The History of Woman Suffrage Volume VI Part 7

The course for the State Suffrage a.s.sociation is clear. We must play our part in this sector of the national suffrage struggle and we must let our opponents see that they can not keep American citizens out of their fundamental rights with impunity.

A committee of Republican women circulated a pledge to give no money or work for the Republican party as long as women had no votes. Three influential Republican women travelled to Columbus, O., to put before the Republican National Executive Committee the opinions of Republican women who were questioning the sincerity of the party in regard to woman suffrage. In August thirty Connecticut women, headed by Miss Ludington, went to New York by appointment to call upon Will Hays, chairman of the National Republican Committee, and ask him what the party was doing to secure ratification in Connecticut. He received them in the national headquarters and Miss Ludington, who spoke for the deputation, reminded him that his party was taking the credit for the ratification of the Federal Suffrage Amendment thus far but not bringing any effective pressure on the Republican Governors of Connecticut and Vermont, each of whom could insure its full success, and said: "What the women want is the vote in November. What the parties apparently want is a good record as a talking point in the coming campaign. What to the women is the supremely important thing is that 36th State. What to the parties seems to be most important is to exact their full due of grat.i.tude from women who have not as yet received the gift that was promised.... In our own State, where the Republican party is responsible, the women are actually being called upon to aid its campaign while it is repudiating the policy and promises of the national party in regard to ratification."

The speaker then quoted the resolution adopted by the National Republican Committee Dec. 10, 1919, calling for special sessions before February to complete ratification, accompanied by the public statement: "The party managers will cooperate with the women in a determined effort to bring about the calling of special sessions." She quoted the resolution pa.s.sed by this committee June 1, 1920: "Such Republican States as have not already done so are urged to take such action by their Governors and legislators as will a.s.sure the ratification at the earliest possible time." She then gave a part of the plank in the national Republican platform adopted two months ago: "We earnestly hope that Republican Legislatures which have not yet acted will ratify the 19th Amendment to the end that all women may partic.i.p.ate in the election of 1920," and said: "We have had no proof as yet that the party means to make good on these declared intentions--in fact many things seem to point the other way; first, the Republican failure to ratify in Delaware; second, the weak plank in the Republican national platform, which was emasculated _at the request of the Connecticut delegates_ until it was an affront to the intelligence of women and a mockery of the Connecticut and Vermont Legislatures; third, the present situation in Connecticut.

"From the time when suffrage became an issue," Miss Ludington continued, "it has had the opposition of the leaders of the Republican party in this State. Since the amendment pa.s.sed Congress they have resisted every expression of public opinion, every plea for ratification on grounds of justice and fair play. For a year the suffragists have tried sincerely and patiently to work in and with the Republican party to overcome this opposition, and have been cooperating with a Republican Men's Ratification Committee formed for this purpose, but we are apparently no nearer a special session than we were a year ago." She then concluded:

During all this time we have had no evidence that the National Republican Committee was really working in the State. We have found it very difficult to reach you personally and our appeals for specific help have been ignored. Mr. Roraback and Major John Buckley, secretary to the Governor, have stated that he has never been asked by you to call a session. They evidently feel, and wish the public to understand, that the National Republican Committee has given them a free hand to pursue their obstructionist course. And to confirm this comes President-elect Harding's refusal to attempt to persuade Governor Holcomb.

In the meantime, we women are being told that the Republican party can not be held responsible, because the Governor stands alone in his opposition! We submit that so long as the official leaders of the party in the State are in entire harmony with him in opposing us and the national party keeps hands off, they are accomplices in his opposition and must be held responsible accordingly. And we further submit that if a national party is to come before the voters on the basis of its policies and promises, then it must be held responsible for making those promises good through its State branches.... If the Connecticut Republican leaders can play a free hand without interference from the national party, then that party faces the alternative of either admitting powerlessness and disintegration or of being an accomplice in the State's att.i.tude of repudiation.

Connecticut women will remain voteless unless their State or Vermont or a southern State ratifies. The Republican party can help us in two ways--either by giving a solid Republican vote in Tennessee or by putting forth a really vigorous effort in a New England State.

