The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 64

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _31st July 1850._

The Queen has considered Lord Seymour's memorandum upon the Rangership of the Parks in London, but cannot say that it has convinced her of the expediency of its abolition. There is nothing in the management of these parks by the Woods and Forests which does not equally apply to all the others, as Greenwich, Hampton Court, Richmond, etc. There is certainly a degree of inconvenience in the divided authority, but this is amply compensated by the advantage to the Crown, in appearance at least, to keep up an authority emanating personally from the Sovereign, and unconnected with a Government Department which is directly answerable to the House of Commons. The last debate upon Hyde Park has, moreover, shown that it will not be safe not to remind the public of the fact that the parks are Royal property. As the Ranger has no power over money, the management will always remain with the Office of Woods.

[Pageheading: SIR CHARLES NAPIER RESIGNS]

_The Duke of Wellington to Queen Victoria._

LONDON, _3rd August 1850._

Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He regrets to be under the necessity of submitting to your Majesty the enclosed letter from General Sir Charles Napier, G.C.B., in which he tenders his resignation of the office of Commander-in-Chief of your Majesty's Forces in the East Indies.[32]

Upon the receipt of this paper Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it to be his duty to peruse all the papers submitted by Sir Charles Napier; to survey the transaction which had occasioned the censure of the Governor-General in Council complained of by Sir Charles Napier; to require from the India House all the information which could throw light upon the conduct complained of, as well as upon the motives alleged for it; the reasons given on account of which it was stated to be necessary.

He has stated in a minute, a memorandum of which he submits the copy to your Majesty, his views and opinions upon the whole subject, and the result which he submits to your Majesty is that he considers it his duty humbly to submit to your Majesty that your Majesty should be graciously pleased to accept the resignation of General Sir Charles Napier thus tendered.

Before he should submit this recommendation to your Majesty in relation to an office of such high reputation in so high and important a station, Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington considered it his duty to submit his views to your Majesty's servants, who have expressed their concurrence in his opinion.

It is probable that the President of the Board of Control will lay before your Majesty the papers transmitted to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, by the Governor-General in Council, which are adverted to in the paper drawn up by the Duke, and of which the substance alone is stated.

All of which is humbly submitted to your Majesty by your Majesty's most dutiful Subject and most devoted Servant,

WELLINGTON.

[Footnote 32: This was in consequence of Sir Charles Napier's action in exercising powers belonging to the Supreme Council, on the occasion of a mutiny of a regiment of the Native Army.]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S CONDUCT OF AFFAIRS]

[Pageheading: A POSSIBLE RE-ARRANGEMENT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _5th August 1850._

Lord John Russell having lately stated that Lord Clarendon, who had always been most eager to see Lord Palmerston moved, had lately expressed to him his opinion that it would be most dangerous and impolitic to do so under present circ.u.mstances, we thought it right to see Lord Clarendon here.... In conversation with me, Lord Clarendon spoke in his old strain of Lord Palmerston, but very strongly also of the danger of turning him out and making him the leader of the Radicals, who were anxiously waiting for that, were much dissatisfied with Lord John Russell, and free from control by the death of Sir Robert Peel. I said that if everything was done with Lord Palmerston's consent there would be no danger, to which Lord Clarendon a.s.sented, but doubted that he would consent to giving up what was his hobby. He added, n.o.body but Lord John could carry on the Foreign Affairs, but he ought not to leave the House of Commons under present circ.u.mstances, where he was now the only authority left.

