The Invisible Government Part 19

Cousins is still honorary president of UWF. Walter Reuther (a "second-level" affiliate of the CFR), Cousins, and Warburg actually run the UWF at the top. Other Council on Foreign Relations members who are officials in the UWF include Harry A. Bullis, Arthur H. Bunker, Ca.s.s Canfield, Mark F. Ethridge, Douglas Fairbanks, Jr., Harold K.

Guinzburg, Isador Lubin, Cord Meyer, Jr., Lewis Mumford, Harry Scherman, Raymond Gram Swing, Paul C. Smith, Walter w.a.n.ger, James D. Zellerbach.

The Inst.i.tute for International Order, 11 West 42nd Street, New York 36, New York, is another organization working for world government. It was founded on November 17, 1948, at Washington, D.C., as the a.s.sociation for Education in World Government. On May 17, 1952, it changed its name to Inst.i.tute for International Government. On May 7, 1954, it changed names again, to the present Inst.i.tute for International Order.

The purpose of this organization has remained constant, through all the name changing, since it was originally founded in 1948: to strengthen the United Nations into a genuine world government. And it is a part of the interlocking apparatus which const.i.tutes our invisible government.

The Inst.i.tute for International Order gets 75% of its income from foundations which members of the Council on Foreign Relations control; and the following CFR members are officers of the Inst.i.tute: Earl D.

Osborn (President), Henry B. Cabot (Vice President), Edward W. Barrett, Paul G. Hoffman, and Irving Salomon.

In 1948, the State Department created the U.S. Committee for the UN (mentioned in Chapter VIII, in connection with the Advertising Council) as a semi-official organization to propagandize for the UN in the United States, with emphasis on promoting "UN Day" each year.

The Council on Foreign Relations dominates the U.S. Committee for the UN. Such persons as Stanley C. Allyn, Ralph Bunche, Gardner Cowles, H.

J. Heinz, II, Eric Johnston, Milton Katz, Stanley Marcus, Hugh Moore, John Nason, Earl D. Osborn, Jack I. Straus, and Walter Wheeler, Jr.--all Council on Foreign Relations members--are members of the U.S. Committee for the United Nations.

Walter Wheeler, Jr., (last name in the list above) is President of Pitney-Bowes, maker of postage meter machines. In 1961, Mr. Wheeler tried to stop all Pitney-Bowes customers from using, on their meter machines, the American patriotic slogan, "This is a republic, not a democracy: let's keep it that way." Mr. Wheeler said this slogan was controversial. But Mr. Wheeler supported a campaign to get the slogan of international socialism, _UN We Believe_, used on Pitney-Bowes postage meter machines--probably the most controversial slogan ever to appear in American advertising, as we shall see presently.

The American a.s.sociation for the United Nations--AAUN--is another tax-exempt, "semi-private" organization set up (not directly by the CFR, but by the State Department which the Council runs) as a propaganda agency for the UN. It serves as an outlet for UN pamphlets and, with chapters in most key cities throughout the United States, as an organizer of meetings, lecture-series, and other programs which propagandize about the ineffable goodness and greatness of the United Nations as the maker and keeper of world peace.

The Council on Foreign Relations dominates the AAUN. Some of the leading CFR members who run the AAUN are: Ralph J. Bunche, Ca.s.s Canfield, Benjamin V. Cohen, John Cowles, Clark M. Eichelberger, Ernest A. Gross, Paul G. Hoffman, Palmer Hoyt, Herbert Lehman, Oscar de Lima, Irving Salomon, James T. Shotwell, Sumner Welles, Quincy Wright.

In 1958, the United States Committee for the UN created an Industry Partic.i.p.ation Division for the specific purpose of getting the UN emblem and _UN We Believe_ slogan displayed on the commercial vehicles, stationery, business forms, office buildings, flag poles, and advertising layouts of American business firms. The first major firm to plunge conspicuously into this pro-UN propaganda drive was United Air Lines.

W. A. Patterson, President of United, is an official of the Committee For Economic Development, a major Council on Foreign Relations propaganda affiliate, and has served on the Business-Education Committee of the CED. Mr. Patterson had the _UN We Believe_ emblem painted in a conspicuous place on every plane in the United Air Lines fleet. There was a ma.s.sive protest from Americans who know that the UN is part of the great scheme to destroy America as a free and independent republic. Mr.

Patterson had the UN emblems removed from his planes.

In 1961, the American a.s.sociation for the United Nations and the U. S.

Committee for the UN (both enjoying federal tax exemption, as "educational" in the "public interest") created another tax-exempt organization to plaster the UN emblem all over the American landscape.

The new organization is called UN We Believe. Here is an article from the May-June, 1961, issue of _Weldwood News_, a house organ of United States Plywood Corporation (New York 36, New York):

"A. W. (Al) Teichmeier, USP director of merchandising, is the Company's closest physical link to the United Nations--he's President of UN We Believe.

"UN We Believe, under joint auspices of the American a.s.sociation for the UN and the U. S. Committee for the UN, is a non-profit, year-round program geared to convince industry, organizations and individuals how important public support can mean in preserving world peace.

"USP uses the seal ... (UN emblem and _UN We Believe_ slogan) on its postage meters for all New York mailings. Among some other active companies in the program are CIT, General Telephone, Texaco, American Sugar Refining, P. Lorillard Co., and KLM Dutch Airlines."

Plywood companies (small ones, producing hardwood plywood, if not big ones like USP) have been grievously hurt by the trade and foreign-aid policies which the UN, international-socialist crowd is responsible for.

Lenin is said to have remarked that when it comes time for communists to hang all capitalists, the capitalists will bid against each other for contracts to sell the rope.

