The Letters of Cassiodorus Part 72

16. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.

[Sidenote: a.s.surances of good-will. Oath of concord.]

'It is worthy of a ruler to do good of his own freewill, not under compulsion. By G.o.d's favour we _can_ do anything, but we choose to do only things that are praiseworthy. Recognise now, oh prudent counsellors, that clemency of mine which ye might always have reckoned upon. Ye feared that I was your enemy; far from that, I cannot even bear that ye should be racked by the fear of evil[654]. And therefore, though I change no purpose of mine, since I never had thoughts of evil towards you, I have ordained that A and B, the bearers of this letter, should take unto you the oaths which you solicited[655]. I do this thing for G.o.d's sake, not for man's; for how could I, who have run through the story of ancient realms in Holy Writ, wish to do anything else but that which is well-pleasing to G.o.d, who will a.s.suredly recompense me according to my works. Henceforward, then, serve me loyally, and in the full security which you have thus acquired: yea, your love will be now the repayment of a debt rather than a freewill offering.'

[Footnote 654: 'Ecce nec sollicitos patimur, quibus infensi esse putabamur.']

[Footnote 655: 'Postulata siquidem sacramenta vobis, ab Illo atque Illo praestari nostra decrevit auctoritas.']

17. KING THEODAHAD TO THE ROMAN PEOPLE.

[Sidenote: The same subject.]

'Since your security is our highest ornament, and since our love wishes to remove every shade of anxiety from your minds, we have ordered A and B to take oaths to you in our name, whereby you may know the mind of your King towards you. Though this act might seem not to consort with our dignity, we willingly perform it for your sakes, and add the sanction of an oath, though we have learned from the Sacred Scriptures that a mere promise ought to be kept. Now it is for you to show your devotion, and with a.s.siduous prayers to implore of the Majesty on high that the tranquil times which we long that you may enjoy may be granted by the gift of Heaven.'

18. KING THEODAHAD TO THE SENATE OF THE CITY OF ROME.

[Sidenote: A Gothic garrison for Rome.]

'Anxious that what we are devising for your safety should not be misinterpreted by bitter suspicion, we do you to wit that the army which is marching to Rome is intended for your defence, in order that they who covet your possessions may by Divine help be resisted by the arms of the Goths. If the shepherd is bound to watch over his flock, the father of the family to see that no crafty deceiver enters therein, with what anxious care ought not we to defend the City of Rome, which by universal consent is unequalled in the world[656]. So precious a possession must not be staked upon any throw. But that the defence of the City may be in no wise burdensome to you, we have ordered that the soldiers shall pay at the ordinary market rate for the provisions which they require; and we have desired Vacco, the steward of our house, to superintend these purchases. He is a man of valour and integrity, whose character will secure him the obedience of the troops, and enable him to prevent any excesses.

[Footnote 656: 'Qua nos convenit cautela Romam defendere, quam constat in mundo simile nihil habere?']

'As for the soldiers, we have told them to take up their quarters in fitting places [outside the City?], that without there may be armed defence, within for you, tranquil order[657].

[Footnote 657: 'Quos tamen locis aptis praecipimus immorari, ut foris sit armata defensio, intus vobis tranquilla civilitas.']

'G.o.d forbid that in our days that City should seem to be protected by walls, the very name of which hath been of old a terror to the nations[658]. We hope for this from the aid of Heaven, that she who hath always been free may never be stained by the insult of any blockade[659].

[Footnote 658: 'Absit enim ut nostris temporibus Urbs illa muris videatur protegi, quam constat gentibus vel sola opinione fuisse terrori.']

[Footnote 659: 'Ut quae semper fuit libera, nullius inclusionis decoloretur injuria.']

19. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN.

[Sidenote: Emba.s.sy of Peter.]

'We thank the Divine Being, who loves to see Kings at peace with one another, that you expressed such joy at our elevation to the throne.

Continue to set to the world this example of benignity; continue to show your interest in one who recommends himself by his pure affection for you. For you do not seek to pick shabby quarrels with other Sovereigns; you do not delight in unjust contests, which are contrary to sound morality[660], since you seek for nothing but what may increase the good opinion which men have of you. How could you throw away that peace which it is the glory of your Piety to have imposed even on angry nations[661]?

[Footnote 660: 'Non enim rixas viles per regna requiritis: non vos injusta certamina quae sunt bonis moribus inimica, delectant.' No doubt this was meant to be taken as a hint of the censure which it professes to deny.]

[Footnote 661: 'Pacem quam et iracundis gentibus consuevistis imponere.' An allusion, perhaps, to the peace concluded with Persia.]

'Even you, glorious Sovereigns! [Justinian and Theodora] gain somewhat when all other realms revere you. It is a common thing for the ruler to be praised in his own land, but to receive the unforced praise of foreign lands, that is indeed desirable. You are loved, most pious Emperor, in your own dominions; but how much grander a thing to be yet more loved in the regions of Italy, from whence the glory of the Roman name was diffused over the whole world! It behoves you therefore to continue that peaceful disposition which you showed towards us at the commencement of our reign.

'We have desired the most blessed Pope and the most honourable Senate of the City of Rome to give their answers to the eloquent and worthy Peter, your amba.s.sador, with as little delay as possible; and we have joined with him that venerable person our amba.s.sador[662], that you may know our mind from our own messenger.'

