The History of Woman Suffrage Volume III Part 77

The reasons which have influenced the committee in recommending an amendment so radical and sweeping in the changes which it will create if finally adopted by the people, are briefly these: The question of granting the right of suffrage to women equally with men, is one that has been seriously and widely agitated for years, and while, like other political reforms which change in any considerable degree the old and established order of things, it has met with strong opposition, on the other hand it has been ably advocated by men and women distinguished alike for their intellectual ability and their excellent judgment.

Although we believe that there should be certain necessary and proper restrictions to the exercise of the elective franchise, we are of the opinion that there are reasonable grounds to doubt whether the distinction of s.e.x in the matter of voting, is not, in a large measure, a fict.i.tious one. The interests of women in all matters pertaining to good government are certainly identical with those of men.

In the matter of property their rights conceded by law are equal, and in some respects superior to those of men; and if the principle of no taxation without representation is a just one as applied among men, it would seem that it might in justice be extended to women. As the reasons given above are strongly urged by the advocates of woman suffrage, and as several pet.i.tions, numerously signed by citizens of the State, asking for some action on the part of the House in this matter, are in the hands of the committee, we have deemed it advisable, although not equally agreed as to the main question involved, to recommend the pa.s.sage of the resolution by the House, in order that the people of the State may have an opportunity of expressing their will at the ballot-box as to the expediency of extending the right of suffrage to women.

SAMUEL H. BLACKMAN, _Chairman of Committee on State Affairs._ JAMES BURNES, _Chairman of Committee on Elections._

Report accepted, and joint resolution placed on the general order.

On March 18 the following joint resolution pa.s.sed the House by a vote of 67 to 27, and pa.s.sed the Senate by a vote of 26 to 4,[310] proposing an amendment to section I of article VII. of the const.i.tution, in relation to the qualification of electors:

_Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Michigan_, That at the election when the amended const.i.tution shall be submitted to the electors of this State for adoption or rejection, there shall be submitted to such electors the following propositions, to be subst.i.tuted in case of adoption, for so much of section I, of article VII., as precedes the proviso therein, in the present const.i.tution of this State as it now stands, and subst.i.tuted for section I, article VII., in said amended const.i.tution, if the latter is adopted, to wit:

SECTION 1. In all elections, every person of the age of twenty-one years who shall have resided in this State three months, and in the township or ward in which he or she offers to vote ten days next preceding an election, belonging to either of the following cla.s.ses, shall be an elector and ent.i.tled to vote:

_First_--Every citizen of the United States; _Second_--Every inhabitant of this State, who shall have resided in the United States two years and six months, and declared his or her intention to become a citizen of the United States pursuant to the laws thereof, six months preceding an election; _Third_--Every inhabitant residing in this State on the twenty-fourth day of June, one thousand eight hundred and seventy-five.

Said proposition shall be separately submitted to the electors of this State for their adoption or rejection, in form following, to wit: A separate ballot may be given by every person having the right to vote, to be deposited in a separate box. Upon the ballot given for said proposition shall be written, or printed, or partly written and partly printed, the words, "Woman Suffrage,--Yes"; and upon ballots given against the adoption thereof, in like manner, the words, "Woman Suffrage,--No." If at said election a majority of the votes given upon said proposition shall contain the words, "Woman Suffrage,--Yes," then said proposition shall be subst.i.tuted for so much of section I, of article VII., as includes the proviso therein in the present const.i.tution of the State as it now stands, or subst.i.tuted for section I, of article VII., in said amended const.i.tution, if the latter is adopted.

This bill was promptly signed by Governor Bagley, and from that hour the attention of the advocates of suffrage for women was centered on Michigan.