We saw the Duke of Bedford yesterday, whom Lord John had wished us to invite. He is very unhappy about the present state of affairs, frightened about things going on as at present, when Lord John can exercise no control over Lord Palmerston, and the Queen is exposed year after year to the same annoyances and dangers arising from Lord Palmerston's mode of conducting the affairs; but on the other hand, equally frightened at turning him loose. The Duke was aware of all that had pa.s.sed between us and Lord John, and ready to do anything _he_ could to bring matters to a satisfactory solution, but thought his brother would not like to leave the House of Commons now. He had very much changed his opinion on that head latterly, and the more so as he thought something ought to be done next year with the franchise, which he alone could carry through. On my questioning whether it was impossible to persuade him to take the Foreign Office and stay in the Lower House, with a first-rate under-secretary, at least for a time, the Duke thought he might perhaps temporarily, as he felt he owed to the Queen the solution of the difficulty, but expressed again his fears of Lord Palmerston's opposition. I replied that if Lord John would make up his mind to take the Foreign Office, and to stay in the House of Commons, I saw no danger, as Lord John would be able to maintain himself successfully, and Lord Palmerston would not like to be in opposition to him, whilst he would become most formidable to anybody who was to _gain_ only the leadership in the House; moreover, Lord John, having done so much for Lord Palmerston, could expect and demand a return of sacrifice, and a variety of posts might be offered to him--the Presidency of the Council, the office of Home Secretary, or Secretary for the Colonies, Chancellor of the Exchequer, etc., etc., which places I was sure any member of the Cabinet would vacate for him. The Duke of Bedford added the Lieutenancy of Ireland, as Lord Clarendon had told him he was ready to give it up for the purpose, but only under _one_ condition, viz. that of not having to succeed to Lord Palmerston at the Foreign Office. Observing our surprise at this declaration, the Duke added that Lord Clarendon acted most considerately, that he was ready to have no office at all, and would support the Government independently in the House of Lords if this were to facilitate arrangements. The Queen rejoined that a peerage was of course also at Lord John's disposal for Lord Palmerston. We then agreed that Lord Granville would be the best person to become Lord John's Under-Secretary of State, a man highly popular, pleasing, conciliatory, well versed in Foreign Affairs, and most industrious; trained under Lord John, he could at any time leave him the office altogether, if Lord John should find it too much for himself. Lord Granville had a higher office now, that of Vice-President of the Board of Trade and Paymaster-General, but would be sure to feel the importance of taking a lower office under such circ.u.mstances and with such contingencies likely to depend upon it. I have seen a great deal of him latterly, as he is the only working man on the Commission for the Exhibition of 1851, and have found him most able, good-natured, and laborious. The Duke liked the proposal very much, and is going to communicate all that pa.s.sed between us to Lord John on Tuesday.

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S POSITION]

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S JUSTIFICATION]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

OSBORNE, _8th August 1850._

Lord John Russell came down here yesterday in order to report to the Queen what had pa.s.sed between him and Lord Palmerston the day before, on whom he had called in order to have an explanation on the Foreign Affairs.

Lord John reminded him of former communications, but admitted that circ.u.mstances were much changed by the recent debates in both Houses of Parliament; still, it was necessary to come to an understanding of the position. The _policy_ pursued with regard to the Foreign Affairs had been right and such as had the approval of Lord John himself, the Cabinet generally, and he believed the greater part of the country.

But the manner in which it had been executed had been unfortunate, led to irritation and hostility; although peace had actually been preserved, and England stood in a position requiring no territorial aggrandis.e.m.e.nt or advantage of any kind, yet all Governments and Powers, not only Russia and Austria, but also France and the liberal states, had become decidedly hostile to us, and our intercourse was not such as was desirable. Lord John could instance many cases in which they had been unnecessarily slighted and provoked by Lord Palmerston, like M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Greek affair. Lord Palmerston's conduct towards the Queen had been disrespectful and wanting in due attention and deference to her, and had been much complained of.

In consequence of all this Lord John had before proposed to Her Majesty that the Foreign Affairs should be entrusted to Lord Minto, he himself should go to the House of Lords, and Lord Palmerston should have the lead in the House of Commons. The Queen had, however, objected to this arrangement, [thinking] the lead in the Lower House to be more properly given to Sir George Grey, who had as Home Secretary conducted all internal business in the House. Now had come Sir R. Peel's death, which made it impossible for Lord John to leave the House of Commons without endangering the position of Government and of the parties in the House.

Lord Palmerston was much pleased to hear of Lord John's intention to stay in the House of Commons, said all was changed now; there had been a great conspiracy against him, he had been accused in Parliament, put on his trial and acquitted. The acquittal had produced the greatest enthusiasm for him in the country, and he was now supported by a strong party; he owned, however, that his success had been chiefly owing to the handsome manner in which Lord John and his colleagues had supported him in the debate. That he should incur the momentary enmity of those states whose interests and plans he might have to cross was quite natural; he had never intended any disrespect to the Queen, and if he had been guilty of any he was quite unconscious of it and sorry for it.

