The Lady In The Tower Part 7

But it was a cruel deception. There would be no question of Anne being banished to a nunnery, which would have had to be abroad anyway, since those in England were scheduled for dissolution. The only reward she would get for her cooperation was a mercifully quick end.

Weston's family were still making frantic efforts to save him, offering the King 100,000 marks (over 11 million) in return for his life,14 but Henry either was not told of this or remained impervious to bribery. Chapuys reported on May 19 that the French amba.s.sadors-Antoine de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, and Jean, Sieur de Dinteville-had done their best to plead for Weston. but Henry either was not told of this or remained impervious to bribery. Chapuys reported on May 19 that the French amba.s.sadors-Antoine de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, and Jean, Sieur de Dinteville-had done their best to plead for Weston.15 It is frustrating to discover that Jean de Dinteville's correspondence is missing for the two months covering Anne Boleyn's fall and its aftermath. Froude speculated that all his letters on that subject had been either set apart and lost, or destroyed. The latter is a distinct possibility, since Dinteville found Henry VIII so terrifying that he begged to be recalled after his first audience in 1533, from which he emerged visibly shaking. It is frustrating to discover that Jean de Dinteville's correspondence is missing for the two months covering Anne Boleyn's fall and its aftermath. Froude speculated that all his letters on that subject had been either set apart and lost, or destroyed. The latter is a distinct possibility, since Dinteville found Henry VIII so terrifying that he begged to be recalled after his first audience in 1533, from which he emerged visibly shaking.16 He would not have wanted such sensitive letters falling into the wrong hands. He would not have wanted such sensitive letters falling into the wrong hands.

"Notwithstanding [the amba.s.sadors'] intercession on Weston's behalf,"17 there was no hope of liberation for any of the condemned men. All were to be executed. It was after Kingston returned from seeing the King that he informed them they must prepare to die the next day, and that it would not be at Tyburn after all, or within the Tower, as John Husee had speculated, but on the public scaffold on Tower Hill; an anonymous account in the Vienna Archives confirms that they were executed "on a scaffold in front of the Tower." there was no hope of liberation for any of the condemned men. All were to be executed. It was after Kingston returned from seeing the King that he informed them they must prepare to die the next day, and that it would not be at Tyburn after all, or within the Tower, as John Husee had speculated, but on the public scaffold on Tower Hill; an anonymous account in the Vienna Archives confirms that they were executed "on a scaffold in front of the Tower."18 Kingston had been given very little notice to prepare for the coming executions. In his letter of May 16 (quoted above), he reminded Cromwell that: ... the time is short, for the King supposeth the gentlemen to die tomorrow, and my lord of Rochford with the residue of gentlemen, and are yet without Dr. Allryge, which I look for [Dr. Allryge presumably being the chaplain who was to hear their final confessions and shrive them]; but I have told my lord of Rochford that he is to be in readiness tomorrow to suffer execution, and so he accepts it very well, and will do his best to be ready, notwithstanding he would have received his rights, which hath not been used, and in especial here.19 It was traditional-and indeed was perceived as a right and a privilege-for royal or n.o.ble persons condemned to death for treason to have the customary brutal sentence commuted by the King to beheading, which was seen as a more honorable way to die. But Kingston had as yet received no such instructions. He urged Cromwell: "Sir, I shall desire you that we may know the King's pleasure here as shortly as may be, that we here may prepare for the same which is necessary, for the same we here have now may for to do execution. Sir, I pray you have good remembrance in all this for us to do, for we shall be ready always to our knowledge."

Kingston's letter to Cromwell was dispatched after dinner on May 16, probably in the afternoon, so the condemned men had several agonizing hours to wait to hear how they would die. At length-and it may not have been until the next morning-word came that the King had been pleased graciously to commute the dread sentences to decapitation. Despite Bishop Burnet's later a.s.sertion that Smeaton was hanged, the contemporary Lisle Letters Lisle Letters confirm that all five, including the lowborn musician, "suffered with the axe," as do Wriothesley (who says they "were all beheaded"), Edward Hall, the anonymous Imperialist account, confirm that all five, including the lowborn musician, "suffered with the axe," as do Wriothesley (who says they "were all beheaded"), Edward Hall, the anonymous Imperialist account,20 the Grey Friars' Chronicle, the the Grey Friars' Chronicle, the Histoire de la Royne Anne de Boullant Histoire de la Royne Anne de Boullant, and Cavendish, who refers to the great clemency extended by the King to Smeaton: And though by great favour I lose but my pate, Yet deserved have I cruelly to be martyred, As I am judged to be hanged, drawn and quartered.21 The musician was lucky. Such mercy on the part of the King whom the lowly Smeaton was said to have cuckolded was extraordinary. Pure logistics may have been a factor, for there was no gallows on Tower Hill; prisoners who were to suffer hanging were taken to Tyburn,22 but it was more convenient to have the men all executed together, near the Tower. It is also possible that Henry commuted all the sentences because he knew the men personally. but it was more convenient to have the men all executed together, near the Tower. It is also possible that Henry commuted all the sentences because he knew the men personally.23 Yet there could have been a deeply personal reason why Henry showed mercy. If he truly believed that these men had been Anne's lovers, he might not have wished to expose their bodies to the public gaze for castration and evisceration, perhaps feeling that might only serve to underline their shameful crimes. He seems to have been concerned all along to minimize the scandal arising from the fall of the Queen, and to maintain discretion: witness his withdrawal into seclusion, his concern to observe all due ceremony at every stage of the legal process, his granting to all the accused the most honorable form of execution, his concern that foreigners should not witness Anne's end his permitting her to be treated as a queen throughout, and his erasing of all reminders of her afterward. Gruesome scenes on the public scaffold would only have given rise to more scandal, and had a more lasting impact; and they would have been at variance with the efforts the King and his ministers were making to deal with this scandal as discreetly as possible.

Young Weston spent his last evening writing out a list of his debts, "as more plainly appeareth by a bill of the particulars written with his own hand." They reveal insights into the glamorous and luxurious life that he had so recently led, and into the members of his circle and those whose company he frequented. He owed money to many people: the King-two amounts of 40s. (700) and 50 marks (4,050); his father; his father's cook, Barnarde; his cousin Dingley; Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wiltshire; Browne the draper; Jennings, a page of the Privy Chamber; three "broderers" (embroiderers), the King's own, Bradby and William, the latter being owed the substantial sum of 35 (12,200), "whereon he has a gown, a coat, and a doublet of cloth of gold"-this alone shows how grand Weston had become through royal favor, since the sumptuary laws permitted only those of the rank of earl or above to wear embroidery, while only dukes and marquesses could wear cloth of gold. The fact that Weston owed money to Cornelius Heyss (or Hayes), the King's goldsmith, is further evidence of the status he had enjoyed. Other creditors included Peter the hosier; Bridges "my tailor;" "a poor woman that Hannesley of the tennis play had married, [in payment] for b.a.l.l.s, I cannot tell how much;" Harde Derman "at the gate;" Henry Seymour, a younger brother of Jane; Sir Francis Bryan; Sir Henry Parker, Lady Rochford's brother, then a page at court; Weston's saddler, shoemaker, and barber; "Jocelyne that was Mr. Norris's servant;" John Norris; "Secheper that playeth at the dice;" and Temple the fletcher. Altogether the debts totaled a staggering 925.7s.2d (323,150), enough to ruin Weston's family.

