The Letters of Queen Victoria Volume Ii Part 44

_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _11th July 1848._

MY DEAREST UNCLE,--For another kind and dear letter of the 8th, I have much to thank you. The prosperity of dear little Belgium is a bright star in the stormy night all around. May G.o.d bless and prosper you all, for ever and ever!

Since the 24th February I feel an uncertainty in everything existing, which (uncertain as all human affairs must be) one never felt before.

When one thinks of one's children, their education, their future--and prays for them--I always think and say to myself, "Let them grow up fit for _whatever station_ they may be placed in--_high or low_." This one never thought of before, but I _do_ always now. Altogether one's whole disposition is so changed--_bores_ and trifles which one would have complained of bitterly a few months ago, one looks upon as good things and quite a blessing--provided one can _keep one's position in quiet!_

I own I have not much confidence in Cavaignac,[32] as they fear his mother's and brother's influence, the former being a widow of a regicide, and as _stern_ and severe as can be imagined.

I saw the King and Queen on Sat.u.r.day; he is wonderfully merry still and quite himself, but _she_ feels it deeply--and for _her_ there is here the greatest sympathy and admiration.

Albert is going to York to-morrow till Friday; _how_ I wish you and Louise could be with me, as in '44 and '46! I have, however, got dear Victoire to come and spend a night with me; it does her always good, and we are just like sisters, and feel as we did in 1839, when you know how very fond we were of each other. She is a dear, n.o.ble, and still _beautiful_ child.

I venture to send you a snuff-box with poor Aunt Charlotte's picture as a child, which also belonged to poor Aunt Sophia. Ever your devoted Niece,

VICTORIA R.

[Footnote 32: General Cavaignac, Minister for War, had been given _quasi_-dictatorial powers during the insurrection.

These powers, on the suppression of the revolt, he resigned, and was thereupon almost unanimously made President of the Council.]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _13th July 1848._

The Queen was glad to hear of the majorities the other night. She concludes Lord John Russell cannot at all say _when_ the Session is likely to end? Is it not much to be regretted that the measure relative to the Navigation Laws is given up, and was it unavoidable?

The Queen sends Lord John Col. Phipps's report of the Prince's reception at York, which she thinks will interest him. Does Lord J.

Russell think, if we should not go to Ireland, that we could go to Balmoral for ten days or a fortnight, without shocking the Irish very much? It strikes the Queen that to go to see _our own place_ makes a difference, and is in fact a natural thing; it is, however, impossible to say if we _can_ get away even for so short a time.

The Queen concludes that there can be no possible objection to the Duc de Nemours bringing or fetching the d.u.c.h.ess to and from Osborne? He is the Queen's Cousin, and consequently in a different position to any of the others; moreover, he does _not_ wish _at present_ to spend one _night_ there even, but merely to pay a morning visit.

Lastly, the Queen wishes to know if the King and Queen and the other Princes and Princesses _should themselves_ ask to come and pay the Queen a morning visit at Osborne, and return again the same day (as they do here), there would be any objection to it? The Queen merely wishes to know, in _case they_ should ask leave to do so, what she can answer.

[Pageheading: COMMISSIONS IN THE ARMY]

_Queen Victoria to Sir George Grey._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th July 1848._

The Queen has received Sir George Grey's letter of yesterday, and has considered the proposed alteration in the mode of preparing Commissions for Officers in the Army. The Queen does not at all object to the amount of trouble which the signature of so many Commissions has. .h.i.therto entailed upon her, as she feels amply compensated by the advantage of keeping up a personal connection between the Sovereign and the Army, and she very much doubts whether the Officers generally would not feel it as a slight if, instead of their Commissions bearing the Queen's sign-manual, they were in future only to receive a certificate from the Secretary at War that they have been commissioned.

She therefore prefers matters to remain on their old footing.

The Secretary at War speaks in his Memorandum of his responsibility to Parliament with respect to allowing Appointments to go on; the Queen apprehends that his responsibility does not extend beyond the appropriation of the money voted by Parliament for the use of her Army.

