The Great Civil War in Lancashire (1642-1651) Part 9

[125] The main authority for the first siege of Lathom is a "Journal" by someone in the House (usually supposed to have been Archdeacon Rutter, Lady Derby's chaplain), of which two MSS. copies exist, one being "Harleian MSS.," No. 2074, the other preserved in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. They differ only slightly. The former is printed in "C.W.T.,"

pp. 159-186. _Vide_ also "Discourse," pp. 46-49; "Seacome," pp. 86-93.

Cf. also "Victoria County History of Lancs.," Vol. 3, p. 252. There is an account of both sieges of Lathom by Mrs. Colin Campbell in "Memorials of Old Lancashire" (1909), Vol. 1, pp. 107-129: it is not of much historical value, being apparently based chiefly on Seacome.

[126] Seacome calls this officer Major Morgan. It is somewhat remarkable that the writer of the "Discourse" does not mention him at all, but states that the chief engineer was named Brown (_vide_ p. 109). Morgan was afterwards one of the foremost engineers of his time. He was the second son of Robert Morgan of Llanrhymny; had served in the Low Countries before the Civil War broke out, and became Governor of Gloucester for the Parliament. He was with Brereton when the last royalist force was defeated at Stow-in-the-Wold in 1646. Later he was closely a.s.sociated with Monck; was knighted by Richard Cromwell in 1651, and continued in the army after the Restoration ("Discourse" note, p.

133). "Dictionary of National Biography," art. by Prof. C. H. Firth.

[127] Cf. however, "Martindale's Life," p. 44: "Had Lathom beene only blocked up at a distance by small garrisons and forts at considerable pa.s.ses (for which there was spare forces enough) and not closely besieged, perhaps that great storme had not fallen upon Lancashire (especially Bolton and Liverpool) by Prince Rupert's forces in their march to York."

[128] "Discourse," p. 47.

[129] "There was needlessly spent against it in shot and powder an infinite quant.i.ty. Some was alwaies shooting at nothing they could see but the walls" ("Discourse," p. 47).

[130] This is the date given in the Earl of Derby's Diary, "Stanley Papers," part 3, Vol. 3, p. 3 (C.S. 70), ed. Raines.

[131] Quoted in Marlet, "Charlotte de la Tremoille," p. 117. The "Mercurius Aulicus" tells a story about one sortie, that "the rebels held up a shoulder of mutton on a pike, and called to the defenders to come and dine." The garrison therefore sallied out on them as they were at dinner and scattered them.

[132] "A Briefe Journall of the Siege against Lathom" ("C.W.T.," pp.

176, 177).

[133] "Stanley Papers," part 3, Vol. 1 (Chet. Soc. 66), p. ci note.

[134] This is the estimate of the "Journall" ("C.W.T.," p. 186. The numbers in the "Mercurius Aulicus" seem to be considerably more exaggerated even than are parliamentarian figures of royalist losses.

The only reference to numbers on the part of the besiegers is in a letter written by Colonel Moore to the Lords Commissioners for England and Scotland, on April 16: "They sallied forth of the House upon Wednesday last, and we lost five and they fower. They likewise sallied forth last evening, but we beat them in without losse, and they lost two." (Stewart MSS., "Hist. MSS. Com.," report 10, app. 4, p. 472.)

[135] This view is given in "Traditions of Lancashire," 3rd ed., 1843, Vol. 1, p. 170.

[136] Cf. "Victoria County History of Lancs.," Vol. 3, p. 252, note 3.

CHAPTER VII.

Prince Rupert in Lancashire.