This list the condemned man enclosed with a farewell letter to his parents: Father and Mother,I shall humbly desire you, for the salvation of my soul, to discharge me of this bill, and to forgive me of all my offences that I have done to you, and in especial to my wife, which I desire for the love of G.o.d to forgive me and to pray for me, for I believe prayer will do me good. G.o.d's blessing have my children and mine.By me, a great offender to G.o.d.24 It should be emphasized that such sentiments reflected the sixteenth-century view of the sinfulness of all human beings, and that in this context, Weston's words did not necessarily const.i.tute an admission that he was guilty of the crimes for which he was to die. Brereton's wife Elizabeth certainly believed her husband to be innocent, and cherished a "bracelet of gold, the which was the last token [he] sent me," bequeathing it to their son Thomas on her own death nine years later.25 It must have been later on May 16 that Kingston had another conversation with Anne's brother and again had occasion to write to Cromwell. Rochford was troubled in his conscience about a monk he had preferred, with Cromwell's help, to be abbot of Valle Crucis Abbey; he was worried that, the abbey being suppressed, the abbot would lose the pensions awarded him, and wanted the King, whose responsibility this now was, reminded of it. He had apparently asked Kingston to solicit Cromwell's help, and also raised the matter with the tardy Dr. Allryge, who had since arrived to offer spiritual consolation to the condemned men. That evening, Kingston went to see Rochford and: . ... showed him the clause of your letter. He answered that he had sent you word by Dr. Allryge. Notwithstanding, he says that he made suit to you for the promotion of a white monk of the Tower Hill, and with your help he was promoted to the abbey of Valle Saint Crucis in Cheshire, and he had for his promotion 100, and at Whitsuntide next should receive 100 more, but for this the King has the obligations. He supposes the said abbey is suppressed and the Abbot undone, and his sureties also.

Kingston was hoping that Cromwell would put his prisoner's mind at rest, and added a postscript to his letter: You must help my lord of Rochford's conscience for the monk; and also he spake unto me for the Bishop of Dublin, for he must have of the said Bishop 250.

Kingston's letter was probably written late on May 16, because he goes on to say that "as yet, I have heard nothing of my lord of Canterbury, and the Queen much desires to be shriven."26 Cranmer had already visited her earlier that day and evidently promised to return to hear her last confession, but he would not come again until early in the morning of May 18. Aless states that Cranmer, "to whom [Anne] was in the habit of confessing when she went to the Lord's table," was the one for "whom she sent when she was in prison and knew that she should shortly die." Cranmer had already visited her earlier that day and evidently promised to return to hear her last confession, but he would not come again until early in the morning of May 18. Aless states that Cranmer, "to whom [Anne] was in the habit of confessing when she went to the Lord's table," was the one for "whom she sent when she was in prison and knew that she should shortly die."

Arrangements were by now in hand for the Queen's execution. Henry VIII had gone to the extraordinary trouble of sending for "the hangman of Calais," Calais then being an English possession.27 Decapitation by the sword was very rare in England but widely used in Europe; Decapitation by the sword was very rare in England but widely used in Europe;28 it was a much cleaner, kinder, and more precise method of execution than death by the axe. Evidently "the sword of Calais" it was a much cleaner, kinder, and more precise method of execution than death by the axe. Evidently "the sword of Calais"29 was of some renown, being an expert executioner known for his swiftness and skill in cutting off heads. was of some renown, being an expert executioner known for his swiftness and skill in cutting off heads.

Several authors, among them Winston Churchill, have a.s.serted that at the end of her trial, Anne requested that, if the King would permit it, she wished to be beheaded with a sword, like the French n.o.bility, and not, like the English n.o.bility, with an axe. Friedmann says it is unknown why the King sent for a swordsman, but that because of Anne's French education, she probably thought it more honorable to be beheaded by a sword. Yet there is no contemporary record of her requesting this method of execution.

