The Great Civil War in Lancashire (1642-1651) Part 3

Alexander Rigby of Middleton near Preston, was certainly the most active of the Lancashire Parliamentarians. He seems to have attempted to control local affairs and to attend Parliament at the same time, and was constantly travelling about between London and Lancashire. He was one of the first to take action on the Parliament's side in Lancashire; his chief military commands were at Thurland Castle in 1643 and at the first siege of Lathom in the following year. He commanded a cavalry regiment against Hamilton in 1648. In the following year Cromwell appointed him a Baron of the Exchequer, and he died in 1650 from fever caught whilst trying a case. Rigby was named as one of the King's judges but he refused to sit. In spite of his ability he was never popular with his own party, and Lady Derby's description of him as "that insolent rebel"

fairly represents the royalist opinion of him. He was nevertheless closely connected with the opposite party by relationship. A curious ill.u.s.tration of Rigby's activity was his 'Governship' of Lygonia, a district in the province of Maine in North America. He bought the charter and described himself as Governor until his death, though he never visited America and discharged his duties by deputy.[41]

John Moore was head of the family of Moore of Bank Hall, near Liverpool.

He was the leader of the Puritans in that district and was returned for Liverpool in the Short Parliament. He took little part in the early military operations in Lancashire but commanded at the first siege of Lathom; and he was Governor of Liverpool when that place was stormed by Prince Rupert in August, 1644. Moore was blamed for his surrender, but apparently without due reason. He was a Deputy-Lieutenant, Sequestrator, and one of the judges at the King's trial, his name appearing in the death warrant. He afterwards served in Ireland and died in 1650. His son Edward, was created a Baronet by Charles II. Moore was a restless, bitter, and unscrupulous man, and his household was described as a 'h.e.l.l upon earth' by Adam Martindale, who for a time acted as his clerk.[42]

William Ashhurst took no part in the operations in Lancashire but looked after the interests of the county at Westminster. He attained some prominence in the House of Commons, and was one of the commissioners sent to Scotland in 1647-8. His brother Major Ashhurst who had at first fought on the Parliament's side joined Charles the Second in the expedition of 1651, and William Ashhurst was for a time imprisoned as a suspected person.[43]

It has already been indicated that the division of Lancashire between the two factions followed the same lines as the division of the country generally, that is, the Parliament had the south-east and the King the north-west. The divisions of the families also on the whole followed this arrangement. But no hard and fast lines can be drawn. The Parliament for instance had one firm supporter, Colonel Moore, in the extreme west, and one, Colonel Dodding, in Lancaster; Rigby himself lived near Preston: while on the other hand the Nowells of Read lived in what was chiefly a Parliamentarian district, and we find the Traffords, Mosleys, and the Radcliffes who were Royalists in or near Manchester itself.

Moreover hardly a single family of note was to be found entirely united.

Even the Stanleys had their representative in the Parliament's ranks, Sir Thomas Stanley. Sir Gilbert Hoghton's eldest son was a Parliamentarian, whilst Capt. Standish, son of the M.P. for Preston, was killed in the royalist ranks at Manchester. The two bitterest opponents of the King in Lancashire were Rigby and Moore; and Rigby's wife was the sister of an active royalist, while Moore's son was created a Baronet after the Restoration.

FOOTNOTES:

[28] "Discourse," p. 5. Cf., however, "MSS. of Lord Montague of Beaulieu," p. 153. J. Dillingham to Lord Montague, May, 1642: "I am a.s.sured from a good hand that in Lancashire and Cheshire the Puritans are able to encounter the papists, and the Protestants are rather for the Puritan party than the popish. This you may build upon for my authority is very good."

[29] The chief authorities for Lord Derby's career are the article in the "Dict. Nat. Biog."; The Life by Canon Raines in the "Stanley Papers," C.S., No. 66, and Seacome's "House of Stanley." Seacome had access to the papers of Bishop Rutter, the supposed author of the Journal of the first siege of Lathom House, and his work contains valuable information about the Stanley family not otherwise obtainable; but he is a bitter partisan and very inaccurate. The first edition of his work was published at Liverpool in 1741; the references in the following pages are to the second edition, printed by Joseph Harrop in Manchester in 1767.