In the months of May and June, 1644, Lancashire for the first time became involved in the general course of the war, and for some weeks it was the centre of most important events. So much of other than merely local interest had the first siege of Lathom House, that it influenced the course of Rupert's march north, which was made in order to effect a junction with the Earl of Newcastle to check the Scotch army which was now on its way to the a.s.sistance of the Parliament. The Scots, 21,000 strong, under Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven, had crossed the Tweed on January 19, 1643-4. Newcastle at once summoned Rupert to come to his aid, and marching northwards occupied the town of Newcastle; but he was soon obliged to fall back on Durham. Meanwhile Sir Thomas Fairfax, after the battle of Nantwich on January 25th, had rejoined his father in Yorkshire, and the two soon began to recover the county for the Parliament. On April 11th they stormed Selby, taking among other prisoners Lord Bellasis, whom Newcastle had left in command during his absence. This defeat obliged Newcastle to retreat still further southwards, and he shut himself up in York which was blockaded by Fairfax and the Scots on April 22nd.[137]

In January of this year Rupert had captured Aylesbury, and early in March he set out to relieve Newark which had been invested by the Parliament. The siege was raised, and the besiegers, who were commanded by Sir John Meldrum, were forced to capitulate; but Rupert had to return his troops to the garrisons from which he had borrowed them, and almost without an army he marched back to the Welsh border, where he occupied himself with raising fresh troops to go to the a.s.sistance of the Earl of Newcastle.

As soon as his intentions for the north were known, the Earl of Derby endeavoured to persuade him to march by way of Lancashire in order to relieve Lathom House. The besieged Countess must have written to her husband in a very different tone from that of her defiant answers to Rigby; indeed if the Earl of Derby did not unduly exaggerate the position of the garrison, they must have been in imminent fear of being compelled to surrender. The pet.i.tion was, however, seconded by the Lancashire royalists, and the Earl of Derby promised that if Lathom were relieved he would aid Rupert's further march with 2,000 men and a considerable sum of money. It was pointed out that the towns of Liverpool and Warrington were but weakly garrisoned, and that the reconquest of Lancashire would be a great gain for the King's cause in the north of England, "the rebellion in those parts being wholly supported from there." Liverpool would be of immense use as the port towards Ireland, and Derby and Prince Rupert had already discussed over the map the possibility of reducing it.[138]

Sir John Byron, the royalist Governor of Chester, was persuaded to support the scheme; and the Earl of Derby having personally written to the King urging its desirability, Charles' approval was given. The prospect of invasion had caused great consternation among the Lancashire Parliamentarians as early as the middle of March;[139] but it was two months after that before Rupert was able to move. Drawing his forces together he began his advance towards Yorkshire about the middle of May.

On the 18th the royalists moved from Holt, Malpas, and Whitchurch, to a more easterly position at Market Drayton; and next day they crossed the River Weaver, and advanced to Audlem and Bruerton which are just over the Cheshire border. A thousand Parliamentarian troops marched out of Nantwich as far as Hatherton, but Rupert was not anxious to fight and fell back to Audlem. (Monday, May 20th.) It was feared that he would lay siege to Nantwich, but he pa.s.sed to the east of that place, and on Tuesday, May 21, his troops were quartered about Haslington and Sandbach, while Rupert himself stayed at Betley. On May 24th the march to Lancashire began, and the royalists lodged at Knutsford, which is only ten miles from the Lancashire border; the following day they advanced to Stockport, only seven miles distant from Manchester. Prince Rupert's forces were estimated at 8,000 or 10,000 men, mostly cavalry, and they were said to have 50 guns. At Stockport Colonels Mainwaring and Duckenfield were posted with about 3,000 men to oppose his advance, but they seem to have made very little resistance, and after a short skirmish they broke and fled towards Manchester, leaving 800 prisoners.