Since burning was the penalty for women who committed treason, why did Henry VIII not only opt for the method of execution reserved for male traitors of gentle or n.o.ble birth, but also decide to spare Anne the axe? George Wyatt says that "the King's conscience no doubt moved him to appointing the more honorable death;" not only was it the death reserved for the highborn, but it was less demeaning than being burned at the stake, for the flames, apart from inflicting sheer agony on the victim, could quickly burn away clothing and leave their nudity exposed to the public gaze, as had happened with Joan of Arc. It may be that Henry's conscience was troubling him-George Wyatt spoke with people who had known him-but this was to be the first time ever that an English queen would be executed, so the official approach may have been that, condemned traitor though she now was, Anne was still the Queen of England, had been Henry's consort, and was the mother of his daughter, and that therefore fitting treatment was called for, in line with her being royally lodged in the Tower, attended by ladies and servants, confessed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and richly garbed and bejeweled.30 It may be that, considering Anne's rank-and the possibility of the tide of public sympathy turning in her favor-no one wanted a horrific scene on the scaffold, so steps were taken to minimize the risk of that happening. It may be that, considering Anne's rank-and the possibility of the tide of public sympathy turning in her favor-no one wanted a horrific scene on the scaffold, so steps were taken to minimize the risk of that happening.31 According to Charles V's sister, Mary of Hungary, who was Regent of the Netherlands, the King had sent for this headsman "that the vengeance might be executed by [one of] the Emperor's subjects, as there were none in England skillful enough."32 This supports the claim in the "Spanish Chronicle" that the headsman came from St. Omer, which was then in Spanish-ruled Flanders. But perhaps Henry simply wanted Anne killed as humanely as possible; the warrant for her execution states that the King, moved by pity, was unwilling to send her to the stake, This supports the claim in the "Spanish Chronicle" that the headsman came from St. Omer, which was then in Spanish-ruled Flanders. But perhaps Henry simply wanted Anne killed as humanely as possible; the warrant for her execution states that the King, moved by pity, was unwilling to send her to the stake,33 which is substantiated by him securing the headsman's services at the handsome sum of 23.6s.8d (7,800), which was for his "rewards and apparel." which is substantiated by him securing the headsman's services at the handsome sum of 23.6s.8d (7,800), which was for his "rewards and apparel."34 But there was probably another, more pragmatic reason for the King's decision. Given that Kingston was informed on May 16, only the day after Anne's condemnation, that the headsman was on his way, and Chapuys learned on May 17 that Anne was due to be executed the next morning, there can be no doubt that this executioner had been summoned before her trial. In the Tudor period it took a fast rider four days to cover the two hundred miles from London to York, while in 1483 it had taken nearly two days for the news of Edward IV's death to be urgently conveyed from Westminster to Calais, probably using a relay system of messengers.35 Thus, allowing for a quick Channel crossing-although that could take anything from a few hours to several days, depending on the wind and weather conditions-it would have taken a royal messenger, or relays of messengers, the best part of forty-eight hours to travel from London to Dover (a distance of seventy miles) and then make the twenty-mile boat trip to Calais; the journey would, of course, have been longer if, as tradition has long had it, the headsman actually resided at St. Omer, twenty-two miles further on. Then it would take another two or three days for him to make his slower way to England. Thus, if he was expected to arrive by May 18 (which he probably did, as there is no mention of him being delayed), he must have been sent for in advance of Anne's trial-even as early as May 12, the day on which her coaccused were condemned, or May 13, when her household was broken up, or-allowing for the fastest journey-on May 14, at the latest. These calculations are supported by the account in the "Spanish Chronicle," which states that the King "sent a week before to St. Omer for a headsman, and nine days after they sent, he arrived." This suggests that, if he arrived on May 18, or even early on the next day, he had been summoned on May 9 or 10. The dates may be incorrect, but these precise calculations show that people were aware that the executioner had been summoned well before the trial. Thus, allowing for a quick Channel crossing-although that could take anything from a few hours to several days, depending on the wind and weather conditions-it would have taken a royal messenger, or relays of messengers, the best part of forty-eight hours to travel from London to Dover (a distance of seventy miles) and then make the twenty-mile boat trip to Calais; the journey would, of course, have been longer if, as tradition has long had it, the headsman actually resided at St. Omer, twenty-two miles further on. Then it would take another two or three days for him to make his slower way to England. Thus, if he was expected to arrive by May 18 (which he probably did, as there is no mention of him being delayed), he must have been sent for in advance of Anne's trial-even as early as May 12, the day on which her coaccused were condemned, or May 13, when her household was broken up, or-allowing for the fastest journey-on May 14, at the latest. These calculations are supported by the account in the "Spanish Chronicle," which states that the King "sent a week before to St. Omer for a headsman, and nine days after they sent, he arrived." This suggests that, if he arrived on May 18, or even early on the next day, he had been summoned on May 9 or 10. The dates may be incorrect, but these precise calculations show that people were aware that the executioner had been summoned well before the trial.

Thus the King had intended all along that Anne should be beheaded, and this not only preempted the verdict given at her trial, but also inflicted an added refinement of cruelty in keeping her in suspense for a whole day as to whether she would suffer the agony of burning. Since the executioner had already been sent for when Anne was sentenced to be burned or beheaded, there can be little doubt that the promise of a swifter death by the sword was used as a bargaining tool in securing her agreement to the annulment of her marriage.

Kingston was gratified to hear about the headsman. "I am very glad of the executioner of Calais, for he can handle the matter," he wrote to Cromwell. Indeed, he was to handle it exceptionally well, showing unexpected compa.s.sion and thoughtfulness toward his victim.

"For the gentlemen, the sheriffs [of London] must make provision," Kingston added, referring to an executioner; not for them the sword of Calais, but the public hangman. "As yet I hear of no writ, but they are all ready and, I trust, clean to G.o.d. They shall have warning in the morning." As for his other prisoner, "I shall send at once for carpenters to make a scaffold of such a height that all present may see it. If you wish more to be done, let me know."36 The "Spanish Chronicle" states that Wyatt was told on May 16 that no proceedings would be taken against him, and that immediately after hearing this welcome news he wrote to the King to remind him that he had warned him not to marry Anne Boleyn because she was a bad woman. That a prisoner in the Tower should have written such a letter to Henry at this time is utterly incredible; given the mood of the times, it would have been taking an enormous risk. Wyatt, a diplomat and seasoned courtier, would hardly have been so rash.

"Meanwhile, the [other] prisoners prepared to die, and took the sacrament."37 ...

Apprised only a short time beforehand of the time set for their executions, the condemned men were "led out of the Tower, all closely guarded,"38 and beheaded early in the morning of Wednesday, May 17, on a high scaffold "at the Tower Hill," and beheaded early in the morning of Wednesday, May 17, on a high scaffold "at the Tower Hill,"39 before large crowds, with a number of courtiers standing prominently to the front. before large crowds, with a number of courtiers standing prominently to the front.

Chapuys, who got his information from one of the ladies in attendance on Anne, says that "the Concubine saw them executed, from the Tower, to aggravate her grief."40 It sounds as if she was made to do so. Wyatt was also a witness. According to the "Spanish Chronicle," he was watching "from a window in the Tower, and all the people thought that he also was to be brought out and executed." The window was in the Bell Tower, as Wyatt makes clear in a poem about "these b.l.o.o.d.y days" written probably later that summer: It sounds as if she was made to do so. Wyatt was also a witness. According to the "Spanish Chronicle," he was watching "from a window in the Tower, and all the people thought that he also was to be brought out and executed." The window was in the Bell Tower, as Wyatt makes clear in a poem about "these b.l.o.o.d.y days" written probably later that summer: The Bell Tower showed me such sight That in my head sticks day and night; There did I lean out of a grate ...41 It is unlikely that Anne was allowed to watch with Wyatt, so she may have been looking out from another room in the Bell Tower, or from high up in the Byward Tower, which also afforded a view of Tower Hill.

According to John Husee, the men all "died very charitably."42 In the sixteenth century, great store was set by the way one met one's death. Redemption could be implicit in confession, repentance, and resignation. There was also a code of etiquette to be observed on the scaffold, and it was customary for those about to die to make a pious farewell speech for the edification of those watching, in which they confessed their fault, acknowledged the justness of their fate, and made their final peace with G.o.d before making a Christian end. Their words were meant to serve as a warning to others. This was not the place to deny one's guilt, or to criticize the King's justice; to do so might have led to a severer penalty being imposed, or could have rebounded on the often dest.i.tute relatives who were left behind, while those rash enough to plead innocence, such as the fourth Duke of Norfolk in 1572, would find the sheriff intervening to stop them. In the sixteenth century, great store was set by the way one met one's death. Redemption could be implicit in confession, repentance, and resignation. There was also a code of etiquette to be observed on the scaffold, and it was customary for those about to die to make a pious farewell speech for the edification of those watching, in which they confessed their fault, acknowledged the justness of their fate, and made their final peace with G.o.d before making a Christian end. Their words were meant to serve as a warning to others. This was not the place to deny one's guilt, or to criticize the King's justice; to do so might have led to a severer penalty being imposed, or could have rebounded on the often dest.i.tute relatives who were left behind, while those rash enough to plead innocence, such as the fourth Duke of Norfolk in 1572, would find the sheriff intervening to stop them.43 On this day, George Constantine was in the crowd, within earshot of the condemned men, and would tell Cromwell that he watched them die and "heard them, and wrote every word they spake." He added that "in a manner" every one of them confessed, although clearly it was not necessarily to the crimes they were to suffer for. All admitted that they had deserved to die for having led sinful lives, but none alluded to the specific offenses for which they had been condemned. They could have been acknowledging only the general sins of a lifetime.

