The Grey Book Part 18

"The Church's struggle on behalf of the Jews was a struggle of mixed failure and success. Nevertheless this struggle was the most moving, the most dramatic, and the most persistent part of the resistance of the Dutch Church."

"Just as too many kept silent in the pulpits, certainly too few took persecuted persons into their houses. Many felt that the Synod had failed to give sufficient guidance in this respect. It did not issue any exhortations, nor did it find any way by which to quicken the conscience of the people.

This must be considered a great, collective guilt. Here there is no reason whatsoever for Christian self-glorification, but there is every reason to be ashamed." [309]

H. Wielek: "In April 1942, important declarations showing dignity and courage were proclaimed from the pulpits of the churches. The activity of the Church did not slacken. The pastors evinced personal courage; even without Synodal exhortation they understood how to act. Their sermons did not lack clarity, particularly in regard to the persecution of the Jews and their persecutors.

Many pastors had to pay for their courageous att.i.tude by a term in a concentration camp." [310]

W. Warmbrunn: "The attempt of the churches to caution the Germans in their actions, especially with respect to the persecutions of the Jews, could not be effective, since the course of action in major matters of this kind was determined by the Reich leadership." [311]

"It appears to this writer that groups that excelled in effective resistance were voluntary organizations independent of state control that were conveyers of religious or ethical norms. The moral implications of Christian doctrine motivated the resistance of the Churches." [312]

Rev. J.J. Buskes: "Why did I let myself be seduced? Yes, indeed, seduced into making compromises.

Why did I not say: 'Thus speaks the Lord'? <135> It is a painful matter also for others of whom it is said (as of myself) that they have behaved excellently. For it depends on the standard by which one judges." [313]

Message of the DUTCH REFORMED CHURCH to the Church in Germany, March 9, 1946:

"...We publicly confess before G.o.d and the world, that in this struggle we have not been sufficiently faithful, nor willing to accept suffering gladly and courageously." [314]

23 FRANCE

The armistice was signed on June 22, 1940. It was stipulated that 3/5 of the French territory would be occupied by the Germans. In the unoccupied zone a nominally independent regime was established.

Marshall Petain became President; Laval was Vice-president until April, 1942, when he was succeeded by Admiral Darlan. Delegate for the occupied zone was Amba.s.sador Brinon.

In November, 1942, the Germans occupied Vichy France. Thus we have inserted this chapter under "Occupied Countries", not under "Satellite Countries".

It should be noted, however, that the Vichy Government maintained diplomatic relations with the outside world and that it had at least a certain freedom of action in its own territory, until November, 1942. Laval was in a position to bargain for the French Jews by sacrificing the foreign Jews in France. [315]

a. The Preliminary Phase <136>

At the end of 1939 the Jewish population of France had reached a total of about 270,000. After May, 1940, more than 40,000 Jews streamed into France from Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg. [316] The number of Jews deported from France is estimated to be approximately 80,000 persons. [317] According to Tenenbaum, the number was 100,000 out of a total pre-war Jewish population of some 350,000. "This relatively favourable result in comparison with the other countries is due primarily to the determined att.i.tude of the French people with regard to their Jewish neighbours." [318]

Chief Rabbi Kaplan shows us the other side of the picture:

"I do not forget, when recalling these dreadful crimes, that priests, pastors, men and women of all confessions and philosophical doctrines and of all cla.s.ses, exposed themselves to the greatest dangers in order to come to the rescue of the persecuted Jews. Here I wish to mention particularly, the energetic and courageous protests issued by the eminent leaders of French Catholicism and Protestantism.

Nonetheless the undeniable fact remains, that Christian ethical education - inculcated over a long succession of generations - has not prevented the majority of the people of a nation claiming to be Christian, from becoming more or less responsible for the abominable Hitlerite persecution." [319]

Many factors played their part. It was easier to go into hiding in France than, for instance, in the Netherlands. The att.i.tude of the Italians who held part of occupied France was an important factor: they either found excuses for their non-cooperation with the Germans or just refused. France was the first country to be liberated: the invasion started on June 6, 1944.

On September 27, 1940, the decree for compulsory registration of Jews was promulgated in the occupied zone, including the marking of Jewish stores with the star of David. A few days later - October 4, 1940 - the Vichy French Council of Ministers decreed the Statute des Juifs which disfranchised the Jews in all France.

On March 29, 1941, a "Department for Jewish Affairs" was created by the Vichy Government. In May, 1941, 3,600 Polish Jews were rounded up in Paris.

In August, there was another raid. The victims were placed in three camps (Drancy, Pithiviers and Beaune la Rolande). On June 2, 1941, Jewish registration was made compulsory in both zones. On November 29, 1941, the Vichy regime decreed that all Jewish organizations were to be dissolved.