The situation in Connecticut remained unchanged but about two weeks after this interview the Tennessee Legislature ratified by means of both Republican and Democratic votes. This made the 36th State and Secretary Colby proclaimed the Federal Suffrage Amendment a part of the National Const.i.tution. The Democrats were claiming the credit and the general election was only two months away. The Republicans, especially those in Connecticut, keenly felt the situation. Governor Holcomb was obliged to call a special session to enact legislation for registering the women. The Legislature was called to meet September 14 and the Governor warned it that it must restrict itself to the business outlined in the call. No such restriction had ever before been laid upon a Connecticut Legislature and the Governor himself two years before had urged that he was powerless to prevent it from enacting any bills that it pleased when once it had been called in special session. The members of House and Senate were almost unanimous in resenting this attempt to fetter their action and plans were laid to ratify the Federal Amendment.

Before September 14, however, developments in regard to the Tennessee ratification seemed to threaten its validity and Governor Holcomb and the Republican leaders perceived that there was an emergency which called for ratification by Connecticut to prevent difficulty in the coming elections. This was especially apparent to U. S. Senator Frank B. Brandegee, who had been an uncompromising opponent of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and voted against it every time it came before the Senate. He sent an urgent letter to Colonel Ullman, chairman of the Men's Ratification League, in which he said: "In view of the fact that the validity of the ratification of the amendment by the State of Tennessee has been questioned and that the result of the entire election throughout the country may be imperilled thereby, and in consideration of the fact that the amendment is certain to be ratified by more than the required number of States as soon as their Legislatures a.s.semble in 1921, I earnestly hope that the Legislature of Connecticut will ratify it."[24]

As soon as the special session opened Governor Holcomb went before it and asked it to adjourn without action, as he intended to issue another call for it to meet a week hence to ratify the amendment as well as to enact the necessary legislation. Both House and Senate refused to accede to his request but by unanimous vote in the Senate and by a vote of 216 to 11 in the House, the Federal Suffrage Amendment was ratified, although the Governor had not submitted the certified copy to them.[25] After pa.s.sing a number of other bills, all of which were outside of the limits set by the Governor, the Legislature adjourned to September 21, when the second session had been called.

When the Legislature met on September 21 the Governor appeared before the two Houses and asked them to ratify the amendment which he now laid before them. Many of the members were unwilling to do this, as it seemed a confession that their former action was invalid. Wiser counsels prevailed, especially as Miss Ludington and the State Board strongly urged them not to allow their scruples to stand in the way when there might be a possible doubt as to whether the first ratification was legal. The amendment was again ratified, by the Senate unanimously, the House 194 to 9. Later in the day a motion was made to reconsider and confirm the action of the first session. This was done to satisfy the members who were determined that the first record should stand as authentic. Thus after a struggle lasting over fifteen months, the Legislature at its first opportunity ratified the Federal Suffrage Amendment, once, twice and thrice, and if there was any doubt about Tennessee there was none whatever about Connecticut.

The long fight for ratification and the contest against Senator Brandegee made it impossible to organize a League of Women Voters in 1920. On November 8 and 9, after the election was over, the Connecticut Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation held its last convention in Hartford. It voted to keep the organization in existence for a couple of months until a league could be formed and then, without further ceremony, to dissolve. Preliminary organization work was continued and on Jan. 18, 1921, at a convention in New Haven the League of Women Voters came into existence with Miss Mabel C. Washburn chairman.[26]

LEGISLATIVE ACTION. The Connecticut Legislature has only a melancholy record of defeats, having given the women nothing except a vote for school trustees and on some school questions in 1893.

1901. A bill for Munic.i.p.al suffrage was adversely reported from committee and defeated.

1903. The same bill was defeated in the House on roll call by 105 noes, 40 ayes; in the Senate without roll call.

1905. The same measure had a favorable report from the Joint Woman Suffrage Committee but it was not accepted by House or Senate.

1907. In addition to the Munic.i.p.al suffrage bill the a.s.sociation presented one for Presidential suffrage. The Senate rejected both without a roll call; House vote on Munic.i.p.al suffrage, noes, 86; ayes, 56; on Presidential, noes 93; ayes, 55.

1909. For the usual bill the Legislature subst.i.tuted one giving women a vote on levying a tax for maintaining a public library, which pa.s.sed the Senate without roll call and the House by 82 ayes, 50 noes. It never was put into operation.

1911. The two usual bills received unanimous favorable reports from committees. The Munic.i.p.al pa.s.sed the Senate but was defeated in the House, both without roll call. A resolution to submit an amendment was defeated in the House, not voted on in the Senate.