Rochford, as the highest in rank, mounted the scaffold first and "with a loud voice"44 made a long and pious speech, of which several versions survive. Crispin de Milherve says that Rochford "exhorted those who suffered with him to die without fear; and [he] said to those that were about him that he came to die since it was the King's pleasure that it should be so. He exhorted all persons not to trust to courts, states, and kings, but in G.o.d only" and prayed that he "might be forgiven by all whom he had injured." He admitted "he deserved a heavier punishment for his other sins, but not from the King, whom he had never offended. Yet he prayed G.o.d to give him a long and good life." If these were truly his words, then this was as close to sniping at the King as a prisoner on a scaffold dared get, but Rochford would have realized that Henry could hardly take vengeance on his widow, since it was her evidence that had secured his death. In affirming that he had never offended the King, Rochford was, with his dying breath, proclaiming himself innocent of the charge of incest. made a long and pious speech, of which several versions survive. Crispin de Milherve says that Rochford "exhorted those who suffered with him to die without fear; and [he] said to those that were about him that he came to die since it was the King's pleasure that it should be so. He exhorted all persons not to trust to courts, states, and kings, but in G.o.d only" and prayed that he "might be forgiven by all whom he had injured." He admitted "he deserved a heavier punishment for his other sins, but not from the King, whom he had never offended. Yet he prayed G.o.d to give him a long and good life." If these were truly his words, then this was as close to sniping at the King as a prisoner on a scaffold dared get, but Rochford would have realized that Henry could hardly take vengeance on his widow, since it was her evidence that had secured his death. In affirming that he had never offended the King, Rochford was, with his dying breath, proclaiming himself innocent of the charge of incest.

Another, similar version of this speech is in the Chronicle of Calais Chronicle of Calais, which has Rochford stating: Christian men, I am born under the law, and judged under the law, and die under the law, and the law has condemned me. Masters all, I am not come hither for to preach, but for to die, for I have deserved to die if I had twenty lives, more shamefully than can be devised, for I am a wretched sinner, and I have sinned shamefully. I have known no man so evil, and to rehea.r.s.e my sins openly, it were no pleasure to you to hear them, nor yet for me to rehea.r.s.e them, for G.o.d knoweth all. Therefore, masters all, I pray you take heed by me, and especially my lords and gentlemen of the court, the which I have been among, take heed by me and beware of such a fall, and I pray to G.o.d the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, three persons and one G.o.d, that my death may be an example unto you all. And beware, trust not in the vanity of the world, and especially in the flattering of the court. And I cry G.o.d mercy, and ask all the world forgiveness, as willingly as I would have forgiveness of G.o.d. And if I have offended any man that is not here now, either in thought, word, or deed, and if ye here any such, I pray you heartily in my behalf, pray them to forgive me for G.o.d's sake. And yet, my masters all, I have one thing for to say to you: men do common and say that I have been a setter forth of the Word of G.o.d, and one that have favoured the Gospel of Christ; and because I would not that G.o.d's word should be slandered by me, I say unto you all, that if I had followed G.o.d's word in deed as I did read it and set it forth to my power, I had not come to this. I did read the Gospel of Christ, but I did not follow it. If I had, I had been a liv[ing] man among you. Therefore I pray you, masters all, for G.o.d's sake stick to the truth and follow it, for one good follower is worth three readers, as G.o.d knoweth.

Rochford's description of his sinfulness in this reliable account of his speech went way beyond what was normally required of a last confession, and goes a long way toward confirming the theory that he had indulged in what were then regarded as unnatural s.e.xual practices.

There are many reported versions of Rochford's scaffold speech, and great similarities in all of them: he acknowledged his sinful life, regretted he had not followed the teachings of the Gospel he had preached, exhorted the people to beware the flatteries of the court, and submitted to the law that had condemned him. But there are a few significant discrepancies. Milherve and Chapuys both a.s.sert that Rochford denied he had offended against the King, while the Portuguese account claims that he did acknowledge his crimes against G.o.d and his sovereign, and prayed Henry to pardon him. These discrepancies may have arisen from his words becoming garbled in the telling, or because different observers reported the pa.s.sages that impressed them, while some either misheard what was said or elaborated in order to make a political or moral point.45 Certainly Rochford spoke at some length before he submitted to the axe and died bravely as befit a gentleman, and we cannot begin to imagine the thoughts of the men who were awaiting their turn to die. Even if the axe hit home cleanly, on the nape, it was a brutal death, for it did not so much as slice neatly through the neck as hew through flesh and bone. And because beheadings were rare in England, hanging being the customary form of judicial execution, executioners were often unpracticed in the art. There was no guarantee of a swift end, and when Rochford "lay upon the ground with his head on the block, the headsman gave three strokes."46 According to Lancelot de Carles, when the other three gentlemen came to die, "they said nothing, as if they had commissioned Rochford to speak for them"-or maybe they were appalled at the butchery they had just witnessed. The Imperialist account also claims that the four men who followed Rochford to the block "said nothing except to pray for G.o.d's and the King's forgiveness, and to bid us pray for their souls."47 None spoke at length, yet obviously they did say more than Carles and the Imperialist-who may not have been able to hear everything-would have us believe, as the gist of their words was written down by other witnesses. None spoke at length, yet obviously they did say more than Carles and the Imperialist-who may not have been able to hear everything-would have us believe, as the gist of their words was written down by other witnesses.