The royalists occupied Stockport, and were joined there by some of Newcastle's cavalry from Derbyshire. Rupert left some of these to garrison Stockport, and moved on into Lancashire with the main body of his army.[140]

The Parliamentarian leaders before York thought that Rupert ought to have been stopped at Stockport.[141] There were two ways by which the royalists might have entered Lancashire, either at Stockport or at Warrington; probably the pa.s.sage of the river Mersey at Warrington was too strongly guarded for Rupert to attempt it, for he must have preferred that way if he could have chosen. Not only was it the most direct way to Lathom but it pa.s.sed through country which was much better affected to the King's cause than East Lancashire. But no doubt the resistance offered at Stockport was very feeble. Rupert had certainly not more than 10,000 men, and there should have been almost an equal number available to oppose him. For the Lancashire leaders had refused in April to send 2,000 men out of the county for the relief of the Earl of Denbigh on account of the necessities of their own county.[142]

Lathom House, they said, was still unsubdued; the Earl of Derby threatened invasion from Wirrall, and the Westmoreland royalists from the north. It is true that some troops which had marched into Yorkshire had been kept there to a.s.sist in the siege of York; but the two Committees of Lancashire and Cheshire ought to have had far more than 3,000 men at Stockport to oppose the royalist advance. Perhaps one reason for their failure was the acute differences which had broken out among the Lancashire leaders. Complaints were made against Colonel Dodding, Colonel Holland and others, and there was even insubordination shown to Sir Thomas Fairfax. There seems to have been no ground for the suspicions of Dodding. He had suffered considerably for the Parliamentarian cause, and he continued to serve it faithfully. As regards Holland the complaints were probably justified; he had always been a rather lukewarm supporter of his party.[143]

As soon as Rupert had entered Lancashire his forces were considerably increased, the local royalists flocking to him in large numbers. The Earl of Derby joined him with all the forces he could raise. The royalists had now to decide whether they would attack Manchester or march straight for Lathom. On the day after Rupert's victory at Stockport, Manchester was secured by Sir John Meldrum with one Scotch regiment and one of Fairfax's consisting of Lancashire men.[144]

Apparently Meldrum had intended to arrive in time to prevent the royalists' advance from Cheshire, but he was too late. Rupert, however, had not much time to waste in sieges, and it was evident that Manchester could not be taken except after a long investment. Rosworm describes an attempt which was made by the royalists to induce him to betray the town by promise of a large sum of money and advancement under Prince Rupert.

The intermediary was Peter Heywood. There may be some truth in the account, but Heywood's plot to betray Manchester seems to have been made about a month before this time, and Rosworm's narrative is here very inaccurate. For instance he places Rupert's advance after the siege of Liverpool in August, in which he himself was engaged.[145] Whether or not the royalists attempted to gain Manchester by treachery, they certainly made no approach on the town but keeping to the west they moved by way of Barlow Moor and Trafford Park about three miles distant from Manchester. Rupert's objective was now Bolton, the second Puritan stronghold of the county.

When the news of Rupert's coming reached the camp of the besiegers before Lathom House the only doubt was where they might escape. The terror of Rupert's name was worth a great deal to the royalists. Colonel Rigby showed great indecision; he could not make up his mind whether to stay in Lancashire, or to cross into Yorkshire. His troops were first removed to Eccleston Green, and they would then probably have been marched to Manchester but for the fear of meeting Rupert on the way.

Rigby's own family were in Preston, and they at once escaped into Yorkshire. In Preston also there were about 50 royalist prisoners guarded by Captain Pateson and Captain Swarbreck; and they twice received orders which were afterwards contradicted to join Rigby at Eccleston. Finally they were directed to convey their prisoners to Lancaster Castle. Leaving Preston on the same day that Prince Rupert took Bolton they quartered one night at Myerscough Lodge; next day they were attacked by a troop of royalist horse, and but for the timely a.s.sistance of Colonel Dodding, who was quartered at Garstang on his way towards Manchester, the prisoners would probably have been released.[146]

Rigby finally made up his mind to go to Bolton, thinking that Rupert would march either to Blackburn, or to Preston and Lancaster; but as it turned out the Parliamentarians only reached Bolton on the day before the royalists. Rigby occupied the town on May 27th, and next morning Rupert appeared before the town; and finding Rigby and his men in possession they determined on an a.s.sault.