_The Princess Charlotte of Belgium to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _18th July 1848._

MY DEAREST COUSIN,--I have received the beautiful dolls' house you have been so kind as to send me, and I thank you very much for it.

I am delighted with it; every morning I dress my doll and give her a good breakfast; and the day after her arrival she gave a great rout at which all my dolls were invited. Sometimes she plays at drafts on her pretty little draft-board, and every evening I undress her and put her to bed.

Be so good, my dearest Cousin, as to give my love to my dear little Cousins, and believe me always, your most affectionate Cousin,

CHARLOTTE.

[Pageheading: ITALY AND FRANCE]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _24th July 1848._

The Queen has received Lord Palmerston's letter[33] reporting his conversation with M. de Tallenay. She can only repeat her opinion that a negotiation with France in order to agree with her upon a common line of policy to be followed with regard to the Italian question can lead to no good; it will make us the ally of a Government which is not even legally const.i.tuted, and which can accordingly not guarantee the fulfilment of any engagement it may enter into, and it will call upon the very power to judge the Italian dispute which it is the interest of Europe to keep out of it. M. de Tallenay seems to have admitted that the French Republic, if called upon to act, will neither allow Austria to keep the Venetian territory nor Sardinia to acquire it, but that she will strive to set up a Venetian Republic. It can really not be an object for us to a.s.sist in such a scheme, or even to treat upon it.

Lord Cowley the Queen means to invite to dinner to-day, and she wishes Lord Palmerston to let her know the day on which he is to leave for Frankfort in order that she may prepare her letter for the Archduke accordingly.

[Footnote 33: Lord Palmerston had reported an interview with de Tallenay, who sought the co-operation of England with France in Northern Italy; the Austrian force in Italy to be withdrawn or reduced, the union of Lombardy and Piedmont to be accepted as a _fait accompli_, and Venetian territory erected into a separate republic.]

[Pageheading: NORTHERN ITALY]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _25th July 1848._

The Queen sends Lord John Russell the enclosed Despatch from Lord Normanby, with a draft in answer to it which was sent for her approval, but which she really cannot approve. The Queen must tell Lord John what she has repeatedly told Lord Palmerston, but without apparent effect, that the establishment of an _entente cordiale with the French Republic_, for the purpose of driving the Austrians out of _their dominions_ in Italy, would be a _disgrace_ to this country.

That the French would attach the greatest importance to it and gain the greatest advantage by it there can be no doubt of; but how will England appear before the world _at the moment_ when she is struggling to maintain her supremacy in Ireland, and boasts to stand by treaties with regard to her European relations, having declined all this time to interfere in Italy or to address one word of caution to the Sardinian Government on account of its attack on Austria, and having refused to mediate when called upon to do so by Austria, because the terms were not good enough for Sardinia, if she should now ally herself with the arch-enemy of Austria to interfere _against her_ at the moment when she has recovered in some degree her position in the Venetian territory?

The notion of establishing a Venetian State under French guarantee is too absurd. Lord Palmerston in his draft says that we believe that the French plan would be agreed to by Austria. Now this is completely at variance with every account, report, or despatch we have received from Verona, Innspruck, or Vienna; however, Lord Palmerston hints that the King of Sardinia might expect still better terms. The French Republic seems _not_ to be anxious for war, not able to conduct it, and the country appears to be decidedly against it; all M. Bastide says is: "There were two extremes which it would be very difficult for them to admit without opposition, viz. the restoration of Lombardy to the Dominion of Austria on the one side, and the union under one powerful state under Charles Albert of all the princ.i.p.alities into which the north of Italy has. .h.i.therto been divided." With this explicit declaration, it would surely be best for the interests of Europe that we should name _this_ to Charles Albert, and call upon him to rest satisfied with his conquest, and to conclude a peace with Austria, leaving her what he cannot take from her, and thus avoid calling in France as an arbiter. Why this has not been done long ago, or should not be done now, the Queen cannot comprehend.