The Portuguese a.s.serted that, after Rochford, "Norris was beheaded, then Weston and Brereton, and Mark";48 against this is the statement in the against this is the statement in the Histoire de la Royne Anne de Boullant Histoire de la Royne Anne de Boullant, which also gives the order of the executions, that Weston was next to mount the scaffold. Yet it is more likely that Norris, who was next in rank and importance after Rochford, came second. According to his man Constantine, "the others confessed [he does not say to what], all but Mr. Norris, who said almost nothing at all." However, Burnet has him stating, "I do not think that any gentleman of the court owes more to [the King] than I do, and hath been more ungrateful and regardless of it than I have." The crowd might well have thought this to be an admission of guilt, but then he fearlessly spoke out in Anne's defense, and "loyally averred that in his conscience, he thought the Queen innocent of these things laid to her charge; but whether she was or not, he would not accuse her of anything, and he would die a thousand times rather than ruin an innocent person." Constantine does not mention this brave and provocative declaration, but then his account of Rochford's speech is greatly truncated. The "Spanish Chronicle" states that Norris "made a great long prayer" and said he had been ungrateful to the King and deserved death, but again, this source is unreliable.

Weston followed. "I had thought to live in abomination yet this twenty or thirty years, and then to have made amends," he said mournfully. "I thought little I would come to this." His mention of a life of "abomination" might be understood to refer to illicit s.e.xual acts, although there must have been those among his hearers who took it to mean his adultery with the Queen or just his general sinfulness. His last words were an exhortation to learn "by example of him."

Brereton was beheaded next. "I have deserved to die if it were a thousand deaths," he declared, probably referring to his nefarious activities in Wales, "but the cause whereof I die judge ye not. But if ye judge, judge the best." Hearing him repeat this last sentence "three or four times," and remembering that no witnesses had testified against Brereton at his trial, Constantine clearly was was inclined to judge the best. "If any of them was innocent, it was he," he wrote, "for if he were guilty, I say therefore that he died worst of them all." He meant by the latter that Brereton, if guilty, should have made a less ambiguous speech, confessing his crimes and calling on G.o.d's forgiveness, for dying with a sin unconfessed would have been seen as inviting eternal d.a.m.nation. inclined to judge the best. "If any of them was innocent, it was he," he wrote, "for if he were guilty, I say therefore that he died worst of them all." He meant by the latter that Brereton, if guilty, should have made a less ambiguous speech, confessing his crimes and calling on G.o.d's forgiveness, for dying with a sin unconfessed would have been seen as inviting eternal d.a.m.nation.49 Brereton's admission that he deserved to die a thousand deaths seems a rather overstated confession of human frailty, and may suggest that he, like Rochford and Weston, was guilty of indulging in forbidden s.e.xual practices. Brereton's admission that he deserved to die a thousand deaths seems a rather overstated confession of human frailty, and may suggest that he, like Rochford and Weston, was guilty of indulging in forbidden s.e.xual practices.50 The "Spanish Chronicle" contradicts Constantine's evidence, and (probably falsely) a.s.serts that Brereton said nothing but "I have offended G.o.d and the King; pray for me." The "Spanish Chronicle" contradicts Constantine's evidence, and (probably falsely) a.s.serts that Brereton said nothing but "I have offended G.o.d and the King; pray for me."

Finally it came to Smeaton's turn; being of low degree, he was obliged to wait until last. By now the block and the scaffold would have been awash with blood and piled with butchered bodies, so it is hardly surprising that he faltered when making his speech, which was brief and d.a.m.ning, and in which he declared "he was justly punished for his misdeeds."51 "Masters," he cried, "I pray you all pray for me, for I have deserved the death." "Masters," he cried, "I pray you all pray for me, for I have deserved the death."52 Possibly he feared, even at this late stage, that he might be made to suffer the full horrors of a traitor's end if he protested his innocence, for the privilege of dying by the axe was not normally accorded to a "varlet" Possibly he feared, even at this late stage, that he might be made to suffer the full horrors of a traitor's end if he protested his innocence, for the privilege of dying by the axe was not normally accorded to a "varlet"53 such as he. Milherve says that his confession of guilt gave rise to "many reflections." Maybe some wondered if he felt he deserved death for betraying Anne, rather than for having betrayed the King. such as he. Milherve says that his confession of guilt gave rise to "many reflections." Maybe some wondered if he felt he deserved death for betraying Anne, rather than for having betrayed the King.54 The Imperialist commentator, who was certainly watching, reported that "Brereton and Mark were afterward quartered,"55 and on June 2, Jean Hannaert of Lyons was to inform the Empress how "the bodies were quartered." and on June 2, Jean Hannaert of Lyons was to inform the Empress how "the bodies were quartered."56 Yet it is possible that this eyewitness left immediately after the beheadings and merely a.s.sumed that the bodies were quartered, for no other witness makes any mention of quartering, and it was usually done so the quarters could be displayed on spikes as a warning to would-be traitors. In this case, there is ample evidence that the "bodies" and heads of all the men were buried that same day. Yet it is possible that this eyewitness left immediately after the beheadings and merely a.s.sumed that the bodies were quartered, for no other witness makes any mention of quartering, and it was usually done so the quarters could be displayed on spikes as a warning to would-be traitors. In this case, there is ample evidence that the "bodies" and heads of all the men were buried that same day.

The executions sparked much comment. The conventional references to sinfulness in the scaffold speeches were clearly seen by some as confessions of guilt, thus further tarnishing Anne's reputation. George Constantine wrote that to begin with, he himself and all true friends of the Gospel-that is, the reformists whom Anne had championed over the years-had found it impossible to credit what they had heard of the Queen. "Now because she was a favorer of G.o.d's Word, at the leastwise so taken, I tell you few men would believe that she was so abominable. As I may be saved, before G.o.d, I I could not believe it." That was "afore I heard them speak at their death. But on the scaffold, in a manner all confessed except Mr Norris," and Constantine found himself convinced that all were guilty as charged. could not believe it." That was "afore I heard them speak at their death. But on the scaffold, in a manner all confessed except Mr Norris," and Constantine found himself convinced that all were guilty as charged.

Milherve, more sympathetic, was of the opinion that all the men "suffered a death which they had no way deserved." Even the executioner "shed tears, but the b.l.o.o.d.y corpses were allowed to lie on the scaffold for hours, half dressed,"57 after he and the Tower officials stripped them of the clothing that was their perquisite. When Wyatt wrote, "The axe is home, your heads be in the street" (in a poem he composed during or soon after his captivity), he was not referring to the heads being displayed on pikes above London Bridge, as was customary after traitors had been beheaded, for both Chapuys and Wriothesley make it clear that the condemned men's "bodies, with their heads, were buried in the Tower of London"; after he and the Tower officials stripped them of the clothing that was their perquisite. When Wyatt wrote, "The axe is home, your heads be in the street" (in a poem he composed during or soon after his captivity), he was not referring to the heads being displayed on pikes above London Bridge, as was customary after traitors had been beheaded, for both Chapuys and Wriothesley make it clear that the condemned men's "bodies, with their heads, were buried in the Tower of London";58 instead, Wyatt's words may be taken to mean that the heads had been lifted or rolled off the scaffold as each new victim mounted it, and then left on the ground before being finally laden on to the cart that would trundle the remains of the five men back into the Tower. instead, Wyatt's words may be taken to mean that the heads had been lifted or rolled off the scaffold as each new victim mounted it, and then left on the ground before being finally laden on to the cart that would trundle the remains of the five men back into the Tower.