[Footnote 662: The name of 'virum illum venerabilem' is not given, but we learn from Procopius (De Bello Gotthico i. 6) that it was Rusticus, a priest, a Roman, and an intimate friend of Theodahad.]

20. QUEEN GUDELINA[663] TO THEODORA AUGUSTA.

[Footnote 663: Wife of Theodahad.]

[Sidenote: Emba.s.sy of Rusticus.]

'I have received with thanks the earnestly-desired letters of your Piety, and reverently prize the report of your spoken words as better than all gifts. You exhort us first of all to impart to your hearing whatever requests we wish to make to your triumphant lord and consort[664]. Backed by such patronage as yours, how can there be any doubt as to the success of our pet.i.tions? It is an addition to our joy that your Serenity has chosen such a man for your amba.s.sador, one whom it is equally fitting for your glory to send and for our obedience to receive[665]. There can be no doubt that it is by constant observation of your character that his own has become so excellent, since it is by good maxims that the mind of man is cleansed from impurity[666].

According to the warning of your Reverence we have given orders that both Pope and Senate shall give their answers to your messengers quickly, so that there may be no delay.

[Footnote 664: 'Hortamini enim ut quidquid expetendum a triumphali principe domino jugali nostro (?) credimus vestris ante sensibus ingeramus.' It seems to me that the sense requires _vestro_ instead of _nostro_, and I have translated accordingly. (Dahn also makes this correction.)]

[Footnote 665: 'Et vestra decet obsequia retinere.' Here 'nostra'

seems to give a better sense than 'vestra.']

[Footnote 666: 'Dubium enim non est illam mores dare cui observatur a.s.sidue, dum constat defaecari animum bonis praeceptionibus inst.i.tutum.' Rather hazardous praise to address to a Theodora.]

[Sidenote: Possible reference to death of Amalasuentha.]

'For moreover, concerning that person about whom something came to our ears with tickling speech, know that that has been ordained which we believed would suit your intentions[667]; for it is our desire that by the interposition of our good offices your will should be law as much in our kingdom as in your empire[668].

[Footnote 667: 'Nam et de illa persona, de qua ad nos aliquid verbo t.i.tillante pervenit, hoc ordinatum esse cognoscite, quod vestris credidimus animis convenire.']

[Footnote 668: These mysterious sentences, according to Gibbon, cap.

xli. _n._ 56 (following Buat), refer to Amalasuentha, and thus lend probability to the story in the Anecdote of Procopius that Theodora, out of jealousy, intrigued with Theodahad to have Amalasuentha put to death. But whatever may be the truth of that story, this sentence can hardly by any possibility refer to it. For (1) it is clear that this letter was written at the same time as Theodahad's, which precedes it, therefore after the arrival of Peter in Italy. But Procopius is clear that Amalasuentha was put to death before Peter had crossed the Hadriatic, whereas this event, whatever it be, is evidently a piece of news which Gudelina has to communicate to Theodora. (2) This letter, though purporting to be from Gudelina, is confessedly written by Ca.s.siodorus, and published by him at the end of his official career.

It is hardly conceivable that he would deliberately publish to the world his connection with the murder of Theodoric's daughter and his own friend and benefactress. It is remarkable, on the contrary, how complete (but for this pa.s.sage) is the silence of the Variae as to Amalasuentha's deposition and death: as if Ca.s.siodorus had said, 'If you do anything to harm _her_, you may get other apologists for your deeds; I will be no champion of such wickedness.' It is scarcely necessary to remark that there is nothing in the wording of the sentence 'de illa persona,' &c. which makes it more applicable to a woman than to a man. As Peter's emba.s.sy was ostensibly connected with ecclesiastical affairs, there is perhaps an allusion in this sentence to some scheme of Theodora's with reference to the Papacy. It is possible that she may have been already working for the election of Vigilius to the chair of St. Peter, and therefore that _he_ is meant by 'illa persona.']

'We therefore inform you that we had caused our messenger [Rusticus the priest] to be despatched by the Pope before your amba.s.sador could possibly have left Rome. So saluting you with all the veneration which is your due, we a.s.sign the office of amba.s.sador to a man eminent both by his character and learning, and venerable by reason of his office; since we believe that those persons are acceptable to you whom we have thought suitable to be entrusted with the Divine ministry.'

21. QUEEN GUDELINA TO THEODORA, AUGUSTA.

[Sidenote: Soliciting Theodora's friendship.]

'Oh, wisest of Augustas, both I and my wedded lord earnestly desire your friendship. The love of so great a lady seems to raise me higher than royalty. Shed on us the l.u.s.tre of your glory, for one light loses nothing by imparting some of its brilliancy to another. With affectionate presumption I commend myself to the favour of the Emperor and yourself, desiring that, as is fitting, there should be no discord between the two Roman realms[669].'

[Footnote 669: 'Nullam inter Romana regna decet esse discordiam.']

22. KING THEODAHAD TO THE EMPEROR JUSTINIAN[670].

[Footnote 670: This letter seems as if it was written on precisely the same occasion as x. 19. Again Peter is sent back, and with him a 'venerable man' to represent Theodahad. We learn from Procopius (i. 6) that Theodahad, in his fear of war, recalled Peter when he had already got as far as Albano, and gave him another set of propositions for Justinian. It seems possible that these fresh letters (22 and 23) from Theodahad and his Queen were given him when he set out the _second_ time.]

[Sidenote: Entreaties for peace.]