The submission of this amendment to a vote of the people, gave an unusual interest and importance to the annual meeting held at Lansing, May 6, 1874,[311] at which plans were to be made, and money raised for a vigorous campaign throughout the State. The large number of women ready to do the speaking, and the equally large number of men ready to make generous contributions, were most encouraging in starting. Women who could not aid the cause in any other way cast their gold watches into the treasury. From the large number of letters received at this convention we may judge how thoroughly aroused the friends were all over the country. Lydia Maria Child wrote:

It is urged, that if women partic.i.p.ated in public affairs, puddings would be spoiled, and stockings neglected.

Doubtless some such cases might occur; for we have the same human nature as men, and men are sometimes so taken up with elections as to neglect their business for a while. But I apprehend that puddings and stockings, to say nothing of nurseries, suffer much greater detriment from the present expenditure of time and thought upon the heartless ostentation of parties, and the flounces and fripperies of fashion, than can possibly accrue from the intellectual cultivation of women, or their partic.i.p.ation in public affairs. Voting is a mere incident in the lives of men. It does not prevent the blacksmith from shoeing horses, or the farmer from planting fields, or the lawyer from attending courts; so I see no reason why it need to prevent women from attending to their domestic duties. On certain subjects, such as intemperance, licentiousness and war, women would be almost universally sure to exert their influence in the right directions, for the simple reason that they peculiarly suffer from the continuance of these evils. In the discharge of this new function, they would doubtless make some mistakes, and yield to some temptations, just as men do. But the consciousness of being an acknowledged portion of the government of the country would excite a deeper interest in its welfare, and produce a serious sense of responsibility, which would gradually invigorate and enn.o.ble their characters.

THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON wrote: I believe that we fail to establish a truly republican government, or to test the principle of universal suffrage, so long as we enfranchise one s.e.x only.

A. BRONSON ALCOTT wrote: * * * Where women lead--the best women--is it unsafe for men to follow? Woman's influence cannot be confined to her household; woman is, and will be, womanly wherever placed. No condition can uns.e.x the s.e.xes.

The ten commandments will not suffer in her keeping. Her vote will tell for the virtues, against the vices all. Plato said: "Either s.e.x alone is but half itself." Socially, we admit his a.s.sertion, and are just beginning to suspect that our republican inst.i.tutions need to be complemented and rounded with woman's counsels, and administrations also.

Good republicans are asking if our legislation is not unsettled, demoralized by the debauchery of hasty politics, by private vices, and the want of manly integrity, woman's honor. Let our courtesy to women be sincere--paid to her modesty as to her person; her intelligence as to her housekeeping; her refining influence in political as in social circles. Where a husband would blush to take his wife and daughters, let him blush to be seen by his sons. "Revere no G.o.d," says Euripides, "whom men adore by night." And Sophocles: "Seek not thy fellow-citizens to guide till thou canst order well thine own fireside." Mrs. Alcott and Louisa join in hearty hopes for your success.

EDNA D. CHENEY wrote: * * * How I long for the time when this question being settled, we can all go forward, working together, to discuss and settle the really great questions of political and social economy, of labor, of education, and the full development of human life in State and society.

JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER wrote: * * * I hope and trust the electors will be wise and generous enough to decide it in your favor. Were I a citizen of the State I should esteem it alike a duty and a privilege to vote in the affirmative.

ASA MAHAN, president of Oberlin College, wrote: The cause which has called you together is a very plain one. It is simply this, whether "taxation without representation" is tyranny to all but one-half of the human race, and the principle that rulers derive their authority to make and administer law from the consent of the governed, holds true of the white man and the black man, of man native or foreign born, and even of the "heathen Chinee," if he belong to the male s.e.x, and is a lie in its application to woman.[312]

Dr. Stone, of Kalamazoo, read an able report of what had been done, and all it was necessary to do if the friends desired to carry the pending amendment. The following extract will give some idea of the momentous undertaking in canva.s.sing a State:

When the governor decided to call an extra session of the legislature, so as to submit the new const.i.tution to a popular vote next November, the committee had but little time for the circulation of pet.i.tions; but enough was done to secure the vote in favor of submission. This was the more easily accomplished because we have in the present legislature so many warm and active friends, who gave that body no rest until their point was carried. And here we find ourselves suddenly brought into a campaign almost as novel as momentous, with scarce a precedent to guide us. We ask the electors of Michigan to share their civil and political power with those who have always been denied all electoral rights--to vest the popular sovereignty not merely in themselves, in a quarter of a million of men, as. .h.i.therto, but in half a million of men and women, and so make our State what it is not now, a truly republican commonwealth.