[30] _Vide_ "Dict. Nat. Biog." "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 11, pts. 1-3, p.

85. Despatch of the Tuscan Resident at Whitehall: "The d.u.c.h.ess is very desirous of attaching her (Lady Strange) to the household of the Queen; but with little prospect of success, either because no more French are desired, or because she has no influence with those who dispose of these offices." Cf. also "Moore Rental," pp. 136, 137.

"Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 10, "Bouverie MSS.," p. 91, November 10-20, 1642. W. Strickland to John Pym from the Hague: The States General have received a letter from Lady Derby which has been communicated to Strickland by Lord Vosbergen. Lady Derby desires the States General to mediate with Parliament that her person, children and house may be secured from dangers to which she may be exposed by Lord Derby following the King's party. "I told Lord Vosbergen that some of her letters were said to show but little good affection to Parliament, and I knew not how far Parliament had power to exempt any from these common dangers."

_Same Day and Place_: "Do what you please about Lady Derby's business; a civil answer will serve, though it be not to expectation. I desire to speak for malignants, but I could do no less" (_ibid_, p. 93).

[31] For a sound account of Molyneux _vide_ "Hist. Soc.," Vol. 7 and 8, pp. 245-278. This contains an account of the "child marriage."

Particulars of his sequestration are given in "Royalist Composition Papers," R.S., No. 26, p. 157.

[32] "Dict. Nat. Biog." "C.W.T.," pp. 306, 353. "Discourse," p. 92.

Myerscough Lodge lies just aside from the main road from Preston to Garstang, and about half-way between the two. Until comparatively recently some parts of the old house remained, but in 1887 the Lodge was entirely re-built. Clarendon's estimate of Tyldesley is a very high one ("Hist. Rebell.," ed. Macray, Vol. 5, p. 186; bk. 13, par. 70).

[33] "Discourse," p. 91. "Rupert MSS." ("Add. MSS.," 18981), fol. 266.

[34] "C.W.T.," p. 344. "Discourse," p. 90.

[35] "Farington Papers" (C.S., No. 39). "Discourse," p. 94. Worden Hall, some three miles from Chorley, is still standing, though it was largely dismantled when the new Hall was built. The old stables remain. About half a mile away across the fields is Buckshawe Hall, the residence of Major Robinson, the supposed author of the "Discourse." Both are now used as farmhouses. Several stone gate-posts bearing Robinson's initials are now built into the walls at Buckshawe.

[36] "C.W.T.," pp. 67, 84, 149, 347.

[37] "Memoirs of Anne Lady Fanshawe" (ed. H. C. Fanshawe, 1907), pp.

21-25.

[38] "C.W.T.," 340. "C.J.," Vol. 2, p. 742.

[39] "C.W.T.," 337. "Discourse," p. 100. Both these notices, however, give the date of a.s.sheton's death incorrectly. The entries in the Parish registers of Middleton put the question beyond doubt ("Lanc. Parish Register Soc.," Vol. 12, pp. 45, 98). For the votes of the House of Commons _v._ "C.J.," Vol. 4, p. 7; Vol. 5, p. 680. The former referred to a.s.sheton's "great, constant and very faithful service." He was committed to the Tower on Feb. 9, 1643-4, for not paying 1,500 of the King's revenue in his hands, as one of the Receivers of the King's Revenue. The Order for his arrest in 1650 was issued by the Council of State on May 1, "To deliver Lieut.-Col. Ralph a.s.sheton, prisoner in the Compter for debt, into the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms, to be brought before Council on a charge of High Treason, he having been informed against as a very dangerous person" ("C.S.P.," 1650, p. 539).

It is difficult to see how this warrant can refer to anyone else. In "Iter Lancastrense" (C.S., 6), p. 29, a description of a.s.sheton's tomb in Middleton Church is given, and the situation of it is exactly indicated. This book was published in 1845; but on the restoration of Middleton Church by Bishop Durnford in 1869, the stone was removed with others bearing bra.s.ses into the sacrarium. The floor of the a.s.sheton Chapel is now occupied by pews. The Albany Mill stands on the site of old Middleton Hall. There is a pedigree of the Middleton a.s.shetons in Baines' "Lancashire" (ed. Croston), Vol. 2, p. 396.