The chances were obviously in favour of the royalists. They were quite three to one in numbers, and were commanded by the dreaded Prince Rupert and by the Earl of Derby. Their opponents were disheartened by an unsuccessful three months' siege; moreover they were mostly newly raised troops, and as there had been no garrison kept in Bolton for almost twelve months the defences were considered out of repair. Nevertheless the fight was very fierce and for a time undecided. The royalists approached the town about 2 o'clock in the afternoon from the south-west, and at once delivered an attack at several quarters; but after about half an hour's hard fighting at close quarters the first a.s.sault was beaten off. The royalists state that they lost 200 men in this repulse. Colonel Rigby sent out of the town a troop of horse to stave off the second attack, but these were defeated. The Earl of Derby in person led the second attack, having requested Prince Rupert to allow him for this purpose two companies of his own soldiers then under the command of Colonel Tyldesley. After a quarter of an hour's desperate fighting the royalists effected an entrance, the Earl being the first man to enter. Some cavalry were admitted to another part of the town through the treachery of one of the townsmen, and caught between the two forces the Parliamentarian troops were routed. Each man saved himself as he might, but against the overwhelming superiority of the royalist horse in an unwalled town the defenders were helpless and the slaughter was great.[147] Little mercy was shown by the infuriated royalists, Prince Rupert having, on their own confession, at first forbidden quarter to be given to any in arms. Seacome states that 2,000 Parliamentarian soldiers out of a total of 3,000 were killed, and another royalist account puts the slain at 1,600 with 700 prisoners. Both these estimates are probably too high. It does not seem probable that Rigby had more than 2,500 men, and large numbers of these certainly escaped, while more than 200 were taken prisoners. A more reasonable estimate by a Parliamentarian writer places the total loss on both sides at 1,200 to 1,500, which is more likely to be correct. The Parliamentarians would not be likely to over-estimate their own losses. Of this 1,200 or 1,500 no doubt the larger number would belong to the town. Supposing the royalists to have lost 200 men in the first attack and 200 more during all the rest of the engagement, it would still make the losses of the town three or four times as numerous, which is credible enough; for the Parliamentarian troops would have lost very heavily in their flight, Rupert having a large number of cavalry who could be of service in the pursuit. Colonel Rigby's cleverness alone secured his own escape. Being on horseback he mingled with the royalists as they entered the town, learned their pa.s.sword, and posed for a time as one of their officers; then taking advantage of the general confusion he rode away with one attendant into Yorkshire.

The capture of Bolton, or "Bolton Ma.s.sacre" as the Parliamentarian writers called it, was the saddest incident of the whole war in Lancashire. Nowhere else was the naturally bitter character of an intestine struggle so unhappily ill.u.s.trated; nowhere else were such furious pa.s.sions aroused; nowhere else was the slaughter so terrible.

The account by a townsman, "An Exact Relation of the b.l.o.o.d.y and barbarous Ma.s.sacre at Bolton in the Moors in Lancashire," etc., is without parallel in all the contemporary authorities for the vivid horror of its descriptions. Against the otherwise moderate conduct of the Lancashire war this terrible incident stood out in sharp contrast.

