The Letters of Cassiodorus Part 18

[Footnote 201: 'Contingit enim dissimilem filium plerumque generari, oratio dispar moribus vix potest inveniri.']

[Sidenote: Gothic History.]

'You have often, amid universal acclamation, p.r.o.nounced the praises of kings and queens. In twelve books you have compiled the History of the Goths, culling the story of their triumphs[202]. Since these works have had such favourable fortunes, and since you have thus served your first campaign in literature, why hesitate to give these productions of yours also to the public?'

[Footnote 202: 'Duodecim libris Gothorum historiam _defloratis prosperitatibus_ condidisti.' By an extraordinary error this sentence has been interpreted to mean that Ca.s.siodorus wrote his history of the Goths after their prosperity had faded; and some writers have accordingly laboured, quite hopelessly, to bring down the composition of the Gothic History to a late period in the reign of Athalaric. It is perfectly clear from many pa.s.sages that Ca.s.siodorus uses 'deflorare' in the sense of 'picking flowers,' 'culling a nosegay.'

See Historia Tripart.i.ta, Preface (twice); De Inst.i.t. Divin.

Litterarum, cap. x.x.x; and De Orthographia, cap. ii (t.i.tle). I doubt not that careful search would discover many more instances. It is only strange to me that Ca.s.siodorus should, by the words 'defloratis _prosperitatibus_,' so navely confess the one-sided character of his history.]

[Sidenote: Ca.s.siodorus consents to publish.]

So pleaded my friends, and to my shame I must own that I was conquered, and could no longer resist so many prayers; especially when I saw myself accused of want of affection. I have now only to crave my readers' pardon; and if they find rashness and presumption in my attempt, to blame my advisers rather than me, since my own judgment agrees with that of my severest critic.

All the letters, therefore, which I have been able to find in various public archives that had been dictated by me as Quaestor, as Magister [Officiorum], or as Praefect, are here collected and arranged in twelve books. By the variety of subjects touched upon, the attention of the reader will be aroused, and it will be maintained by the feeling that he is rapidly approaching the conclusion of the letter.

I have also wished to preserve others from those unpolished and hasty forms of speech into which I am conscious that I have often fallen in announcing the bestowal of dignities, a kind of doc.u.ment which is often asked for in such haste that there seems scarce time for the mere manual labour of writing it. I have therefore included in my Sixth and Seventh Books _Formulae_ for the granting of all the dignities of the State, hoping thus to be of some service to myself, though at a late period of my career, and to help my successors who may be hard pressed for time. What I have thus written concerning the past will serve equally well for the future, since I have said nothing about the qualities of the individual office-holder, but have made such explanations as seemed suitable concerning the office.

[Sidenote: Reason of the t.i.tle Variarum.]

As for the t.i.tle of all twelve books, the index of the work, the herald of its meaning, the expression in briefest compa.s.s of the whole performance, I have for this chosen the name VARIAE. And this, because it was necessary for me not always to use the same style, since I had undertaken to address various kinds of persons. One must speak in one way to men jaded with much reading; in another to those who skim lightly over the surface, tasting here and there; in another (if one would persuade them), to persons who are devoid of a taste for letters, since it is sometimes a proof of skill to avoid the very things which please the learned. In short, the definition given by our ancestors is a good one: 'To speak fitly is to persuade the hearers to accept your wishes for their own.' Nor was it at random that the prudence of Antiquity thus defined the three modes of speaking:--

[Sidenote: The three styles of composition.]

(1) The _humble_ style, which seems to creep along the ground in the very expression of its thought.

(2) The _middle_ style, which is neither swollen with self-importance nor shrunk into littleness; but being placed between the two, and enriched by a peculiar elegance, is contained within its own true boundaries.

(3) The _supreme_ style, which by exquisite phraseology is raised to the very highest pitch of oratory.