We have a great work before us, and no time should be lost in organizing a general canva.s.s of the entire State.

Competent lecturers should be employed wherever hearers can be found, and money raised to defray the expenses. Printed doc.u.ments too, must be circulated; arguments and conclusions framed by those who have thought on these subjects for men, and sometimes for women, who are too indolent to think for themselves. And there are many other things which we must do before the November election; ballots must be furnished for every township and polling place, especially affirmative ballots, and placed in the hands of all the voters. The Executive Committee cannot be ubiquitous enough to discharge all these multifarious duties. We therefore suggest that there be appointed during this meeting, _First_, a Committee on Finance. _Second_, a Committee on Printed Doc.u.ments. _Third_, a Committee on Lecturers.

_Fourth_, a County Committee of perhaps three persons in each county, who shall have power also to appoint a sub-committee in each township. Whether so many distinct committees will be needed, or more than one cla.s.s of duties can be entrusted to the same committee, the a.s.sociation can determine. We do not want too much, nor too complicated machinery, but just enough to accomplish the work. We must fall into line; woman expects every man to do his duty; surely she will not fail to be true to herself.

Representatives from the different counties gave their names[313]

as ready to begin the work arranged by the several committees.

With this large and enthusiastic convention the campaign may be said fairly to have opened at Lansing early in May, a political organization being formed of Republicans and Democrats alike, representing nearly every district in the State. Governor Bagley having promptly signed the bill, and his wife being an earnest advocate of the measure, the social influence of the family was all in the right direction. The influence of the church, too, was in a measure favorable. The Methodist denomination, in its general conference, pa.s.sed a resolution indorsing woman suffrage.

Mrs. Stanton, in a letter to the _Golden Age_, said:

During the time I spent in Michigan, speaking every night and twice on Sunday to crowded houses, I had abundant opportunities of feeling the pulse of the people, both in public and private, and it seemed to me that the tide of popular thought and feeling was running in the right direction. The people are beginning to regard the idea of woman's equality with man as not only a political, but a religious truth, Methodist, Congregational, Presbyterian, Baptist and Unitarian churches being all alike thrown open to its consideration. Sitting Sunday after Sunday in the different pulpits with reverend gentlemen, my discourses given in the place of the sermon, in the regular services, I could not help thinking of the distance we had come since that period in civilization when Paul's word was law, "Let your women keep silence in the churches." Able men and women are speaking in every part of the State, and if our triumph should not be complete at the next election, at all events a great educational work will have been accomplished in the distribution of tracts, in the public debates, and in reviewing the fundamental principles of our government and religion. Being frequently told that women did not wish to vote, I adopted the plan of calling for a rising vote at the close of my lectures, and on all occasions a majority of the women would promptly rise. Knowing that the men had the responsibility of voting before their eyes, and might be diffident about rising, I reversed the manner of expression in their case, requesting all those in favor of woman suffrage to keep their seats, and those opposed to rise up, thus throwing the onerous duty of changing their att.i.tudes on the opposition. So few arose under such circ.u.mstances that it was somewhat embarra.s.sing for those who did.