It is of course easy enough for the historian, surveying it impartially at a long distance of time, to explain why this was so. No one could call Prince Rupert's methods of war merciful at any time; and in the present instance he was in haste to relieve York, and would be sure to make short work of any obstacles in his way. For the local royalist troops engaged, it was the first experience of victory after many months of defeat, and the garrison opposed to them was the same force which had besieged Lathom House, against whom naturally the Earl of Derby and his followers had a particular grudge. They were commanded by the hated Rigby, and Bolton, 'the Geneva of the north,' was especially detested by the opponents of Puritanism. All these considerations served to make the capture of Bolton more than usually terrible. It is probable, however, that the stories related by both sides of the outrages committed by their opponents, are exaggerated if not invented. The royalists a.s.sert that after their first attack had been beaten off, some prisoners taken were put to death in their sight upon the walls of the town; and they attribute their unrestrained slaughter on gaining the victory to this act of cruelty. The statement is, however, made by Seacome, who is notoriously inaccurate; and as it is quite unsupported by any other testimony, it is impossible to believe it. On the other hand, horrible stories of barbarity are related by the Parliamentarian writers as having been committed by the victors, in some cases on defenceless townsmen, and even on women and children. These are much more likely to be true than the other, but they are probably exaggerated. The gravest charge is that made against the Earl of Derby himself, that one Captain Bootle, formerly in his service, was taken prisoner and brought before the Earl at his own request to ask for mercy; and that Derby thereupon drew his sword and ran him through the body in cold blood. This story may be equally discredited.[148] Bootle was certainly killed during the siege; and the royalists state that he was killed by the Earl of Derby during the fighting, which is most probably true. Before his execution Derby denied the charge; and it seems quite incredible that a man so highminded and chivalrous, should have committed such an act even in the excitement of victory. There was perhaps great cruelty shown by the royalists, but not by Derby personally; and we must attribute the story of the manner of Bootle's death to party malice.

Prince Rupert sent all the twenty-two colours taken at Bolton to Lady Derby at Lathom House, by the hand of Sir Richard Crane, but he did not immediately march there himself. The Earl of Derby presented to Rupert a ring worth 20 as a token of his grat.i.tude; and at Lathom there were great rejoicings. No garrison was left in Bolton, and the prisoners were taken away bound two and two together, and sent over Hale Ford into Cheshire where they were distributed between Chester, Shrewsbury, and other places.[149] After this success the county came in very fast to the royalists, and Derby soon had 5,000 men under his command.

The Parliamentarians never forgave the ma.s.sacre at Bolton. Wrongly accused as he was, Derby's share in the engagement was in part at least responsible for the implacability with which his enemies pursued him to the scaffold. From this time onwards the Parliament placed his name among the list of those who were to be excepted from pardon in case peace was made with the King. Bolton market place was chosen as the place of his death in remembrance of the royalist victory there. As regards the Prince, they delighted to ascribe his subsequent disaster to the vengeance of Heaven for his cruelty in Lancashire. "The blood of Bolton would not let him rest till all the glory he had got was lost in one hour"[150] writes Baillie on July 12. At Marston Moor, though the royalists were nearly successful, it was the ever victorious Rupert who was driven off the field at the first encounter.

A collection for the relief of Bolton was made in Manchester Church and Salford Chapel in June, and reached the total of 140, a large sum considering the general distress which prevailed.[151]

When the Committee of both Kingdoms heard of Rupert's advance, they wrote to the Earl of Manchester before York urging him to send a considerable force to resist the Prince in Lancashire. (June 1st.) It was urged that Rupert might secure Lancashire, capture the pa.s.ses so that he could send out troops into the neighbouring counties as he liked, and by means of Liverpool take in supplies from the sea; by which the war would be indefinitely prolonged. Similar letters were sent to Fairfax and to Leven. But the Parliamentarian generals in Yorkshire, rightly objected to dividing their forces; deciding that it was impossible for them to deal with an enemy who was yet so far away, and that for the present the West must look after itself. The Committee in London were urgent, and letters pa.s.sed daily during the month of June; but their ignorance of the situation sufficiently ill.u.s.trates the absurdity of endeavouring to direct a campaign by votes of a Committee distant 150 miles from the seat of war. The Earl of Denbigh, the Parliamentarian general in the Midlands, defended himself at length and with some heat from the charge that he was to blame in not being able to check Prince Rupert's march by falling upon his rear.[152] At length Sir Harry Vane was sent down to York to consult with the generals there; but on arriving early in June he was speedily convinced that it was impossible to divide the army as the Committee suggested. a.s.sheton and Rigby, who were in Yorkshire, naturally seconded the Committee's opinion; but until the Earl of Manchester's foot had been brought to the siege, progress had been very slow, and it would have been very unwise to weaken the besieging force; as it was, York was closely beset on all sides and might soon be expected to capitulate. The Committee were evidently wrong. To divide the Parliamentarian army would have been dangerous, to raise the siege of York would have played into the enemy's hands. Rupert was in fact wasting time in Lancashire. His best chance would have been to gather all the troops he could after his capture of Bolton and to march straight on York; but he spent four precious weeks before he left Lancashire. "I hope you will not have cause to apprehend Prince Rupert's strength," wrote Manchester, "for excepting plundering, at which his army is expert, no considerable places have been taken possession of by his army."[153] The Committee of both Kingdoms indeed over-rated Prince Rupert's ability. He was no great general though a splendid cavalry officer. The plan which they sketched for him of securing Lancashire and using it as a base was beyond his powers, even if it had been possible under the circ.u.mstances. And the Lancashire royalists had been so scattered before Rupert came, that they were not able to give him any very substantial help. As long as it continued to be impossible for the King to march north, Rupert might be left to himself.