Because he had been a n.o.bleman, "the lord of Rochford's body and head" were interred before the high altar59 in the royal chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula within the Tower, which had been founded in the twelfth century and largely rebuilt by Henry VIII in 1532, after a disastrous fire in 1512; the rest were laid to rest in the adjacent churchyard, with "Mr. Weston and Mr. Norris in one grave" and "Mr. Brereton and Mark in another." in the royal chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula within the Tower, which had been founded in the twelfth century and largely rebuilt by Henry VIII in 1532, after a disastrous fire in 1512; the rest were laid to rest in the adjacent churchyard, with "Mr. Weston and Mr. Norris in one grave" and "Mr. Brereton and Mark in another."60 Wriothesley states that "the bodies with the heads" were placed in the graves, but Norris's family are said to have obtained permission to claim his head, which they later buried in the private chapel of Ockwells Manor, their house near Maidenhead, Berkshire. Wriothesley states that "the bodies with the heads" were placed in the graves, but Norris's family are said to have obtained permission to claim his head, which they later buried in the private chapel of Ockwells Manor, their house near Maidenhead, Berkshire.61 That house still stands, but only parts of the chapel survive, with no clue as to where the head-if it was ever there at all-might rest. That house still stands, but only parts of the chapel survive, with no clue as to where the head-if it was ever there at all-might rest.

The churchyard of St. Peter ad Vincula surrounded the chapel, and in those days extended into the area now covered by the Waterloo Block and the Jewel House. In 1841, when the foundations of the Waterloo Block were being dug, and during further excavation in 1964, many coffins and bones were found; these were buried in the crypt of the chapel.62 We have no means of knowing if the remains of Anne Boleyn's alleged lovers were among them. We have no means of knowing if the remains of Anne Boleyn's alleged lovers were among them.

At court, people were still expecting "many more" of the Queen's rumored army of lovers to be arrested and beheaded,63 while while Trahitur et sitspensus Trahitur et sitspensus was written in the margin of the official record of the dead men's trials and convictions, to show that the sentence had been carried out. was written in the margin of the official record of the dead men's trials and convictions, to show that the sentence had been carried out.

"The Concubine will certainly be beheaded tomorrow, or on Friday at the latest," Chapuys wrote on May 17, "and I think the King feels the time long that it is not done already."64 Whatever Chapuys had heard, it was not from Henry himself, but he would not have written this without some information on which to base it, and we might glean from his words some sense of Henry wanting everything all over and done with. It was customary for condemned prisoners to be executed with the minimum delay, but this was his queen and the mother of his child, whatever he believed she had done. Did he fear he might waver? Was this the reason for the frightening speed with which Anne had been arrested and condemned? It may be that Henry was "persuaded to destroy her before he could change his mind." Whatever Chapuys had heard, it was not from Henry himself, but he would not have written this without some information on which to base it, and we might glean from his words some sense of Henry wanting everything all over and done with. It was customary for condemned prisoners to be executed with the minimum delay, but this was his queen and the mother of his child, whatever he believed she had done. Did he fear he might waver? Was this the reason for the frightening speed with which Anne had been arrested and condemned? It may be that Henry was "persuaded to destroy her before he could change his mind."65 Anne, meanwhile, had been escorted back to the Queen's lodgings, no doubt grievously shaken and distressed at witnessing the b.l.o.o.d.y deaths of her brother and her friends. It had been an all-too-brutal reminder of what she herself must face not many hours hence, for these executions would have left her in no doubt that she would imminently share the men's fate, and that hints about her being sent abroad to a convent had been merely a cruel ploy to gain her consent to the annulment. And she was right, for Kingston, having returned from discharging his grim duty on Tower Hill, now came to inform her that she was to die the following morning.

Kingston was surely relieved to be able to tell Anne that she was not to suffer the agony and horror of the flames but the kinder death by beheading, and that the King's mercy had extended to arranging for her to be dispatched by the sword. Whatever her sense of betrayal, Anne received the news calmly. When "the day of her death was announced to her, she was more joyful than before."66 Her mind was apparently more exercised about what the men had said about her on the scaffold. She "asked about the endurance of her brother and the others" Her mind was apparently more exercised about what the men had said about her on the scaffold. She "asked about the endurance of her brother and the others"67 and wanted to know if any of them had protested her innocence, and when Kingston told "how her brother and the other gentlemen had suffered and had sealed her innocence with their own blood, but that Mark had confessed he deserved to die, her face changed somewhat and she broke out into some pa.s.sion, saying, 'Has he not then cleared me of the public infamy he has brought me to? Alas, I fear his soul suffers for it, and that he is now punished for his false accusations! But for my brother and those others, I doubt not but they are now in the presence of that great King before whom I am to be tomorrow.'" She was well aware that Smeaton's confession would give rise to "many reflections." and wanted to know if any of them had protested her innocence, and when Kingston told "how her brother and the other gentlemen had suffered and had sealed her innocence with their own blood, but that Mark had confessed he deserved to die, her face changed somewhat and she broke out into some pa.s.sion, saying, 'Has he not then cleared me of the public infamy he has brought me to? Alas, I fear his soul suffers for it, and that he is now punished for his false accusations! But for my brother and those others, I doubt not but they are now in the presence of that great King before whom I am to be tomorrow.'" She was well aware that Smeaton's confession would give rise to "many reflections."68 Between nine and eleven in the morning of May 1769 "having only G.o.d before his eyes," Archbishop Cranmer convened "a solemn court" in "a certain low chapel" (or crypt, perhaps the undercroft) at Lambeth Palace, where "the doctors of the law" gathered for the purpose of annulling Anne's marriage. "having only G.o.d before his eyes," Archbishop Cranmer convened "a solemn court" in "a certain low chapel" (or crypt, perhaps the undercroft) at Lambeth Palace, where "the doctors of the law" gathered for the purpose of annulling Anne's marriage.70 Neither she nor Henry was present, despite both having received the summons to appear; they were represented by proctors. Strickland, followed by other writers, a.s.serted that Anne was conveyed in privacy to Lambeth Palace, and that she attended the hearing, but there is no contemporary evidence for this. Neither she nor Henry was present, despite both having received the summons to appear; they were represented by proctors. Strickland, followed by other writers, a.s.serted that Anne was conveyed in privacy to Lambeth Palace, and that she attended the hearing, but there is no contemporary evidence for this.