Those who were engaged in the canva.s.s[314] had enthusiastic meetings everywhere. They not only filled all their regular appointments, but spoke in the prisons, asylums; even the deaf and dumb were refreshed with the gospel of woman suffrage. The press, too, was generally favorable, though the opposition magnified the occasional adverse criticisms out of all proportion to their severity and number. Towards the last of September Miss Anthony, by invitation of Mrs. Briggs and Mrs. Bliss of Grand Rapids, came into the State and remained until election day. She often brought down the house with her witty comments on the criticisms of the press.[315]

Everything that could be done was done by the friends of the amendment throughout the State; meetings held and tracts on every phase of the question scattered in all the most obscure settlements; inspiring songs sung, earnest prayers offered, the press vigilant in its appeals, and on election day women everywhere at the polls, persuading voters to cast their ballots for temperance, moral purity and good order, to be secured only by giving the right of suffrage to their mothers, wives and daughters. But the sun went down, the polls were closed, and in the early dawn of the next morning the women of Michigan learned that their status as citizens of the United States had not been advanced one iota by the liberal action of their governor, their legislature, the appeals of the women nor the votes of 40,000 of the best men of the State.

When the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the national const.i.tution were pa.s.sed, many advocates of suffrage believed that the right was conferred on women. In a letter to a State convention held at that time, Wendell Phillips said:

The new phase of the woman movement--that claiming the right to vote under the fourteenth amendment--is attracting great attention in Washington. Whether it ever obtains judicial sanction or not, it certainly gives a new and most effective means of agitation. The argument of the minority report, understood to be written by General Butler, is most able. *

* * The statement of the argument, and the array of cases and authorities, are very striking. Nothing more cogent can be imagined or desired. When two years ago a Western advocate of woman's rights started this theory, we never expected to see it a.s.sume such importance.

In accordance with this opinion, certain women resolved to apply for registration, and offer their votes. On March 25, 1871, Catherine A. F. Stebbins and Mrs. Nannette B. Gardner of Detroit made the attempt to have their names regularly enrolled as legally qualified voters. Mrs. Stebbins, accompanied by her husband, made application in the fifth ward to have her name registered, but was refused. She then proposed to her friend, Mrs. Gardner, to make the trial in her ward, to which she a.s.sented. Accordingly, they went to the first district of the ninth ward, where Peter Hill was the enrolling officer. Mrs.

Gardner gave her name, saying she was a "person" within the meaning of the fourteenth amendment, and that she was a widow, and a tax-payer without representation. Mr. Hill, seeing the justice of her demand, entered her name upon the register.

This action took some of the board of registration by surprise, and a motion was made to erase her name, but was decided in the negative.[316] The board was now asked for a decision in regard to Mrs. Stebbins' name, as the question very naturally suggested itself to the inspectors, if one woman can vote why not another.

Mrs. Stebbins was notified that her case would have a hearing.

When asked to submit her reasons for demanding the right to vote, Mrs. S. stated that she asked it simply as the right of a human being under the const.i.tution of the United States. She had paid taxes on personal and real estate, and had conformed to the laws of the land in every respect. Since the fourteenth amendment had enfranchised woman as well as the black man, she had the necessary qualifications of an elector.

A long debate followed. Inspectors Bagg, Hill and Folsom argued in favor of the pet.i.tioner; Allison, Brooks, Henderson and Hughes against. The opposition confessed that the negro had voted before the word "white" had been expunged from the State const.i.tution; but that was done from a "political necessity." The question of acceptance being put to vote, was negatived--13 to 10. This was counted a victory, and stimulated the opposition to make another effort to strike Mrs. Gardner's name from the register; but failing in that, the board adjourned. There was now much curiosity to know if Alderman Hill would have the nerve to stand by his initiative; but with him the Rubicon was pa.s.sed, and on April 3, Messrs. Hill and Durfee accepted Mrs. Gardner's vote, Mr. Bond protesting. The Detroit _Post_ gave the following account:

Mrs. Gardner arrived at the polls of the first precinct of the ninth ward at about half-past ten o'clock in a carriage, accompanied by her son, a lad of ten years, Mrs. Starring and Mrs. Giles B. Stebbins. Barely a dozen by-standers were present, and the larger part of these were laboring men. No demonstration followed the appearance of the ladies, the men remaining quiet, and contenting themselves with comments _sotto voce_ on this last political development, and with speculations as to how the newly enfranchised would vote.