<137> The Protestants in France are a small minority, numbering altogether not more than 800,000 souls. France is, to my knowledge, the only country where a small minority group of Protestants publicly protested against the persecutions. Poliakov stated one of the reasons:

"It must also be remembered that the French Protestants are themselves a minority and have known centuries of persecution - such trials, when they are surmounted, sharpen one's sensitivity to injustice." [320]

Another positive factor was the fact that the President of the Protestant Federation of France, Rev. Marc Boegner, was also one of the three Vice- chairmen of the Provisional Council of the World Council of Churches.

He had many international contacts. This fact gave an additional impact to the protests. Rev. Boegner did not only speak in the name of the French Protestants, but also informed Marshal Petain "of the deep emotion felt in Swiss, Swedish and United States Churches". [321]

Rev. Boegner relates that he first stayed in Vichy at the end of July, 1940.

A "very highly placed personality" told him: "The Jews have done so much damage to the country that they need collective punishment". He himself realized then "where we are going to be dragged and what would be the responsibility of the Churches". [322]

The establishment of the Department for Jewish Affairs, in March, 1941, aggravated the situation. German pressure on the Vichy Government became stronger. Rev. Boegner spoke of this to Admiral Darlan, who tried to calm him by saying that "it primarily was a matter of saving the French Jews".

A high police officer sought to persuade him that this was a government matter which was no business of the Churches. [323] <138>

In Lyon, where the National Council of the Reformed Church had convened before the end of 1940, Rev. Bertrand informed Rev. Boegner that the Council of the Protestant Federation wanted a written protest without delay. It was agreed, however, that Rev. Boegner should continue with his oral interventions for some time longer.

But when the National Council of the Reformed Church reconvened in March, 1941, it was unanimously resolved that the position of the Reformed Church should be set down in writing without delay. It was on these instruction that Rev. Boegner wrote two letters. The first was sent to the Chief Rabbi of France, on March 26, 1941:

"The National Council of the Reformed Church of France has just convened for the first time since the law of October 3rd, 1940, came into force.

It has instructed me to express to you the grief we all feel at the introduction of racial legislation in our country, and at the trials and innumerable injustices which it has brought upon the French Jews.

There are some among us who have thought that the State has been faced with a great problem as a result of the extensive immigration of a large number of foreigners - Jews and non-Jews - and by hasty and unjustifiable naturalisations, but they have always expressed the conviction that this problem should be handled with the respect due to human beings; with strict adherence to State undertakings; and in accordance with the demands of justice which France has always championed.

They are all the more distressed because of the rigorous enforcement of a law which, applying exclusively to Jews, makes no distinction between Jews who have been Frenchmen for many generations, in many cases for centuries, and between those who received their citizenship only yesterday.

Our Church which has in the past known all the sufferings of persecution, harbours feelings of warmest sympathy for your communities whose freedom of worship in certain places has already been restricted and whose faithful members have so suddenly been afflicted with misfortune.

It has already taken steps - which it will not fail to pursue vigorously - for the necessary repeal of the law." [324]

This letter shows hesitation: it considers the "extensive immigration of a large number of foreigners" as a problem and creates the impression that the French Protestants cared less for the Jews who had "received their citizenship only yesterday" than for the Jews who had been Frenchmen for many generations. <139>

The same applies to the letter sent to Admiral Darlan, also on March 26, 1941:

"We have just convened at Nimes, for the first time since the enforcement of the Law of October 3rd, 1940, concerning the status of the Jews. On the eve of our meeting we learned from a notice in the press, of your intention to set up an office for Jewish Affairs. We consider it our duty to inform you in the name of the Reformed Church of France, comprising the vast majority of French Protestants, of our feeling on this painful question.

We in no way disregard the seriousness of the problem which the State has to face in view of the recent, large immigration of a great number of foreigners, many of them of Jewish origin; and in view of hasty unjustifiable naturalisations. We are convinced that this problem ought, and can be, resolved with due respect to individual people and due care for the justice, of which France has always desired to be a champion.

We also know that under the present circ.u.mstances strong pressure is undoubtedly being exerted on the government of France in order to force its decision to pa.s.s anti-Jewish laws.

We are nonetheless deeply distressed, as Frenchmen and as Christians, by a law which introduces the principle of racial discrimination into our legislation, the strict enforcement of which entails severe trials and tragic injustices for the French Jews.

Especially, do we protest against the principle of racial discrimination, because it has caused the State to break its formal undertakings on behalf of men and women, the vast majority of whom have served it loyally and disinterestedly.

We are a.s.sured that the Law of October 3rd, 1940, is not a law of religious persecution. But if freedom of worship really remains untouched, for Jews as for Catholics and Protestants, why then is it, in fact, already being barred or threatened in certain places?

The fact is, that a religious minority is being wronged. Our Church which has known all the sufferings of persecution, will fail in its primary mission if it does not raise its voice on behalf of this minority.

