The Letters of Cassiodorus Part 29

Marvellous provision of Nature, whereby the opposing elements, fire and water, are joined in harmonious union and made to soothe the pain and remove the sickness of man! Yet more wonderful is the moral purity of this fountain. Should a woman descend into the bath when men are using it, it suddenly grows hotter, as if with indignation that out of its abundant supply of waters separate bathing-places should not be constructed for the two s.e.xes, if they wish to enjoy its bounty[271].

Moreover, those secret caves, the bowels of the mountains from whence it springs, have power even to judge contentious business. For if any sheep-stealer presumes to bring to it the fleece of his prey, however often he may dip it in the seething wave, he will have to boil it before he succeeds in cleansing it.

[Footnote 270: [Greek: aponos].]

[Footnote 271: I think this is Ca.s.siodorus' meaning, but his language is obscure.]

'This fountain then, as we before said, deserves a worthy habitation.

If there be anything to repair in the _thermae_ themselves or in the pa.s.sages (cuniculi), let this be done out of the money which we now send you. Let the thorns and briers which have grown up around it be rooted up. Let the palace, shaken with extreme old age, be strengthened by careful restoration. Let the s.p.a.ce which intervenes between the public building and the source of the hot-spring be cleared of its woodland roughness, and the turf around rejoice in the green beauty which it derives from the heated waters.'

[The hot-springs of Abano, the ancient Aponum, are situated near the Euganean Hills, and are about six miles from Padua. The heat of the water varies from 77 to 185 (Fahr.). The chief chemical ingredients are, as stated by Ca.s.siodorus, salt and sulphur. Some of the minute description of Ca.s.siodorus (greatly condensed in the above abstract) seems to be still applicable; but he does not mention the mud-baths which now take a prominent place in the cure. On the other hand, the wonderful moral qualities of the spring are not mentioned by modern travellers.]

40. KING THEODORIC TO BOETIUS THE PATRICIAN.

[Sidenote: Boetius to choose a harper for the King of the Franks.]

'The King of the Franks [Clovis] has asked us to send him a harper. We felt that in you lay our best chance of complying with his request, because you, being such a lover of music yourself, will be able to introduce us to the right man.'

Reflections on the nature of music. She is the Queen of the senses; when she comes forth from her secret abiding place all other thoughts are cast out. Her curative influence on the soul.

The five tones: the Dorian[272], influencing to modesty and purity; the Phrygian to fierce combat; the Aeolian to tranquillity and slumber; the Ionian (Jastius), which sharpens the intellect of the dull and kindles the desire of heavenly things; the Lydian, which soothes the soul oppressed with too many cares.

[Footnote 272: Cf. Milton:

'To the Dorian mood Of flutes and soft recorders; such as rais'd To highth of n.o.blest temper heroes old Arming to battle, and instead of rage Deliberate valour breath'd, firm and unmov'd With dread of death to flight or foul retreat.']

We distinguish the highest, middle, and lowest in each tone, obtaining thus in all fifteen tones of artificial music.

The diapason is collected from all, and unites all their virtues.

Cla.s.sical instances of music:

Orpheus.

Amphion.

Musaeus.

The human voice as an instrument of music. Oratory and Poesy as branches of the art.

The power of song: Ulysses and the Sirens.

David the author of the Psalter, who by his melody three (?) times drove away the evil spirit from Saul.

The lyre is called 'chorda,' because it so easily moves the hearts (corda) of men.

As the diadem dazzles by the variegated l.u.s.tre of its gems, so the lyre with its divers sounds.

The lyre, the loom of the Muses.

Mercury, the inventor of the lyre, is said to have derived the idea of it from the harmony of the spheres. This astral music, apprehended by reason alone, is said to form one of the delights of heaven. 'If philosophers had placed that enjoyment not in sweet sounds but in the contemplation of the Creator, they would have spoken fitly; for there is truly joy without end, eternity abiding for ever without weariness, and the mere contemplation of the Divinity produces such happiness that nothing can surpa.s.s it. This Being furnishes the true immortality; this heaps delight upon delight; and as outside of Him no creature can exist, so without Him changeless happiness cannot be[273].