After a few days rest at Bolton, the royalists marched at once to Liverpool. They stated that Newcastle had sent word that he could still hold out for a few weeks. The Liverpool of that day was a small town situated on a ridge of land east of the Mersey, and sloping on the west towards the river and on the east towards the country. It was strongly fortified and held by Colonel Moore, who was the Parliamentarian Governor. At the north end of the town was a high mud wall, and a ditch 12 yards wide and 3 yards deep was drawn round most of the landward side. At the south end was a castle also protected by a ditch which could be filled with water from the river; all the streets facing the river were blocked up, while those on the other side of the town were palisaded and defended with cannon. When Rupert first looked down on the town from the higher ridge which overlooked it on the east he likened it to a crow's nest which might easily be robbed; but before he had taken it he said it might better be called an eagle's nest or a den of lions.

Flushed with their victory at Bolton, the royalists delivered a furious attack expecting to overcome as they had done the other town; but at Liverpool the fortifications were much stronger, and they were beaten off with the loss of many men. They then established a blockade, Rupert's main camp being placed at the Beacon, a full mile from the town, from which he relieved his trenches and batteries twice daily. Day after day a furious bombardment was directed against the defences, Rupert's natural impatience being increased by urgent appeals which now began to come from York. But for a fortnight the town continued to hold out, and at least two attempts to storm were beaten off with loss. The failure of the bombardment was partly due to an unusual defence which was resorted to. The refugees from Ireland, of whom there were a great many in the town, had brought over among other effects many bags of wool, and the tops of the walls were lined with these bags, which proved of great service in deadening the force of the enemy's shot. The Parliamentarians also had command of the river, and a reinforcement of 400 English and Scotch troops from Manchester were marched to Warrington and from thence sent to Liverpool by water. At length the royalists gained an entrance at the north end of the town by a night attack during Whit-week (June 12 or 13), and carried the town by storm. There was some slaughter and much plundering; but there were still some ships in the river, and when the royalists entered the town Moore embarked as many of his soldiers as he could and himself escaped. He was afterwards much blamed for deserting the town, and it was suggested that he had yielded the northern works by treachery in order to ingratiate himself with Rupert and save his own house, Bank Hall, which was on that side of the town. But this suggestion seems to have been without foundation; and it was afterwards stated in Moore's defence that when the royalists entered Liverpool his soldiers refused to follow him, and that he himself only retreated when resistance was hopeless, and embarked under fire.[154]

[Ill.u.s.tration: A Plan of LIVERPOOL, _AND THE POOL_; as they appeared about the Year 1650.]

Prince Rupert left Sir John Byron as Governor of Liverpool, and himself marched to Lathom House whose fortifications were considerably strengthened under his direction. He promoted Captain Rawsthorne to the rank of Colonel, and appointed him Governor of the fortress; Captain Chisenhale was also made Colonel and accompanied Rupert into Yorkshire.