Lord John reminded him that although the Government had got a majority in the House of Commons in the Foreign debate, it was not to be forgotten that the fate of the Government had been staked upon it, and that many people voted on that account who would not have supported the Foreign policy; that it was remarkable that all those who had the strongest reason to be anxious for the continuance of the Government, but who could not avoid _speaking_, were obliged to speak and vote against the Government. Sir R. Peel's speech was a most remarkable instance of this.

Lord Palmerston saw in Sir Robert's speech nothing but a reluctant effort to defend Lord Aberdeen, whom he was bound to defend. If he (Lord Palmerston) were to leave the Foreign Office, there must be a ground for it, such as his having to take the lead in the House of Commons, which was evidently impossible with the conduct of Foreign Department at the same time. (It had killed Mr Canning, and after that failure n.o.body ought to attempt it.) But without such a ground it would be loss of character to him, which he could not be expected to submit to. There was not even the excuse of wishing to avoid a difficulty with a foreign country, as all was smooth now. Those who had wished to injure him had been beat, and now it would be giving them a triumph after all. If the Queen or the Cabinet were dissatisfied with his management of the Foreign Affairs, they had a right to demand his resignation, and he would give it, but they could not ask him to lower himself in public estimation. Lord John answered that his resignation would lead to a further split of parties: there were parties already enough in the House, and it was essential that at least the Whig party should be kept together, to which Lord Palmerston a.s.sented. He (Lord Palmerston) then repeated his complaints against that plot which had been got up in this country against him, and urged on by foreigners, complained particularly of Lord Clarendon, Mr Greville of the Privy Council, Mr Reeve, ditto, and their attacks upon him in the _Times_, and of Mr Delane, the Editor of the _Times_, of Guizot, Princess Lieven, etc., etc., etc. However, they had been convinced that they could not upset him, and Mr Reeve had declared to him that he had been making open and honourable (?!!) war upon him; now he would make a lasting peace. With Russia and France he (Lord Palmerston) had just been signing the Danish Protocol, showing that they were on the best terms together.

Lord John felt he could not press the matter further under these circ.u.mstances, but he seemed much provoked at the result of his conversation. We expressed our surprise that he had not made Lord Palmerston any offer of any kind. Lord John replied he had not been sure what he could have offered him....

ALBERT.

[Pageheading: DUTIES OF THE FOREIGN SECRETARY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._[33]

OSBORNE, _12th August 1850._

With reference to the conversation about Lord Palmerston which the Queen had with Lord John Russell the other day, and Lord Palmerston's disavowal that he ever intended any disrespect to her by the various neglects of which she has had so long and so often to complain, she thinks it right, in order _to prevent any mistake_ for the _future_, shortly to explain _what it is she expects from her Foreign Secretary_. She requires: (1) That he will distinctly state what he proposes in a given case, in order that the Queen may know as distinctly to _what_ she has given her Royal sanction; (2) Having _once given_ her sanction to a measure, that it be not arbitrarily altered or modified by the Minister; such an act she must consider as failing in sincerity towards the Crown, and justly to be visited by the exercise of her Const.i.tutional right of dismissing that Minister.

She expects to be kept informed of what pa.s.ses between him and the Foreign Ministers before important decisions are taken, based upon that intercourse; to receive the Foreign Despatches in good time, and to have the drafts for her approval sent to her in sufficient time to make herself acquainted with their contents before they must be sent off. The Queen thinks it best that Lord John Russell should show this letter to Lord Palmerston.

[Footnote 33: Compare the memorandum suggested by Baron Stockmar, _ante_, p. 238. This letter was, after much forbearance, written in the hope of bringing Lord Palmerston to a proper understanding of his relation to the Sovereign.

Even when the catastrophe came, and its tenor had to be communicated by the Premier to Parliament, the Preamble was generously omitted; but in consequence of its description by Lord Palmerston, in a letter published by Mr Ashley, as an _angry_ memorandum, it was printed in full in _The Life of the Prince Consort_.]