The object of this distinction is that the various sorts and conditions of men may each receive their appropriate address, and that the thoughts which proceed from the same breast may nevertheless flow in divers channels. No man is ent.i.tled to the name of eloquent who is not prepared to do his duty manfully with the triple strength of these three styles, as one cause after another may arise. It must be added hereto that we have sometimes to speak to Kings, sometimes to the Officers of the Court, sometimes to the very humblest of the people.

To the last we may allowably pour out our words with some degree of haste, but the other addresses should be deeply pondered before they are delivered. Deservedly therefore is a work ent.i.tled VARIAE, which is subject to so much diversity in its composition.

Would that, as we have received these maxims from those who have gone before us, so our own compositions could claim the praise of having reduced them into practice. In sooth we do with shamefacedness promise that the Humble style shall be found in us; we think we may without dishonesty covenant for the Middle style; but the Supreme style, which on account of its n.o.bility is the fitting language of a royal Edict[203], we cannot hope that we have attained unto.

[Footnote 203: The editors waver between 'quod est in edicto' and 'quod est in edito (const.i.tutum).']

But since we are to be read, let us abstain from further unlawful canva.s.sing for the votes of our readers. It is an incongruous thing for us to be thus piling up our own discourses about ourselves: we ought rather to wait for your judgment on our work.

BOOK I.

CONTAINING FORTY-SIX LETTERS WRITTEN BY Ca.s.sIODORUS IN THE NAME OF THEODORIC.

1. KING THEODORIC TO EMPEROR ANASTASIUS.

[Sidenote: Persuasives to peace between Italy and Constantinople.]

'It behoves us, most clement Emperor, to seek for peace, since there are no causes for anger between us.

'Peace by which the nations profit; Peace the fair mother of all liberal arts, the softener of manners, the replenisher of the generations of mankind. Peace ought certainly to be an object of desire to every kingdom.

'Therefore, most pious of princes, it accords with your power and your glory that we who have already profited by your affection [personally]

should seek concord with your Empire. You are the fairest ornament of all realms; you are the healthful defence of the whole world, to which all other rulers rightfully look up with reverence[204], because they know that there is in you something which is unlike all others[205]: we above all, who by Divine help learned in your Republic the art of governing Romans with equity. Our royalty is an imitation of yours, modelled on your good purpose, a copy of the only Empire; and in so far as we follow you do we excel all other nations.

[Footnote 204: 'Vos totius...o...b..s salutare praesidium, quod caeteri dominantes jure suspiciunt quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognosc.u.n.t.' 'Suspiciunt' seems to give a better sense than the other reading, 'suscipiunt.']

[Footnote 205: 'Quia in vobis singulare aliquid inesse cognosc.u.n.t.']

'Often have you exhorted me to love the Senate, to accept cordially the laws of past Emperors, to join together in one all the members of Italy. How can you separate from your august alliance one whose character you thus try to make conformable to your own? There is moreover that n.o.ble sentiment, love for the City of Rome, from which two princes, both of whom govern in her name, should never be disjoined.

'We have thought fit therefore to send A and B[206] as amba.s.sadors to your most serene Piety, that Peace, which has been broken, through a variety of causes, may, by the removal of all matters of dispute, be firmly restored between us. For we think you will not suffer that any discord should remain between two Republics, which are declared to have ever formed one body under their ancient princes[207], and which ought not to be joined by a mere sentiment of love, but actively to aid one another with all their powers. Let there be always one will, one purpose in the Roman Kingdom. Therefore, while greeting you with our respectful salutations, we humbly beg that you will not remove from us the high honour of your Mildness's affection[208], which we have a right to hope for if it were never granted to any others.

[Footnote 206: 'Illum atque illum.' I shall always render this phrase (which shows that Ca.s.siodorus had not preserved the names of the amba.s.sadors) as above.]

[Footnote 207: 'Quia pati vos non credimus, inter utrasque Respublicas, quarum semper unum corpus sub antiquis principibus fuisse declaratur, aliquid discordiae permanere.']

