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The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 59

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_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

SIMLA, _15th May 1850._

... When the Governor-General had the honour of addressing your Majesty from Bombay, the arrangements for the transmission of the Koh-i-noor were incomplete. He therefore did not then report to your Majesty, as he now humbly begs leave to do, that he conveyed the jewel himself from Lah.o.r.e in his own charge, and deposited it in the Treasury at Bombay. One of your Majesty's ships had been ordered to Bombay to receive it, but had not then arrived, and did not arrive till two months afterwards, thus causing delay. The _Medea_, however, sailed on 6th April, and will, it is hoped, have a safe and speedy pa.s.sage to England.

By this mail the Governor-General transmits officially a record of all that he has been able to trace of the vicissitudes through which the Koh-i-noor has pa.s.sed. The papers are accurate and curious.

In one of them it is narrated, on the authority of Fugueer-ood-deen, who is now at Lah.o.r.e, and who was himself the messenger, that Runjeet Singh sent a message to Wufa Begum, the wife of Shah Sooja, from whom he had taken the gem, to ask her its value. She replied, "If a strong man were to throw four stones, one north, one south, one east, one west, and a fifth stone up into the air, and if the s.p.a.ce between them were to be filled with gold, all would not equal the value of the Koh-i-noor." The Fugueer, thinking probably that this apprais.e.m.e.nt was somewhat imaginative, subsequently asked Shah Sooja the same question.



The Shah replied that its value was "good fortune; for whoever possessed it had conquered their enemies."

The Governor-General very respectfully and earnestly trusts that your Majesty, in your possession of the Koh-i-noor, may ever continue to realise its value as estimated by Shah Sooja.

He has the honour to subscribe himself, with deep respect, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and most faithful Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Pageheading: PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN POLICY]

_The Prince Albert to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _18th May 1850._

MY DEAR LORD JOHN,--I return you the enclosed letters which forbode a new storm, this time coming from Russia.[14] I confess I do not understand that part of the quarrel, but one conviction grows stronger and stronger with the Queen and myself (if it is possible), viz. that Lord Palmerston is bringing the whole of the hatred which is borne to him--I don't mean here to investigate whether justly or unjustly--by all the Governments of Europe upon England, and that the country runs serious danger of having to pay for the consequences. We cannot reproach ourselves with having neglected warning and entreaties, but the Queen may feel that her duty demands her not to be content with mere warning without any effect, and that for the sake of one man the welfare of the country must not be exposed....

ALBERT.

[Footnote 14: Russia as well as France had been appealed to by Greece against the pressure brought to bear upon her. On the 18th of April a Convention was signed in London disposing of the whole dispute, and referring Don Pacifico's claims against Portugal to arbitration. Lord Palmerston was remiss in communicating the progress of those negotiations to Mr Wyse, who persisted in his coercive measures, disregarding the intelligence on the subject he received from Baron Gros, and Greece accordingly submitted to his terms. France and Russia were incensed, the French Amba.s.sador was recalled, and on the 18th of May Baron Brunnow intimated the imminence of similar action by the Czar.]

_Lord John Russell to the Prince Albert._

PEMBROKE LODGE, _18th May 1850._

SIR,--I feel very strongly that the Queen ought not to be exposed to the enmity of Austria, France, and Russia on account of her Minister.

I was therefore prepared to state on Monday that it is for Her Majesty to consider what course it will be best for her and for the country to pursue.

1. I am quite ready to resign my office, but I could not make Lord Palmerston the scapegoat for the sins which will be imputed to the Government in the late negotiations.

2. I am ready, if it is thought best, to remain in office till questions pending in the two Houses are decided. If unfavourably, a solution is obtained; if favourably, Lord John Russell will no longer remain in office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary.

These are hasty and crude thoughts, but may be matured by Monday.

[Pageheading: LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPORT]

_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _20th May 1850._

Lord John Russell came to-day to make his report to the Queen on his final determination with respect to the Greek question and Lord Palmerston. He said it was quite impossible to abandon Lord Palmerston upon this question, that the Cabinet was as much to blame (if there were cause for it) as Lord Palmerston, and particularly he himself, who had given his consent to the measures taken, and was justly held responsible by the country for the Foreign Policy of the Government.

Admitting, however, that Lord Palmerston's personal quarrels with all Governments of foreign countries and the hostility with which they were looking upon him was doing serious injury to the country, and exposing the Crown to blows aimed at the Minister, he had consulted Lord Lansdowne.... Lord Lansdowne fully felt the strength of what I said respecting the power of the Leader of the House of Commons, and the right on the part of the Queen to object to its being conferred upon a person who had not her entire confidence. I said I hoped Lord Lansdowne would consider the communication of the letter as quite confidential, as, although I had no objection to telling Lord Palmerston anything that was said in it myself, I should not like that it should come to his ears by third persons or be otherwise talked of. Lord John a.s.sured me that Lord Lansdowne could be entirely relied upon, and that he himself had locked up the letter under key the moment he had received it, and would carefully guard it.

The result of our conference was, that we agreed that Lord Clarendon was the only member of the Government to whom the Foreign Affairs could be entrusted unless Lord John were to take them himself, which was much the best. Lord John objected to Lord Clarendon's intimate connection with the _Times_, and the violent Austrian line of that paper; moreover, Lord Clarendon would be wanted to organise the new department of Secretary of State for Ireland. The Colonial Office was much the best for Lord Palmerston, and should Lord John go to the House of Lords, Sir George Grey was to lead in the Commons. Lord John would take an opportunity of communicating with Lord Palmerston, but wished nothing should be said or done about the changes till after the close of the Session.[15]

ALBERT.

[Footnote 15: The question of the relations of Lord Palmerston with the Crown had to be postponed owing to the debates in both Houses on Foreign Policy. In the Lords, Lord Stanley moved a vote of censure on the Government for enforcing by coercive measures various doubtful or exaggerated claims against the Greek Government.]

[Pageheading: SUNDAY POSTS]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _9th June 1850._

The Queen has received Lord John Russell's two letters. If the Cabinet _think_ it impossible to do otherwise, of course the Queen consents--though _most reluctantly_--to a compliance with the vote respecting the Post Office.[16] The Queen thinks it a very _false_ notion of obeying G.o.d's will, to do what will be the cause of much annoyance and possibly of great distress to private families. At any rate, she thinks decidedly that great caution should be used with respect to any alteration in the transmission of the mails, so that at least _some means_ of communication may still be possible.

[Footnote 16: Lord Ashley carried a resolution forbidding the Sunday delivery of letters; a Committee of Inquiry was appointed, and reported against the proposed change, which was abandoned.]

_Queen Victoria to the Duke of Cambridge._

OSBORNE, _10th June 1850._

MY DEAR UNCLE,--I have enquired into the precedents, and find that though there are none exactly similar to the case of George, there will be no difficulty to call him up to the House of Lords; and I should propose that he should be called up by the name of Earl of Tipperary, which is one of your t.i.tles. Culloden, which is your other t.i.tle, would be from recollections of former times obviously objectionable. There are several precedents of Princes being made Peers without having an establishment, consequently there can be no difficulty on this point.

I feel confident that George will be very moderate in his politics, and support the Government whenever he can. Princes of the Royal Family should keep as much as possible aloof from _Party Politics_, as I think they else invariably become mixed up with Party violence, and frequently are made the tools of people who are utterly regardless of the mischief they cause to the Throne and Royal Family. Believe me, always, your affectionate Niece,

VICTORIA R.

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The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 59 summary

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