1913. State const.i.tutional amendment defeated in the Senate by 20 noes, 9 ayes, and in the House without roll call.

1915. The above action was repeated except that both Houses defeated without a roll call.

1917. Three measures were introduced--a bill for Presidential and Munic.i.p.al suffrage, a bill giving women a vote in local option elections and the amendment resolution. The two bills were fought with great determination. The first was defeated in the Senate by 19 noes, 13 ayes; in the House by 149 noes, 85 ayes. The Excise bill was tabled in the Senate, rejected in the House by 139 noes, 69 ayes. The resolution pa.s.sed the House by 138 ayes, 96 noes and was referred to the next Legislature for final action, as required by law.

1919. The State const.i.tutional amendment came automatically before the Legislature but a legal opinion given by former Governor Baldwin held that it would sweep away the literacy test for voters and the suffrage leaders, who doubted the wisdom of going to the work and expense of a referendum campaign when the Federal Amendment was so near, were glad to have so good a reason for not pressing the matter. The Presidential suffrage bill secured a majority favorable report from the Joint Woman Suffrage Committee and it pa.s.sed in the House by a majority of 27. In the Senate the Republican "machine" was determined to defeat it. In the first vote there was a majority of two against it but on reconsideration there was only one. The "machine" only defeated it by winning a few Democratic votes. The fight over this measure had been made with skill and courage by the women against the most determined opposition on the part of the Republican "machine," which since 1900 had completely controlled both Houses.

The chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, John Henry Roraback, and Major John Buckley, secretary to the Governor, were accounted by the women their most bitter enemies and Speaker of the House James F. Walsh used his large powers to defeat the suffrage bills. Of the fifteen important House committees anti-suffragists held eleven of the chairmanships. The chairman of the Woman Suffrage Committee, Admiral William S. Cowles, was an "anti" but in spite of his influence the committee report was favorable. This was due to the progress of public sentiment, accelerated by the work of women during the war and to the organization for suffrage which had been going forward. Of the more progressive group of Republicans in the Legislature who fought for suffrage may be mentioned Lieutenant Governor Clifford Wilson, Senators John B. Dillon, Charles E.

Williamson, William H. Heald, Arthur E. Bowers and Representative Harry R. Sherwood. Senator Charles C. Hemenway, Democratic leader and editor of the Hartford _Times_, was one of its most valuable supporters.

The liquor forces always employed lobbyists against the suffrage bills and fought the movement secretly and openly. There were a number of prominent women opposed but they were not organized until aroused by the activity that followed the election of Mrs. Hepburn as president in 1910. The State a.s.sociation Opposed to Woman Suffrage was then formed with Mrs. Daniel Markham as president and she held the office until the proclamation of the Federal Suffrage Amendment put an end to her organization. It held occasional meetings with speakers from outside the State. The members attended legislative hearings and at the large one on the Munic.i.p.al and Excise bills in 1917 they occupied the right of the chamber with row on row of the liquor men back of them wearing the red rose which was their emblem.

As the Democrats const.i.tuted a minority party it was always easier to secure from them expressions favorable to woman suffrage and in 1916 and 1918 such planks were placed in their platform. In 1918 they declared for the Federal Suffrage Amendment and a majority of those elected pledged themselves to vote for ratification, if it came before the Legislature, and did vote for the Presidential suffrage bill. The women went to the Republicans conventions each year to ask for a suffrage plank but were steadily unsuccessful. In 1916 the State platform reaffirmed the national one, which declared in favor of woman suffrage. In 1918 the Republican platform included a plank approving the principle of woman suffrage but leaving it to the States for action and not to a Federal Amendment.

FOOTNOTES:

[22] The History is indebted for this chapter to Mrs. Annie G.

Porritt, journalist, author and lecturer, officially connected with the Connecticut Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation from 1910 as corresponding, recording and press secretary.

[23] In June, 1915, a branch of the Congressional Union (later the National Woman's Party), was organized with Mrs. William D. Ascough as chairman. At that time the Woman Suffrage a.s.sociation was giving its attention almost exclusively to State work and the new organization began by sending deputations to each of the Congressmen and Senators to ask support for the Federal Suffrage Amendment. Meetings and a press service to promote the amendment were carried on until ratification was completed. Connecticut members took part in every national demonstration of the Union and eleven suffered terms of imprisonment. Annual conventions were held each year and in 1918 Mrs.

Thomas N. Hepburn was elected chairman, Mrs. Ascough having removed from the State. The Union raised money for the ratification campaigns in New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, West Virginia, Delaware and Tennessee and sent workers to a.s.sist them and also to secure a special session in Vermont.

[24] Notwithstanding this letter the State Suffrage a.s.sociation used its whole strength against Senator Brandegee's election on November 2.