The Countess of Derby and her children had removed after the raising of the siege to the Isle of Man.[155] Liverpool was garrisoned by Colonel Cuthbert Clifton's regiment, newly raised in the Fylde.[156]

The Committee of both Kingdoms still persisted in its design of having Rupert opposed on his march into Yorkshire; which might have been sound policy provided no troops were withdrawn from the siege of York for that purpose. On June 13, they directed the Earl of Denbigh to march into Cheshire with all his forces and to keep in touch with the garrison at Manchester which now numbered 5,000 men; and Colonel Hutchinson at Nottingham was also told to be ready to march with 200 horse and 300 foot.[157] Later a general rendezvous was appointed, at which these forces were to be joined by Lord Grey with 200 horse and 300 foot, and by Sir John Gell from Derby with 500 horse and 500 foot. Apparently the generals before York were at last prevailed upon to promise some troops for Lancashire. By the end of June, Denbigh was said to be on the march; but before the preparations were completed they were no longer needed.

Early in June Rupert was joined by Lord Goring with reinforcements of cavalry, which brought his army up to nearly 15,000 men; but even still there were delays. Disquieting rumours reached the Prince of the opportunity which his enemies at court were making in his absence to accuse him to the King. It was "the common discourse of the Lord Digby, Lord Percy, Sir John Culpeller, and Wilmot, that it is indifferent whether the Parliament or Prince Rupert doth prevail." Naturally Rupert was so enraged "that he was once resolved to send the King his commission and get to France. This fury interrupted his march ten days."

At last, however, the Prince set out on his way to York. He stopped at Preston, where a banquet was prepared for him, but he refused it saying "Banquets were not fit for soldiers," and instead carried the Mayor and Bailiffs prisoners as far as Skipton Castle where he left them.[158] He probably used both the roads out of Lancashire by c.l.i.theroe and Colne; and his march was hara.s.sed by Colonel Shuttleworth. Several skirmishes took place, which were not to the royalists' advantage. Garrisons were left in c.l.i.theroe and Skipton Castle. On June 25th Rupert was said to be still in Lancashire, and the Cheshire royalists were still hoping to catch him on his march; two days later his advance guard was at Skipton; but after this he marched more swiftly. On Monday, July 1st, the Parliamentarian armies raised the siege of York on hearing that Rupert had pa.s.sed Knaresborough; and the battle of Marston Moor was fought on the following day.

Marston Moor was the most important battle of the whole civil war, and the importance of the coming engagement was fully realised before it took place. Both sides as usual invoked the Divine aid. "If G.o.d help us to take York and defeat him (Rupert) the business is ended in England,"

wrote Baillie on June 9th, and in the same strain Colonel Robert Byron wrote to Ormond after the battle but before its result was known: "And doubtless it is the greatest business that hath been since the war began. G.o.d Almighty give the Prince good success."[159] Perhaps nowhere was the event of the battle awaited with greater anxiety than in Lancashire. Rupert's coming had changed again the whole state of affairs in that county. "Half of the county at this time was under their power, viz., Derby, Leyland, and Amounderness Hundreds from the taking of Bolton, May 14th, till the 20th August." While the Prince was in Lancashire the royalists showed great activity so that they might hold out after he had gone. On the result of Marston Moor depended whether or not this state of things should remain; but with the defeat of the royalists the tables were turned again. Instead of having to fight on the defensive against the victorious enemy the Lancashire Parliamentarians had now only fugitives to deal with. After the battle Rupert stayed one night in York, then made his way back by the Yorkshire Dales into Lancashire; but while his first appearance in the county had been a progress of victory, at his second coming he headed only fragments of a defeated army, which were anxious to escape without further fighting. Indeed what fighting there was took place with his lieutenants. The Prince himself was at Hornby Castle on July 8th; from there he marched hastily through the Fylde to Preston and then down the western coast and so over Hale Ford into Cheshire. His forces, however, remained in Lancashire for a month afterwards. The Committee of Both Kingdoms were still in great fear of what Rupert might do, and urged Fairfax to send forces after him; but Rupert was anxious to get out of Lancashire as fast as he could, and the forces which he left were in a scattered condition and without ammunition. They were under the command of Goring, Molyneux and Tyldesley, and they remained in Amounderness Hundred, until at length Sir John Meldrum was despatched from York with 1,000 horse to clear the county. Reinforced with Lancashire foot, he set out in search of the enemy about August 10th, and the royalists on hearing of his approach retreated again over the Ribble into the Fylde.