[Footnote 208: 'Poma meute deposcimus ne suspendatis a n.o.bis mansuetudinis vestrae gloriosissimam caritatem.']

'The rest of their commission will be verbally conveyed to your Piety by the bearers of these letters[209].'

[Footnote 209: For some remarks on the date of this letter, see Introduction, p. 23. The mention of interrupted peace, which evidently requires not mere estrangement but an actual state of war, points to the year 505, when Sabinian, the general of Anastasius, was defeated by the Ostrogoths and their allies at Horrea Margi; or to 508, when the Imperial fleet made a raid on the coast of Apulia, as probable dates for the composition of the letter. Its place at the beginning of the Variae does not at all imply priority in date to the letters which follow it. It was evidently Ca.s.siodorus' method to put in the forefront of every book in his collection a letter to an Emperor or King, or other great personage.

As for the tone of the letter, and the exact character of the relation between the Courts of Ravenna and Constantinople which is indicated by it, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion. To me it does not seem to bear out Justinian's contention (recorded by Procopius, De Bello Gotthico ii. 6) that Theodoric ruled Italy as the Emperor's lieutenant. Under all the apparent deference and affectation of humility the language seems to me to be substantially that of one equal addressing another, older and with a somewhat more a.s.sured position, but still an equal.]

2. KING THEODORIC TO THEON, VIR SUBLIMIS.

[Sidenote: Manufacture of purple dye.]

'We are informed by Count Stephen that the work of preparing the purple for the sacred (_i.e._ royal) robes, which was put under your charge, has been interrupted through reprehensible negligence on your part. There must be neglect somewhere, or else the wool with its milk-white hairs would long before now have imbibed the precious quality of the adorable _murex_. If the diver in the waters of Hydruntum[210] had sought for these murex-sh.e.l.ls at the proper season, that Neptunian harvest, mixed with an abundant supply of water, would already have generated the flame-bright liquid which dyes the robes that adorn the throne. The colour of that dye is gay[211] with too great beauty; 'tis a blushing obscurity, an ensanguined blackness, which distinguishes the wearer from all others, and makes it impossible for the human race not to know who is the king. It is marvellous that that substance after death should for so long a time exude an amount of gore which one would hardly find flowing from the wounds of a living creature. For even six months after they have been separated from the delights of the sea, these sh.e.l.l-fish are not offensive to the keenest nostrils, as if on purpose that that n.o.ble blood might inspire no disgust. Once this dye is imparted to the cloth, it remains there for ever; the tissue may be destroyed sooner than part with it. If the murex has not changed its quality, if the press (torcular) is still there to receive its one vintage, it must be the fault of the labourers that the dye is not forthcoming. What are they doing, all those crowds of sailors, those families of rustics?

And you who bear the name of Count, and were exalted high over your fellow-citizens on purpose that you might attend to this very thing, what sacrilegious negligence is this which you are manifesting in reference to the sacred vesture? If you have any care for your own safety come at once with the purple[212], which you have hitherto been accustomed to render up every year. If not, if you think to mock us by delay, we shall send you not a constrainer but an avenger.

[Footnote 210: Otranto.]

[Footnote 211: Vernans.]

[Footnote 212: Blatta.]

'How easy was the discovery of this great branch of manufacture! A dog, keen with hunger, bounding along the Tyrian sh.o.r.e, crunched the sh.e.l.ls which were cast up there. The purple gore dyed his jaws with a marvellous colour; and the men who saw it, after the sudden fashion of inventors, conceived the idea of making therewith a n.o.ble adornment for their kings. What Tyre is for the East, Hydron[213] is for Italy--the great cloth-factory of Courts, not keeping its old art (merely), but ever transmitting new improvements.'

[Footnote 213: I presume the same as Hydruntum (Otranto).]

3. KING THEODORIC TO Ca.s.sIODORUS, VIR ILl.u.s.tRIS AND PATRICIAN[214].

[Footnote 214: Father of the Author.]