[40] "C.W.T.," p. 352. "Discourse," p. 101, note. Pedigree in Whitaker's "Whalley," p. 339. Robert Shuttleworth (1784-1855) had an only daughter Janet, who married, in 1842, Sir James Kay-Shuttleworth; the present Lord Shuttleworth is their son (Burke's "Peerage"). Colonel Ughtred Shuttleworth was committed to the Tower in March, 1651 ("C.S.P.," 1651, p. 104).

[41] "C.W.T.," p. 351. "Discourse," p. 127. "Palatine Note Book," Vol.

3, pp. 137-140. Rigby's elder brother, George Rigby of Peel, was the ancestor of the present Lord Kenyon.

[42] "C.W.T.," p. 349. "Discourse," pp. 101-2. "Martindale's Life," pp.

36-7. "There was such a pack of arrant thieves and they so artificial at their trade, that it was scarce possible to save anything out of their hands except what I could carry about with me or lodge in some other house. Those that were not thieves (if there are any such) were generally, if not universally, profaned bitter scoffers at piety." For the surrender of Liverpool _vide_ "Hist. MSS. Com.," Rep. 10, app. 4, pp. 102-3 (Depositions of Capt. Andrew Ashton concerning the loss of Liverpool). It is here stated that when Moore heard of the royalists'

entry into the town he drew his sword and asked for volunteers, but his men refused to follow him, and he then reluctantly proceeded to the waterside, many shots being fired at him as he embarked. The fullest account of Moore is in the "Moore Rental," pp. v-x.x.xix.

[43] "C.W.T.," p. 337. "Tanner MSS.," Vol. 59, fol. 503. Another brother, Henry, became a prominent London merchant and philanthropist.

CHAPTER III.

The Siege of Manchester.

From the days when it was a Roman fortress Manchester had probably been the most considerable place in Lancashire. Leland had referred to it in the previous century as the "fairest best builded quickest and most populous town of all Lancashire": and as in those days the ring of towns now surrounding it, the creation of the cotton trade, were non-existent, Manchester was in proportion larger than now. It was the princ.i.p.al market for the fustians which were manufactured at Bolton, Leigh and the places adjacent. The following quotation is from Lewis Robert's "Merchant's Map of Commerce" written in 1641.

"The town of Manchester buys the linen yarn of the Irish in great quant.i.ty and weaving it returns the same again to Ireland to sell; neither doth their industry rest here for they buy cotton wool in London that comes first from Cyprus and Smyrna and work the same into fustians vermilions dimities etc., which they return to London where they are sold, and from thence not seldom sent into such foreign parts where the first materials may be more easily had for their manufacture."

Though Manchester was in the 17th century no more than a small unwalled town its position at the junction of the Irk and Irwell gave it some natural strength on the north and west sides; but there were no walls or defences of any kind. The town consisted of a half circle of houses round the Collegiate Church, with Deansgate and Market Stead Lane branching off to the south-west and south-east respectively. The population was probably from 5000 to 6000, and of Salford about one-fourth of that.[44] The bridges over the Irwell and Irk described by Leland were still all that existed during the Civil War; but the Chapel on Salford Bridge which he mentions had fallen into ruin, and was during the war often used as a prison. All that now remains above ground of the Manchester of that day besides a few old public houses and one street corner is the Collegiate Church, now the Cathedral, and the old College, which is now Chetham Hospital.

If the Civil War had not broken out when it did Manchester might have attained a distinction for which it had to wait for another 250 years.

In March, 1640-1, a proposal was made to establish a University in the town. A pet.i.tion was presented to Parliament urging the great distance of Oxford and Cambridge and the great expense which was incurred at those places, "so that divers gentlemen are induced to send their sons to foreign universities or to allow them only country breeding." It was pointed out that the north of England generally would benefit "which by reason of the distance from Court and University suffers a double eclipse of honour and learning," and Manchester was stated to be the fittest place, being central in position and an old town "formerly both a city and a sanctuary." Lord Strange was much interested in the scheme and had promised to contribute liberally towards it; and the old College, at that time disused and much neglected, was indicated as a very suitable place for the University to be established.