Some of them, however, under Lord Ogleby and Colonel Huddleston of Millom attempted to reach Lathom House and were encountered near Walton by Colonel Dodding. The royalists, consisting of 400 horse, outnumbered Dodding, but word being sent to Colonel Nicholas Shuttleworth who was near Blackburn, he hastened up and thus reinforced, Dodding routed the royalists and captured 40 or 50 prisoners, including Huddleston and Ogleby (Aug. 15). The remainder escaped to Lathom, but few of them could get through the lines there, the siege having been renewed. There seems to have been a further skirmish at Ribble Bridge a few days later.

Colonel Dodding then joined Sir John Meldrum, who reached Preston late on Friday, August 16th, and quartered there on the following Sat.u.r.day and Sunday. On August 17th Goring joined the other royalists who were encamped about Lytham and Kirkham, plundering greatly; they now numbered about 2,700, nearly all cavalry. A rendezvous was appointed on Freckleton Marsh on Monday, August 18th; and on the same day Meldrum drew up his forces on Penwortham Moor, south of Preston, intending to attack them. But he seems to have been ignorant of the country.

Intending to cross the Ribble below Preston, he found the pa.s.sage impracticable on account of the tide; and having wasted much time he was forced to return to Preston and to march along the north bank of the Ribble by way of Greaves Town and Lea Hall. From the latter place the royalists were discovered across Freckleton Marsh crossing the river some three miles away. Meldrum at once gave chase as fast as possible, the hors.e.m.e.n each taking up a musketeer behind him for greater speed; but when they reached the water the tide had again risen too high for them to cross, and they were only in time to send a parting shot or two after the royalists. Meldrum waited for the rest of his foot, and the same night returned to Preston. Next day (Aug. 19th) he again set out in pursuit, marching south-westward; and in the evening he encountered the royalists near Ormskirk. They had been forced to make a detour on reaching the southern bank of the Ribble in order to avoid Colonel a.s.sheton who lay with some troops near Hesketh Bank, and so had been unable to escape further. Though it was 8 o'clock in the evening when Meldrum came up with the royalists, he at once ordered an attack.

Colonel Booth's foot regiment opened fire and the royalists made very little resistance; their defeat was completed by a charge of cavalry who pursued as long as the light would allow. The royalists were quite scattered. Their chief men managed to escape, but most of the officers and 300 men were taken prisoners. The few who escaped fled southwards and over Hale Ford into Cheshire. Prince Rupert was said to be on the southern bank of the Mersey waiting for a chance to invade Lancashire again; but this defeat made it impossible for him to do so.[160]

FOOTNOTES:

[137] "Cambridge Modern History," Vol. 4, pp. 320, 321; "C.S.P.," pp.

35, 39.

[138] Derby to Rupert, Chester, March 7, 1643-4: "I have received many advertis.e.m.e.nts from my wife of her great distress and imminent danger, unless she be relieved by your Highness, on whom she doth more rely than any other whatever, and all of us consider well she hath chief reason so to do" ("Rupert MSS.," Add. MSS. 18980, fol. 81). Derby's information was that there were only 50 men each in the towns of Liverpool and Warrington, the garrisons having been withdrawn to the siege of Lathom.