The article from _Weldwood News_, quoted above, was quoted in the July 17, 1961, issue of _The Dan Smoot Report_. The companies mentioned received some mail, criticizing them for supporting UN We Believe. The Texaco Company denied that it had ever been active in UN We Believe and said that the editor of _Weldwood News_ had apologized for the error in publishing the reference to Texaco and had expressed regret for "the embarra.s.sment caused" Texaco.

While denying support for UN We Believe, however, Mr. Augustus C. Long, Chairman of the Board of Texaco (and a member of the Business Advisory Council) gave unqualified endors.e.m.e.nt of the Council on Foreign Relations. In a letter dated August 17, 1961, Mr. Long said:

"The Council on Foreign Relations is one of the most effective organizations in this country devoted to spreading information on international problems. The officers and directors of the Council are men of reputation and stature. We believe that the Council through its study groups makes an outstanding contribution to public information concerning foreign policy issues."

Chapter 8

FOREIGN AID

One day in the spring of 1961, a New York lawyer received a long distance telephone call. Concerning this call, the _New York Times_ reported:

"'This is President Kennedy,' the telephone voice said.

"'The h.e.l.l you say,' retorted the lawyer. 'I guess that makes me the Prime Minister of England, but what can I do for you?'

"'n.o.body's pulling your leg,' the telephone voice said. 'This is President Kennedy all right. I want to talk to you about coming down here to Washington to help me with this long-term foreign aid legislation.'"

One week later, the New York lawyer took an apartment in Washington and, as a member of President Kennedy's "Task Force" on foreign aid, started writing the Foreign a.s.sistance Act of 1961. The lawyer is Theodore Tannenwald, Jr., a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, who wrote many of the foreign aid bills which President Harry Truman presented to Congress and who, during the first Eisenhower term, was a.s.sistant director of the Mutual Security Program.

After Mr. Tannenwald and his task force had finished writing the 1961 foreign aid bill, President Kennedy appointed Tannenwald coordinator in charge of "presenting" the bill to committees of the House and Senate.

Three cabinet officers and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff took their orders from Mr. Tannenwald, who was, according to the _New York Times_, "the Administration's composer, orchestrator and conductor of the most important legislative symphony of the Congressional session."

With admiration, the _Times_ said:

"Mr. Tannenwald has been a kind of special White House amba.s.sador to Capitol Hill. While the legislative committees struggled with the controversial proposal to by-pa.s.s the appropriating process and give the President authority to borrow $8,800,000,000 (8 billion, 800 million) for development lending in the next five years, he was the man in the ante-room empowered to answer questions in the name of the President."

In July, 1961, President Kennedy completed Mr. Tannenwald's foreign aid "orchestra." On July 10, in ceremonies at the White House, the President formally announced creation of the newest foreign-aid propaganda organization, the Citizens Committee for International Development, with Warren Lee Pierson as chairman. Here is the membership of the Citizens Committee for International Development:

_Eugenie Anderson_ (member of the Atlantic Union Committee); _William Benton_ (Chairman of the Board of _Encyclopaedia Britannica_; member of the Atlantic Union Committee); _Everett N.

Case_ (President of Colgate University); _O. Roy Chalk_ (President of the District of Columbia Transit Company); _Malcolm S. Forbes_ (Editor and Publisher of _Forbes Magazine_); _Eleanor Clark French_; _Albert M. Greenfield_ (Honorary Chairman of the Board of Bankers Security Corporation, Philadelphia); _General Alfred M.

Gruenther_ (President of the American National Red Cross; member of the Atlantic Union Committee); _Murray D. Lincoln_ (Chairman of Nationwide Insurance Company); _Sol M. Linowitz_ (Chairman of Zerox Corporation); _George Meany_ (President of AFL-CIO); _William S.

Paley_ (Chairman of the Board, Columbia Broadcasting System); _Warren Lee Pierson_ (Chairman of the Board, Trans-World Airways); _Ross Pritchard_ (Professor of Political Science, Southwestern University, Memphis); _Thomas S. Nichols_ (Chairman of the Board of Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation; member of the Atlantic Union Committee); _Mrs. Mary G. Roebling_ (President Of Trenton Trust Company); _David Sarnoff_ (Chairman of Radio Corporation of America); _Walter Sterling Surrey_ (legal consultant, Economic Cooperation Administration); _Thomas J. Watson, Jr._, (President of International Business Machines Corporation); _Walter H. Wheeler, Jr._, (President of Pitney-Bowes); _James D. Zellerbach_ (President and Director of Crown-Zellerbach Corporation; Chairman of Fibreboard Products, Inc.; member of the Atlantic Union Committee and United World Federalists); _Ezra Zilkha_ (head of Zilkha & Sons).

Of these 22 people, 12 (including the Chairman) are members of the Council on Foreign Relations: Benton, Case, Gruenther, Paley, Pierson, Pritchard, Nichols, Sarnoff, Surrey, Watson, Wheeler, and Zellerbach.

Heads of the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations attended the White House luncheon when the Committee was formed. Vice President Johnson, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and Attorney General Robert Kennedy were also present. The President urged each and all to get foundations, business firms, civic organizations, and the people generally, to put pressure on Congress in support of the 1961 foreign aid bill.

Within a week after the July 10, White House luncheon meeting (which launched the CFR's foreign aid committee), the President and his high-level aides were talking about a grave crisis in Berlin and about foreign aid as _the_ essential means of "meeting" that crisis.

On July 25, when congressional debates over the foreign aid bill were in a critical stage, President Kennedy spoke to the nation on radio and television, solemnly warning the people that the Berlin situation was dangerous.

Immediate, additional support for the foreign aid bill came from the country's liberal and leftwing forces, who united in a pa.s.sionate plea--urging the American people to support the President "in this grave hour."