It was estimated that 90 per cent. of the women voted. Although the big Republican landslide elected him he received 12,446 fewer votes than the Republican candidate for President.

[25] A certified copy of this vote was immediately dispatched to Washington by Miss Flanagan, one of the National Woman's Party workers, and Secretary of State Colby accepted it as valid. It is therefore on record in Washington that Connecticut ratified the Federal Suffrage Amendment on September 14, 1920.

[26] The officers of the State a.s.sociation from 1901 to 1920, besides the presidents, not already mentioned, were as follows: Vice-presidents, Mrs. Annie C. S. Fenner, 1906-1910; corresponding and recording secretaries, Mrs. Ella B. Kendrick, Mrs. Marcia West, Mrs.

Jessie Adler, Mrs. Annie G. Porritt, Miss Mabel C. Washburn, Mrs.

Frederick C. Spencer, Mrs. Hiram P. Maxim, Mrs. William H. Deming, Mrs. Samuel T. Davis, Jr., Mrs. S. H. Benton, Mrs. William C. Cheney.

Among those who served in other official capacities were Mesdames E.

J. Warren, Cynthia B. Fuller, Henrietta J. Pinches, A. Barton Hepburn, Julius Maltby, H. H. DeLoss, Carlos F. Stoddard, Henry Townshend, Jonathan A. Rawson, T. S. McDermott, Ruth McIntire Dadourian; Misses Emily Whitney, Mary A. Goodman, Mary Bulkley, Frances...o...b..rn.

The names of the many women who gave devoted service to this cause during this score of years can never be recorded.

CHAPTER VII.

DELAWARE.[27]

During the past twenty years the advocates of woman suffrage have continued to suffer from the handicap peculiar to Delaware--no referendum to the voters possible on const.i.tutional amendments--and therefore it never has had the advantage of a State-wide educational campaign. An amendment must be pa.s.sed by two-thirds of each branch of the Legislature at two successive sessions and it then becomes a part of the const.i.tution. However, the State Equal Suffrage a.s.sociation has held conventions every year. Many distinguished advocates from outside the State, including Miss Susan B. Anthony, Dr. Anna Howard Shaw, Mrs.

Carrie Chapman Catt, Miss Mary Garrett Hay, Mrs. Beatrice Forbes Robertson Hale, Mrs. Maud Wood Park, Mrs. Frank A. Vanderlip and Mrs.

Borden Harriman, have been among the speakers. Prominent endorsers of woman suffrage have been the State Grange, Grand Army of the Republic, Ministerial Union, Central Labor Union and Woman's Christian Temperance Union. The last is the only leading woman's organization to give official sanction.

The annual State convention was held Nov. 6, 1901, at Newport, with three clubs--Wilmington, Newport and New Castle--under the presidency of Mrs. Martha S. Cranston. Dr. Shaw, vice-president-at-large of the National a.s.sociation, was the speaker and the presence of reporters was an encouraging feature.

The convention of 1902 took place November 8 in Wilmington. Miss Jane Campbell, president of the large Philadelphia county society, and Henry W. Wilbur of the Friends' society, New York, were the speakers from outside the State. During this year the W. C. T. U. and the Wilmington District Epworth League pa.s.sed suffrage resolutions. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony was placed in travelling libraries.

Women were urged to pay their taxes "under protest." The Newport Club pet.i.tioned that the word "male" be omitted from the new town charter but without success. Governor John Hunn in his Message to the Legislature said: "The time is coming when the partic.i.p.ation of women in all our civil affairs will be voluntarily sought as an infusion of indispensable new elements into our citizenship."

The convention of 1903 was held November 28 at Newport, with Miss Harriet May Mills of New York as the chief speaker. The master of the State Grange declared his belief this year in the equality of the s.e.xes and urged that some provisions be made for the higher education of Delaware women. The convention of 1904 was held November 22 in Wilmington with an address by Dr. Shaw and $25 were pledged to the National a.s.sociation. In 1905 the convention was held November 4 in New Castle, with Dr. Shaw the speaker. A pledge of $25 was again made to the National a.s.sociation and Delaware's quota to the Oregon campaign was subscribed. The State convention took place at Newport on Nov. 6, 1906. This year the G. A. R. endorsed both State and national suffrage.

The convention held Oct. 2, 1907, in Wilmington, arranged to send the State president to the congressional suffrage hearing at Washington.

The outside speaker was Mrs. Susan S. Fessenden of Ma.s.sachusetts. A chairman of church work was appointed. Reports showed that much suffrage sentiment was now manifested in the State.