him.

[Footnote 2646: Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, book v, ch. viii. D.

Calmet, _Histoire de Lorraine_, vol. ii, p. 906.]

[Footnote 2647: _Trial_, vol. i, pp. 245-246.]

According to her, it was Udalric of Manderscheit, he whom the Chapter had appointed. But when Udalric was summoned before the Council of Bale, he was declared an usurper; and the fathers did what it was by no means their unvarying rule to do,--they confirmed the nomination of the Pope.

Unfortunately the Maid's intervention in this dispute attracted the attention of the Inquisitor General of the city of Cologne, Heinrich Kalt Eysen, an ill.u.s.trious professor of theology. He inquired into the rumours which were being circulated in the city touching the young prince's protegee; and he learnt that she wore unseemly apparel, danced with men, ate and drank more than she ought, and practised magic. He was informed notably that in a certain a.s.sembly the Maid tore a table-cloth and straightway restored it to its original condition, and that having broken a gla.s.s against the wall she with marvellous skill put all its pieces together again. Such deeds caused Kalt Eysen to suspect her strongly of heresy and witchcraft. He summoned her before his tribunal; she refused to appear. This disobedience displeased the Inquisitor General, and he sent to fetch the defaulter. But the young Count of Wurtemberg hid his Maid in his house, and afterwards contrived to get her secretly out of the town.

Thus she escaped the fate of her whom she was willing only partially to imitate. As he could do nothing else, the Inquisitor excommunicated her.[2648] She took refuge at Arlon with her protectress, the d.u.c.h.ess of Luxembourg. There she met Robert des Armoises, Lord of Tichemont.

She may have seen him before, in the spring, at Marville, where he usually resided. This n.o.bleman was probably the son of Lord Richard, Governor of the Duchy of Bar in 1416. Nothing is known of him, save that he surrendered this territory to the foreigner without the Duke of Bar's consent, and then beheld it confiscated and granted to the Lord of Apremont on condition that he should conquer it.

[Footnote 2648: Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, in _Trial_, vol. iv, p.

502; vol. v, p. 324.]

It was not extraordinary that Lord Robert should be at Arlon, seeing that his chateau of Tichemont was near this town. He was poor, albeit of n.o.ble birth.[2649]

[Footnote 2649: H. Vincent, _La maison des Armoises, originaire de Champagne_, in _Memoires de la Societe d'Archeologie Lorraine_, 3rd series, vol. v (1877), p. 324. G. Lefevre-Pontalis, _La fausse Jeanne d'Arc_, p. 2, note 4.]

The so-called Maid married him,[2650] apparently with the approval of the d.u.c.h.ess of Luxembourg. According to the opinion of the Holy Inquisitor of Cologne, this marriage was contracted merely to protect the woman against the interdict and to save her from the sword of the Church.[2651]

[Footnote 2650: In his _Histoire de Lorraine_ (vol. v, pp. clxiv _et seq._), Dom Calmet says that the contract of marriage between Robert des Armoises and the Maid of France, which had long been preserved in the family, was lost in his day. There is no need to regret it, for it is now known that this contract was forged by Father Jerome Vignier.

Le Comte de Marsy (_La fausse Jeanne d'Arc, Claude des Armoises; du degre de confiance a accorder aux decouvertes de Jerome Vignier_, Compiegne, 1890) and M. Tamizey de Larroque (_Revue critique_, the 20th October, 1890). For Vignier's other forgeries cf. Julien Havet, _Questions Merovingiennes_, ii.]

[Footnote 2651: Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, bk. v, ch. viii. _Trial_, vol. iv, pp. 503, 504.]

Soon after her marriage she went to live at Metz in her husband's house, opposite the church of Sainte-Segolene, over the Sainte-Barbe Gate. Henceforth she was Jeanne du Lys, the Maid of France, the Lady of Tichemont. By these names she is described in a contract dated the 7th of November, 1436, by which Robert des Armoises and his wife, authorised by him, sell to Collard de Failly, squire, dwelling at Marville, and to Poinsette, his wife, one quarter of the lordship of Haraucourt. At the request of their dear friends, Messire Robert and Dame Jeanne, Jean de Thoneletil, Lord of Villette, and Saubelet de Dun, Provost of Marville, as well as the vendors, put their seals to the contract to testify to its validity.[2652]

[Footnote 2652: The preceding deed, by which "_Robert des Harmoises et la Pucelle Jehanne d'Arc, sa femme_," acquired the estate of Fleville, is very doubtful (D. Calmet, 2nd edition, vol. v, p. clxiv, note).]

In her dwelling, opposite the Sainte-Segolene Church, la Dame des Armoises gave birth to two children.[2653] Somewhere in Languedoc[2654] there was an honest squire who, when he heard of these births, seriously doubted whether Jeanne the Maid and la Dame des Armoises could be one and the same person. This was Jean d'Aulon, who had once been Jeanne's steward. From information he had received from women who knew, he did not believe her to be the kind of woman likely to have children.[2655]

[Footnote 2653: _Chronique du doyen de Saint-Thibaud_, in _Trial_, vol. v, p. 323. _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, pp. 354-355.]

[Footnote 2654: _Trial_, vol. iii, p. 206, note 2.]

[Footnote 2655: _Ibid._, p. 219.]

According to Brother Jean Nider, doctor in theology of the University of Vienne, this fruitful union turned out badly. A priest, and, as he says, a priest who might more appropriately be called a pander, seduced this witch with words of love and carried her off. But Brother Jean Nider adds that the priest secretly took la Dame des Armoises to Metz and there lived with her as his concubine.[2656] Now it is proved that her own home was in that very town; hence we may conclude that this friar preacher does not know what he is talking about.[2657]

[Footnote 2656: Jean Nider, _Formicarium_, in _Trial_, vol. v, p.

325.]

[Footnote 2657: _Chronique du doyen de Saint-Thibaud_, in _Trial_, vol. v, pp. 323-324.]

The fact of the matter is that she did not remain longer than two years in the shadow of Sainte-Segolene.

Although she had married, it was by no means her intention to forswear prophesying and chivalry. During her trial Jeanne had been asked by the examiner: "Jeanne, was it not revealed to you that if you lost your virginity your good fortune would cease and your Voices desert you?" She denied that such things had been revealed to her. And when he insisted, asking her whether she believed that if she were married her Voices would still come to her, she answered like a good Christian: "I know not, and I appeal to G.o.d."[2658] Jeanne des Armoises likewise held that good fortune had not forsaken her on account of her marriage. Moreover, in those days of prophecy there were both widows and married women who, like Judith of Bethulia, acted by divine inspiration. Such had been Dame Catherine de la Roch.e.l.le, although perhaps after all she had not done anything so very great.[2659]

[Footnote 2658: _Trial_, vol. i, p. 183.]

[Footnote 2659: _Ibid._, vol. i, pp. 106, 108, 119, 296. _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris._]