We know that by setting up an office for Jewish Affairs, you sincerely wish to do whatever is in your power, to avoid even greater hardship from befalling the French Jews. We believe we may give you our a.s.surance that the Christian denominations will give their unreserved approval to your effort, the difficulty of which they are well aware of.

At the same time, however, we would ask you most earnestly to take even further measures, and as from now, to amend the law imposed on the French Jews, so that, on the one hand, further injustices may be prevented, and on the other hand, the disastrous impression made on a large part of the civilised world by the law of last October, may be removed.

The defeat suffered in the war, the painful consequences of which we are now experiencing, const.i.tutes a further reason why France should seek to safeguard those values which, in the moral sphere, have gained it the respect and affection of Christian nations." [325] <140>

Admiral Darlan did not reply to this letter in writing. He told Rev.

Boegner that he wanted to discuss the matter with him. Rev. Boegner relates:

"In May (1941) I had a long meeting with him. He informed me that a new draft law was being studied, certain provisions of which would seem very severe to us, but there were others which would attenuate their effect.

His sole care was to save those Jews who had been established in France for several generations. Regarding the others, who had recently immigrated, his one wish was that they should leave the country." [326]

On May 29, 1942, it was decreed that every Jew who had reached the age of six must wear the yellow star. The Council of the Protestant Federation, under the chairmanship of Rev. Bertrand (in the occupied zone) decided to express the feelings of the Churches in the occupied zone directly to the Chief of State, Marshal Petain. Their letter read as follows:

"The Council of the Protestant Federation of France, a.s.sembled in Paris, takes the liberty of addressing itself with respectful confidence to the French Chief of State to express to him the painful impression made upon its affiliated Churches by the new measures taken by the Occupation Authorities with respect to the Jews.

The decree of May 29th, compelling our compatriots of the Jewish race to wear a distinctive badge, has in fact deeply moved thousands of Protestants in the occupied zone.

Our President, Rev. Marc Boegner, has already had the honour of informing you, as well as Admiral Darlan of the Fleet, who is Vice President of the Council of Ministers, of the unanimous desire of the Protestants of France that the solution of the Jewish question, the importance of which none of us can fail to recognize, shall be found in a spirit of justice and understanding. Yet at present we are faced with a measure which far from contributing to the proper solution of this problem, seems to aggravate it further.

Socially and economically unworkable, it is designed to inflict uncalled for humiliation on Frenchmen, many of whom have shed their blood fighting under our Rag, by pretending to set them apart form the rest of the nation.

It exposes six year old children to mischievous behaviour, easily liable to occur in the disturbed atmosphere prevailing among the population.

Finally, it compels converts to Catholicism or Protestantism to wear before other men, the visible sign of being Jewish, whereas, before G.o.d, they have the honour to be acknowledged as Christians. <141> The Churches of Christ also cannot keep silent in view of the undeserved suffering imposed on Frenchmen, and sometimes on Christians, which ignores their dignity as men and as believers. The Council of the Protestant Federation has therefore instructed me to convey to you our feelings of distress. It hopes that you may consider it as a sign of confidence and respect that it submits this expression of pain and distress to the heart of a great soldier who is the Chief of State of France." [327]

The letter was handed over to Marshal Petain by Rev. Boegner. The subsequent conversation left him with the same impression as that on his previous meeting with the Chief of State: deep emotion, complete impotence.

In a circular letter dated June 11, 1942, Rev. Bertrand informed the pastors in the occupied zone that the Council of the Federation had instructed him to write to Marshal Petain. After having quoted part of his letter to Marshal Petain, he reminded his colleagues that "the spiritual value of such interventions depends on careful avoidance of any allusion to political events or worldly ideologies, and on strict adherence to the sphere of thought and of Christian action alone". Rev. Bertrand added:

"In particular the Ec.u.menical (Oxford) Conference of 1937 affirms that 'all men are by birthright children of G.o.d.' 'Therefore, for a Christian there can be no such thing as despising another race or a member of another race.' 'All races share alike in the concern of G.o.d.' 'The sin of man a.s.serts itself in racial pride, racial hatred and persecutions, and in the exploitation of other races. The Church is called upon by G.o.d to express itself unequivocally on this subject." [328]

Perhaps more important than the protests sent to the French Government, was a Message issued by the National Synod of the Reformed Church of France, in May, 1942, which was read out publicly in all the local churches.

This Message included the following pa.s.sage:

"The Church has been commanded by G.o.d to resist the attack of every doctrine and every ideology, every threat and every promise which seeks to a.s.sail the message of the Bible, both Old and New Testaments. <142> It must proclaim absolute sovereignty of G.o.d, who creates His own people For Himself by calling to Him men of every race, nation and language, in spite of the rights and privileges to which men may deem themselves to have a claim.

It knows that all men were created equal, equal in perdition and equal in salvation, and that G.o.d's justice demands that every man shall be respected."