The Invisible Government Part 1

The Invisible Government.

by Dan Smoot.

FOREWORD

On May 30, 1961, President Kennedy departed for Europe and a summit meeting with Khrushchev[A]. Every day the Presidential tour was given banner headlines; and the meeting with Khrushchev was reported as an event of earth-shaking consequence.

It was an important event. But a meeting which was probably far more important, and which had commanded no front-page headlines at all, ended quietly on May 29, the day before President and Mrs. Kennedy set out on their grand tour.

On May 12, 1961, Dr. Philip E. Mosely, Director of Studies of the Council on Foreign Relations, announced that,

"Prominent Soviet and American citizens will hold a week-long unofficial conference on Soviet-American relations in the Soviet Union, beginning May 22."

Dr. Mosely, a co-chairman of the American group, said that the State Department had approved the meeting but that the Americans involved would go as "private citizens" and would express their own views.

_The New York Times'_ news story on Dr. Mosely's announcement (May 13, 1961) read:

"The importance attached by the Soviet Union to the meeting appears to be suggested by the fact that the Soviet group will include three members of the communist party's Central Committee ... and one candidate member of that body....

"The meeting, to be held in the town of Nizhnyaya Oreanda, in the Crimea, will follow the pattern of a similar unofficial meeting, in which many of the same persons partic.i.p.ated, at Dartmouth College last fall. The meetings will take place in private and there are no plans to issue an agreed statement on the subjects discussed....

"The topics to be discussed include disarmament and the guaranteeing of ... international peace, the role of the United Nations in strengthening international security, the role of advanced nations in aiding under-developed countries, and the prospects for peaceful and improving Soviet-United States relations.

"The Dartmouth conference last fall and the scheduled Crimean conference originated from a suggestion made by Norman Cousins, editor of _The Sat.u.r.day Review_ and co-chairman of the American group going to the Crimea, when he visited the Soviet Union a year and a half ago....

"Mr. Cousins and Dr. Mosely formed a small American group early last year to organize the conferences. It received financial support from the Ford Foundation for the Dartmouth conference and for travel costs to the Crimean meeting. This group selected the American representatives for the two meetings.

"Among those who partic.i.p.ated in the Dartmouth conference were several who have since taken high posts in the Kennedy Administration, including Dr. Walt W. Rostow, now an a.s.sistant to President Kennedy, and George F. Kennan; now United States Amba.s.sador to Yugoslavia...."

The head of the Soviet delegation to the meeting in the Soviet Union, May 22, 1961, was Alekesander Y. Korneichuk, a close personal friend of Khrushchev. The American citizens scheduled to attend included besides Dr. Mosely and Mr. Cousins:

_Marian Anderson_, the singer; _Dean Erwin N. Griswold_, of the Harvard Law School; _Gabriel Hauge_, former economic adviser to President Eisenhower and now an executive of the Manufacturers Trust Company; _Dr.

Margaret Mead_, a widely known anthropologist whose name (like that of Norman Cousins) has been a.s.sociated with communist front activities in the United States; _Dr. A. William Loos_, Director of the Church Peace Union; _Stuart Chase_, American author notable for his pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist att.i.tudes; _William Benton_, former U.S. Senator, also well-known as a pro-socialist, anti-anti-communist, now Chairman of the Board of _Encyclopaedia Britannica_; _Dr. George Fisher_, of the Ma.s.sachusetts Inst.i.tute of Technology; _Professor Paul M. Doty_, _Jr._, of Harvard's Chemistry Department; _Professor Lloyd Reynolds_, Yale University economist; _Professor Louis B. Sohn_ of the Harvard Law School; _Dr. Joseph E. Johnson_, an old friend and former a.s.sociate of Alger Hiss in the State Department, who succeeded Hiss as President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and still holds that position; _Professor Robert R. Bowie_, former head of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff (a job which Hiss also held at one time), now Director of the Center for International Affairs at Harvard; and _Dr. Arthur Larson_, former a.s.sistant to, and ghost writer for, President Eisenhower. Larson was often called "Mr. Modern Republican,"

because the political philosophy which he espoused was precisely that of Eisenhower (Larson is now, 1962, Director of the World Rule of Law Center at Duke University, where his full-time preoccupation is working for repeal of the Connally Reservation, so that the World Court can take jurisdiction over United States affairs).

I think the meeting which the Council on Foreign Relations arranged in the Soviet Union, in 1961, was more important than President Kennedy's meeting with Khrushchev, because I am convinced that the Council on Foreign Relations, together with a great number of other a.s.sociated tax-exempt organizations, const.i.tutes the invisible government which sets the major policies of the federal government; exercises controlling influence on governmental officials who implement the policies; and, through ma.s.sive and skillful propaganda, influences Congress and the public to support the policies.