Mrs. Gardner presented herself at the polls with a vase of flowers and also a prepared ballot, which she had decorated with various appropriate devices. The inspectors asked the questions usually put to all applicants, and her name being found duly registered, her ballot was received and deposited in the box. There was no argument, no challenge, no variation from the routine traversed by each masculine exerciser of the elective franchise. Mrs. Gardner voted, as we understand; for the Republican candidates generally, with one Democrat and one lady.

At Battle Creek, Mrs. Mary Wilson voted at the election of 1871.

When she registered, she was accompanied by her lawyer.

In the fall of 1872, Peter Hill again registered Mrs. Gardner, and received her vote. Mr. Hill had been exposed to many animadversions for his persistence, and as an acknowledgment of her appreciation of his course, Mrs. Gardner presented him a silk banner suitably inscribed. A city paper gives this account of it:

Mrs. Gardner, who has for years been a recognized voter in the ninth ward of Detroit, again voted on Tuesday. She came on foot, with Mrs. Stebbins, in a drenching rain, as no carriage could be obtained. After voting, she presented a beautiful banner of white satin, trimmed with gold fringe, on which was inscribed, "A Woman's Voting Hymn." The reverse side, of blue silk, contained the dedication: "To Peter Hill, Alderman of the Ninth Ward, Detroit. First to Register a Woman's Vote. By recognizing civil liberty and equality for woman, he has placed the last and brightest jewel on the brow of Michigan."

The city board now felt called upon to pa.s.s a vote of censure upon Mr. Hill's action. The record runs thus:

Canva.s.ser BAXTER: _Resolved_, That the act of the inspectors of election of the first district of the ninth ward, in receiving the vote of Mrs. Nannette B. Gardner at the election just pa.s.sed, is emphatically disapproved by this board, on the ground that said act is a plain violation of the election laws and const.i.tution of the State of Michigan, and is liable to lead to the grossest abuses and complications.

Canva.s.ser FULDA moved to lay the resolution on the table--lost. Adopted as follows: _Yeas_--Langley, Flower, House, Lichtenberg, Phelps, Parsons, Christian, Allison, Buehle, Dullea, Daly, Barbier, Baxter--13. _Nays_--Wooley and Fulda--2.

CHAS A. BORGMAN, _Secretary_.

PHILO PARSONS, _Chairman_.

Mrs. Stebbins attempted to register at this election with the same result as before. Upon the fourth of November she provided herself with a sworn statement that she had been "wrongfully prevented" the record of her name, and offered her vote at the polls, calling attention to the "enforcing act," provided for such cases. It had no terror, however, for the valiant inspectors of the fifth ward. In the fall of 1873, there was the following correspondence between the board and the city counselor:

_Hon. D. C. Holbrook, City Counselor_: DEAR SIR:--Mrs. Giles B. Stebbins has applied to this board and demands the right to register. This board has declined to grant the request on the ground that it does not believe her to be a legal elector. Mrs. Stebbins would have all the required qualifications of an elector, but for the fact of her being a woman, and we therefore respectfully request that you instruct us as to our duty in the premises. Very respectfully,

S. B. WOOLLEY, ALBERT BOTSFORD, _Inspectors of First Ward_.

Woman cannot be enrolled or registered. Let her try it on.[317]

_Oct. 24, 1873._ D. C. HOLBROOK, _City Counselor_.

In company with Mrs. H. J. Boutelle, Mrs. Stebbins offered her vote in the fifth ward. Mr. Farwell was in favor of receiving it, and wished to leave the question to a dozen responsible citizens whom he called in as referees, but Col. Phelps would not be influenced by the judgment of outsiders, and would not agree to the proposal.[318]