[Footnote 273: 'Bene quidem arbitrati, si causam celestis beat.i.tudinis non in sonis sed in Creatore possuissent; ubi veraciter sine fine gaudium est, sine aliquo taedio manens semper aeternitas: et inspectio sola Divinitatis efficit, ut beatius esse nil possit. Haec veraciter perennitatem praestat: haec jucunditates acc.u.mulat; et sicut praeter ipsam creatura non extat, ita sine ipsa incommutabilem laet.i.tiam habere non praevalet.']

'We have indulged ourselves in a pleasant digression, because it is always agreeable to talk of learning with the learned; but be sure to get us that _Citharoedus_, who will go forth like another Orpheus to charm the beast-like hearts of the Barbarians. You will thus both obey us and render yourself famous.'

41. KING THEODORIC TO LUDUIN [CLOVIS], KING OF THE FRANKS.

[Sidenote: Victories of Clovis over the Alamanni.]

Congratulates him on his recent victories over the Alamanni. Refers to the ties of affinity between them (Theodoric having married the sister of Clovis). Clovis has stirred up the nation of the Franks, 'prisca aetate residem,' to new and successful encounters. 'It is a memorable triumph that the impetuous Alaman should be struck with such terror as even to beg for his life. Let it suffice that that King with all the pride of his race should have fallen: let it suffice that an innumerable people should have been doomed either to the sword or to slavery.'

He recommends (almost orders) Clovis not to touch the panic-stricken refugees who have fled to the territory of Theodoric. Theodoric himself has always found that those wars were prosperously waged which were ended moderately.

Theodoric sends 'illum et illum' as amba.s.sadors, to take certain verbal counsels from himself, to bring this letter and carry back the reply, and also to introduce the Citharoedus of whom we heard in the preceding letter[274].

[Footnote 274: There are two allusions to the relationship between the Kings: 'vestrae virtutis affinitate' (line 1), and 'ad parentum vestrorum defensionem confugisse' (line 10).]

[The campaign of Clovis against the Alamanni, referred to in this letter, is not mentioned by Gregory of Tours. Ennodius, however, in his Panegyric on Theodoric, and Agathias in his History, make distinct allusions to this event, and to Theodoric's reception of the vanquished Alamanni in his own dominions, probably in the valleys of Raetia.

This letter is very fully discussed by Von Schubert, at pp. 32-43 of his 'Unterwerfung der Alamannen' (Stra.s.sburg, 1884). I may also refer to 'Italy and her Invaders' iii. 390-91.

The date of the letter is probably about 504.]

BOOK III.

CONTAINING FIFTY-THREE LETTERS WRITTEN BY Ca.s.sIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC.

1. KING THEODORIC TO ALARIC, KING OF THE VISIGOTHS.

[Sidenote: Dissuades Alaric the Visigoth from war with the Franks.]

'Surrounded as you are by an innumerable mult.i.tude of subjects, and strong in the remembrance of their having turned back Attila[275], still do not fight with Clovis. War is a terrible thing, and a terrible risk. The long peace may have softened the hearts of your people, and your soldiers from want of practice may have lost the habit of working together on the battlefield. Ere yet blood is shed, draw back if possible. We are sending amba.s.sadors to the King of the Franks to try to prevent this war between our relatives; and the amba.s.sadors whom we are sending to you will go on to Gundibad, King of the Burgundians, to get him to interpose on behalf of peace. Your enemy will be mine also.'

[Footnote 275: 'Quamvis Attilam potentem reminiscamini Visigothorum viribus inclinatum.']

[The battle of Vougle in which Alaric was overthrown by Clovis, was fought in 507; but the date of this letter is probably 506 (Dahn's date) rather than 507, as there were no doubt some premonitory symptoms before the war broke out.

Binding i. 181 (_n._ 608), and Pallmann ii. 55 _n._ 1, and 135 _n._ 2, incline to a date somewhat earlier even than 506, thinking that there may have been earlier threatenings of war, which Theodoric succeeded for the time in averting.

The earlier the date the better will it suit the allusion to Clovis (and Alaric) as 'Regii _Juvenes_' in the following letter. Clovis was born in 466, and was therefore 41 years of age at the battle of Vougle.]

2. KING THEODORIC TO GUNDIBAD, KING OF THE BURGUNDIANS.

[Sidenote: Dissuades Gundibad from war.]