I am convinced that the objective of this invisible government is to convert America into a socialist state and then make it a unit in a one-world socialist system.

My convictions about the invisible government are based on information which is presented in this book.

The information about membership and activities of the Council on Foreign Relations and of its interlocking affiliates comes largely from publications issued by those organizations. I am deeply indebted to countless individuals who, when they learned of my interest, enriched my own files with material they had been collecting for years, hoping that someone would eventually use it.

I have not managed to get all of the membership rosters and publications issued by all of the organizations discussed. Hence, there are gaps in my information.

One aspect of the over-all subject, omitted entirely from this book, is the working relationship between internationalist groups in the United States and comparable groups abroad.

The Royal Inst.i.tute of International Affairs in England (usually called Chatham House) and the American Council on Foreign Relations were both conceived at a dinner meeting in Paris in 1919. By working with the CFR, the Royal Inst.i.tute, undoubtedly, has had profound influence on American affairs.

Other internationalist organizations in foreign lands which work with the American Council on Foreign Relations, include the Inst.i.tut des Relations Internationales (Belgium), Danish Foreign Policy Society, Indian Council of World Affairs, Australian Inst.i.tute of International Affairs, and similar organizations in France, Italy, Yugoslavia, Greece, and Turkey.

The "Bilderbergers" are another powerful group involved in the internationalist web. The "Bilderbergers" take their name from the scene of their first known meeting--the Bilderberg Hotel, Oosterbeck, The Netherlands, in May, 1954. The group consists of influential Western businessmen, diplomats, and high governmental officials. Their meetings, conducted in secrecy and in a hugger-mugger atmosphere, are held about every six months at various places throughout the world. His Royal Highness, Prince Bernhard of The Netherlands, has presided at every known meeting of the Bilderberger Group.

Prince Bernhard is known to be an influential member of the Societe Generale de Belgique, a mysterious organization which seems to be an a.s.sociation of large corporate interests from many countries. American firms a.s.sociated with the society are said to be among the large corporations whose officers are members of the Council on Foreign Relations and related organizations. I make no effort to explore this situation in this volume.

My confession of limitation upon my research does not embarra.s.s me, because two committees of Congress have also failed to make a complete investigation of the great _camarilla_ which manipulates our government.

And the congressional committees were trying to investigate only one part of the web--the powerful tax-exempt foundations in the United States.

My own research does reveal the broad outlines of the invisible government.

D.S.

May, 1962

Chapter 1

HISTORY AND THE COUNCIL

President George Washington, in his Farewell Address to the People of the United States on September 17, 1796, established a foreign policy which became traditional and a main article of faith for the American people in their dealings with the rest of the world.

Washington warned against foreign influence in the shaping of national affairs. He urged America to avoid permanent, entangling alliances with other nations, recommending a national policy of benign neutrality toward the rest of the world. Washington did not want America to build a wall around herself, or to become, in any sense, a hermit nation.

Washington's policy permitted freer exchange of travel, commerce, ideas, and culture between Americans and other people than Americans have ever enjoyed since the policy was abandoned. The Father of our Country wanted the American _government_ to be kept out of the wars and revolutions and political affairs of other nations.

Washington told Americans that their nation had a high destiny, which it could not fulfill if they permitted their government to become entangled in the affairs of other nations.

Despite the fact of two foreign wars (Mexican War, 1846-1848; and Spanish American War, 1898) the foreign policy of Washington remained the policy of this nation, _unaltered_, for 121 years--until Woodrow Wilson's war message to Congress in April, 1917.

Wilson himself, when campaigning for re-election in 1916, had unequivocally supported our traditional foreign policy: his one major promise to the American people was that he would keep them out of the European war.

Yet, even while making this promise, Wilson was yielding to a pressure he was never able to withstand: the influence of Colonel Edward M.

House, Wilson's all-powerful adviser. According to House's own papers and the historical studies of Wilson's ardent admirers (see, for example, _Intimate Papers of Colonel House_, edited by Charles Seymour, published in 1926 by Houghton Mifflin; and, _The Crisis of the Old Order_ by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., published 1957 by Houghton Mifflin), House created Wilson's domestic and foreign policies, selected most of Wilson's cabinet and other major appointees, and ran Wilson's State Department.

House had powerful connections with international bankers in New York.

He was influential, for example, with great financial inst.i.tutions represented by such people as Paul and Felix Warburg, Otto H. Kahn, Louis Marburg, Henry Morgenthau, Jacob and Mortimer Schiff, Herbert Lehman. House had equally powerful connections with bankers and politicians of Europe.

Bringing all of these forces to bear, House persuaded Wilson that America had an evangelistic mission to save the world for "democracy."

The first major twentieth century tragedy for the United States resulted: Wilson's war message to Congress and the declaration of war against Germany on April 6, 1917.