The Queen was represented in court by her proctors, John Barbour and a rising diplomat, Dr. Nicholas Wotton, both of whom had perhaps visited her at the Tower and obtained her formal consent to the dissolution of her marriage, although there is no evidence for their having done so; certainly they did not contest the annulment on her behalf.71 Dr. Richard Sampson, who would be rewarded with the bishopric of Chich ester the following month, represented the King, alongside Thomas Bedyll, a royal chaplain and clerk to the Privy Council, and John Tregonwell, a lawyer, judge, and privy councillor. Dr. Richard Sampson, who would be rewarded with the bishopric of Chich ester the following month, represented the King, alongside Thomas Bedyll, a royal chaplain and clerk to the Privy Council, and John Tregonwell, a lawyer, judge, and privy councillor.

Also present were Cromwell, the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Suffolk, the earls of Oxford and Suss.e.x, and other members of the King's Council,72 while the formal witnesses were Richard Gwent, another royal chaplain who was Archdeacon of London; Edmund Bonner, Archdeacon of Leicester, who would in time become Bishop of London and gain notoriety as the "b.l.o.o.d.y Bonner" of the Marian persecutions of the 1550s; and Thomas Legh, a lawyer and diplomat. In the afternoon, while the formal witnesses were Richard Gwent, another royal chaplain who was Archdeacon of London; Edmund Bonner, Archdeacon of Leicester, who would in time become Bishop of London and gain notoriety as the "b.l.o.o.d.y Bonner" of the Marian persecutions of the 1550s; and Thomas Legh, a lawyer and diplomat. In the afternoon,73 these persons heard Cranmer p.r.o.nounce that "on the basis of some true, just, and legitimate causes recently brought to our attention," the marriage that Henry VIII had schemed for six years to make was "null and void, and had always been so," which made Anne's daughter-henceforth to be known as Lady Elizabeth-a b.a.s.t.a.r.d. "And so she was discharged, and was never lawful Queen of England, and there it was approved," Wriothesley observed, not understanding Anne's true legal position with regard to her t.i.tle. these persons heard Cranmer p.r.o.nounce that "on the basis of some true, just, and legitimate causes recently brought to our attention," the marriage that Henry VIII had schemed for six years to make was "null and void, and had always been so," which made Anne's daughter-henceforth to be known as Lady Elizabeth-a b.a.s.t.a.r.d. "And so she was discharged, and was never lawful Queen of England, and there it was approved," Wriothesley observed, not understanding Anne's true legal position with regard to her t.i.tle.74 Cranmer's grounds for annulling the marriage were not cited in his decree of nullity,75 but it took Chapuys only two days to discover the grounds for the annulment: reliable informants told him that the Archbishop had p.r.o.nounced Henry and Anne's marriage invalid "on account of the King having had connection with her sister, and that, as both parties knew of this, the good faith of the parents cannot make the b.a.s.t.a.r.d [Elizabeth] legitimate [sic]." but it took Chapuys only two days to discover the grounds for the annulment: reliable informants told him that the Archbishop had p.r.o.nounced Henry and Anne's marriage invalid "on account of the King having had connection with her sister, and that, as both parties knew of this, the good faith of the parents cannot make the b.a.s.t.a.r.d [Elizabeth] legitimate [sic]."76 Such a judgment would only have been possible after Anne was safely condemned, because, given that she was aware of the impediment to her marriage, she could not technically have been guilty of adultery. Such a judgment would only have been possible after Anne was safely condemned, because, given that she was aware of the impediment to her marriage, she could not technically have been guilty of adultery.77 On May 19, Cranmer was to issue a dispensation for the King to marry Jane Seymour without prior publication of banns, even though both parties were within "the third and third degrees of affinity."78 No such blood relationship existed between Henry and Jane Seymour, who were far more distant cousins, and Jane was not third cousin to either of his previous wives, so it is possible that Henry had at one time been involved in an unrecorded s.e.xual affair with someone who was related within those degrees to Jane, or that Jane herself had been the mistress of a kinsman of the King; or Henry was perhaps a G.o.dparent to the child of one of Jane's cousins, which would have created compaternity with the relevant parent and been as effective a barrier to marriage within the forbidden degrees of consanguinity as a blood relationship. Whatever the technicalities of the matter, the King was now a free man. No such blood relationship existed between Henry and Jane Seymour, who were far more distant cousins, and Jane was not third cousin to either of his previous wives, so it is possible that Henry had at one time been involved in an unrecorded s.e.xual affair with someone who was related within those degrees to Jane, or that Jane herself had been the mistress of a kinsman of the King; or Henry was perhaps a G.o.dparent to the child of one of Jane's cousins, which would have created compaternity with the relevant parent and been as effective a barrier to marriage within the forbidden degrees of consanguinity as a blood relationship. Whatever the technicalities of the matter, the King was now a free man.

CHAPTER 13.

For Now I Die.

On the night of May 1718 carpenters were set to work to build a "new scaffold"1 "of such a height that all may see it," "of such a height that all may see it,"2 "having four or five steps." "having four or five steps."3 Wriothesley states that this was erected on "the green within the Tower of London, by the White Tower," while the Wriothesley states that this was erected on "the green within the Tower of London, by the White Tower," while the Lisle Letters Lisle Letters and Anthony Anthony describe it as being put up "before the house of Ordnance," a long, crumbling building (soon to be replaced) that stood on the north side of the Inner Ward, facing the White Tower; today, the Waterloo Barracks occupy the site of the House of Ordnance. and Anthony Anthony describe it as being put up "before the house of Ordnance," a long, crumbling building (soon to be replaced) that stood on the north side of the Inner Ward, facing the White Tower; today, the Waterloo Barracks occupy the site of the House of Ordnance.4 In 2000 the Royal Armories acquired a hitherto unknown contemporary ma.n.u.script account of the execution of Robert Devereux, Earl of Ess.e.x, in 1601, possibly written as an official report for the Privy Council and perhaps even for Elizabeth I herself. According to this doc.u.ment, Ess.e.x's scaffold was "placed in the high court above Caesar's Tower;" in those days, people believed that Julius Caesar had built the White Tower. Thus it was almost certainly on the same site as Anne Boleyn's scaffold had stood, and probably all the other scaffolds erected for private executions in the Tudor period. This "high court" was the largest open s.p.a.ce in the Tower precincts, where tournaments had once been held, and it could accommodate large crowds of spectators.5 The author of the "Spanish Chronicle" corroborates this location, stating that "they erected the scaffold in the great courtyard of the Tower." The author of the "Spanish Chronicle" corroborates this location, stating that "they erected the scaffold in the great courtyard of the Tower."

Dr. Geoffrey Parnell, Keeper of Tower History at the Royal Armories Museum, has established that the present Tower Green was adopted as the scaffold site in 1864 because Queen Victoria wished to mark the place where Anne Boleyn had been beheaded, and it was a.s.sumed that the green before St. Peter ad Vincula was the correct location for executions, since three mutineers had been shot there in 1743.6 This mistaken a.s.sumption was seemingly confirmed when Charles Wriothesley's chronicle was published in 1875, with its a.s.sertion that Anne met her end on "the green" within the Tower. This was understood in the nineteenth century to refer only to the green before the chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula. However, "East Smithfield Green," as it was known in the sixteenth century, extended farther east in Anne Boleyn's time. This mistaken a.s.sumption was seemingly confirmed when Charles Wriothesley's chronicle was published in 1875, with its a.s.sertion that Anne met her end on "the green" within the Tower. This was understood in the nineteenth century to refer only to the green before the chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula. However, "East Smithfield Green," as it was known in the sixteenth century, extended farther east in Anne Boleyn's time.7 Thus, Anne's scaffold was erected on the present parade ground north of the White Tower,8 and the grim prophecy of the Abbot of Garadon was about to be fulfilled, at least in part, for even if the Queen was not to be burned, she was to meet her doom "where the tower is white and another place green." and the grim prophecy of the Abbot of Garadon was about to be fulfilled, at least in part, for even if the Queen was not to be burned, she was to meet her doom "where the tower is white and another place green."9 Lancelot de Carles would observe of her end: "Nothing notable has happened which has not been foretold." Lancelot de Carles would observe of her end: "Nothing notable has happened which has not been foretold."

It is unlikely that Anne would have heard the builders hammering away from the Queen's apartments, as is traditionally supposed, although she was certainly up at two o'clock in the morning of May 18, when her almoner, John Skip, arrived to offer spiritual support in her last hours. She spent the rest of the night in prayer with him until soon after dawn, when Cranmer came again, as he had promised, to hear her final confession and to celebrate ma.s.s and give her holy communion. In these, her dying hours, she showed herself a devout Catholic with a pious devotion to the Eucharist, despite her reformist views.

"The Queen, in expectation of her last day, took the sacrament."10 She insisted that Kingston be present. "This morning," he reported to Cromwell, "she sent for me that I might be with her at such time as she received the good Lord, to the intent I should hear her speak as touching her innocency always to be clear." Chapuys reported on the May 19: "She confessed herself yesterday, and communicated, expecting to be executed. She requested it of those who had charge of it, and expressed the desire to be executed. No person ever showed greater willingness to die." She insisted that Kingston be present. "This morning," he reported to Cromwell, "she sent for me that I might be with her at such time as she received the good Lord, to the intent I should hear her speak as touching her innocency always to be clear." Chapuys reported on the May 19: "She confessed herself yesterday, and communicated, expecting to be executed. She requested it of those who had charge of it, and expressed the desire to be executed. No person ever showed greater willingness to die."11 Dr. Ortiz, basing his account (written on June 11) on information sent him by Chapuys, says "she complained that she had not been executed on Wednesday with her brother, saying that she hoped to have gone to Paradise with him." Dr. Ortiz, basing his account (written on June 11) on information sent him by Chapuys, says "she complained that she had not been executed on Wednesday with her brother, saying that she hoped to have gone to Paradise with him."12 But before Anne could go to her rest, she was determined to protest her innocence in the most effective way possible; to the sixteenth-century mind, the prospect of divine judgment was a chastening reality, and the fear of eternal perdition very real. Chapuys wrote: "The lady who had charge of her"-either Lady Kingston or Lady Boleyn, who were both presumably present-"has sent to tell me in great secrecy, that the Concubine, before and after receiving the sacrament, affirmed to her, on the d.a.m.nation of her soul, that she had never offended with her body against the King."13 Anne's protestations of innocence, made when she believed her execution was imminent, should surely be regarded as genuine. It is barely conceivable that she would have risked her immortal soul, on the brink of death and divine judgment as she believed herself to be, by lying, and hardly likely that she would have taken such a spiritual gamble in the interests of retrieving her earthly reputation. This was a time for confessing sins and making a final peace with G.o.d, not for bearing false witness.

Nonetheless, the wording of her confession is interesting. It may be that she merely wished to emphasize that she had been faithful to the King, but from her insistence that "she had never offended with her body" with her body" against him, it might be inferred that she had offended in other ways, perhaps with her heart or her thoughts, and that she had perhaps secretly loved another, possibly Norris, but never went so far as to consummate that love. against him, it might be inferred that she had offended in other ways, perhaps with her heart or her thoughts, and that she had perhaps secretly loved another, possibly Norris, but never went so far as to consummate that love.

On the morning of May 18, a little before nine o'clock, the time appointed for the execution, Kingston received orders from Cromwell to "have strangers [foreigners] conveyed out of the Tower." There seems to have been official concern that foreign amba.s.sadors would send home sympathetic reports of Anne's end that could reflect badly on the King. The constable duly sent Richard Gresham, the Sheriff of London (and future Lord Mayor), and one William Cooke to see that this was done. This obliged him to delay the execution until midday, and he sent to inform Anne of this; the bringer of the difficult news was probably his wife.

It was not long before Anne summoned him, "and at my coming, she said, 'Master Kingston, I hear say I shall not die afore noon, and I am very sorry therefore, for I thought then to be dead and past my pain.' I told her it should be no pain, it was so subtle; and then she said, 'I have heard say the executioner was very good, and I have a little neck.' And she put her hand about it, laughing heartily." Kingston observed to Cromwell, "I have seen many men and also women executed, and all they have been in great sorrow, but to my knowledge, this lady has much joy and pleasure in death. Sir, her almoner is continually with her, and has been since two of the clock after midnight."14 Both Chapuys and Kingston testified to Anne's readiness to die, and there can be little doubt that it was genuine. She had been accused, probably falsely, of the vilest of crimes, and lost nearly everything that mattered: her husband, her brother, her power, her married status, her friends, her possessions, and her reputation. Her daughter had been branded a b.a.s.t.a.r.d, and there was nothing she could do about it. Five men had died on her account. Her father had abandoned her. Her mother's grief was unimaginable. Barely recovered from a miscarriage, she herself had suffered three weeks of unthinkable anxiety and dread, and now she faced a violent death. The husband who won her so dearly, but utterly abandoned her, had carried out his threat to lower her as much as he'd raised her. There was little left to live for, so it is small wonder that she wanted her wretched existence to end. She had only her strong will and her faith to sustain her through these terrible final hours.

It had hardly seemed worth the effort to clear the Tower of foreigners, for "the number of strangers pa.s.sed not thirty," as Kingston informed Master Secretary, "and not many of those armed; and the amba.s.sador of the Emperor had a servant ther