Unfortunately the success of this very interesting scheme was made impossible by the agitated condition of public affairs. An attempt was made to secure Lord Fairfax's support, but he pointed out that even if the opposition of Oxford and Cambridge and other difficulties did not prove insuperable, Parliament had no leisure to discuss matters of such local interest. In view of the trials of Stafford and of Laud and the state of church affairs, a Manchester University bill had no chance of a hearing.[45]

It was fortunate for the Parliamentarian cause in Lancashire that the largest town in the county was on its side. The 'very London of those parts' had as much weight then as now in local affairs, though not its present importance in the national life. The Civil War gave Manchester a national position such as it had never had before. There was no doubt that the majority of the townsmen were against the King; the town was not unanimous as the affray on July 15 had shown, but the fact that the Manchester magazine alone was not secured by the royalists is significant enough; we cannot credit the statements made to the contrary. Curiously enough, however, Salford was royalist in sympathy.[46]

During September, 1642, it was definitely known in Manchester that Lord Strange was collecting troops for an attack upon the town. Towards the end of the month the Parliamentarian newspapers contained disquieting rumours about the royalist plans. Lord Strange was said to have 1000 foot, and it was thought possible that Rupert, and even the King might join him.[47] The situation was critical; for the majority of the county was on his lordship's side, and there was no garrison in Manchester, and no fortifications of any kind. The townsmen were able, however, to secure the services of a capable engineer to direct the defence. This was John Rosworm, a German by birth, who had seen service in the Low Countries, and had been in Ireland until the insurrection there broke out. He had come to Manchester early in the summer of 1642; and when the war began entered into an agreement signed by 22 of the princ.i.p.al citizens of Manchester to defend the town for 6 months for the sum of 30.[48] This engagement was renewed 6 months later, and eventually Rosworm remained in the service of the town for more than six years at a salary of 60 a year. Also in January, 1642-3, he became Lieutenant-Colonel in a.s.sheton's regiment of foot. Rosworm was a capable officer and served the town well; but his own estimate of his services is much higher than anybody else's, and his statements about the arrears owing to him from the town must have been greatly exaggerated. His service during the siege, however, was most valuable. It was only in September that he was engaged by the town, and he at once began to make such defences as were possible, by building mud walls at the street ends, and fixing posts and chains to keep out the enemy's horse. These preparations were only just completed in time; and even so it was accident rather than otherwise which gave the town another reinforcement. Sir Edward Fitton and Mr. Leigh of Adlington beginning to disarm their tenants, the supporters of the Parliament from all the neighbourhood round Manchester flocked into the town and completely silenced any objections which the royalists there were making to the works. All the present suburbs of Manchester were not, however, favourable to the Parliament. On September 24 one John Scholes being sent to ring the bells at Prestwich Church 'backwards,' was prevented by the Rector, Isaac Allen. Allen was afterwards deprived of his living, but it was urged in his favour that he was a man of blameless life, and he had not directed his parishioners to take either side in the war. In 1645 he was allowed 40 per annum for maintenance.

Lord Strange mustered his troops at Warrington, and it was 10 o'clock at night on Sat.u.r.day, Sept. 24, when news reached the town that he was on his march. The distance is only 18 miles, but delayed by the breaking of a wheel of one of the gun carriages and probably also by bad roads, his troops did not arrive before the town until the following day. Their numbers are variously stated from 2000 to 4000 men, and they were probably about half way between these estimates. With Lord Strange were Lord Molyneux, Sir Gilbert Hoghton, Sir Alexander Radcliffe, Sir John Girlington, Sir Gilbert Gerard, Mr. Tyldesley, Mr. Farington and many others of the royalist gentry of the south and west of Lancashire. The force included four troops of horse and one of dragoons; the foot were trained bands and some Welshmen. They were divided into two somewhere on the march, one division keeping north of the Irwell and occupying Salford, the other crossing the river and approaching Manchester by way of Alport Lane. Lord Strange was with the latter party and took up his quarters at Alport Lodge belonging to Sir Edward Mosley.[49]

When the royalists approached the alarm was given by ringing the bells 'backwards'; it was 9 o'clock on Sunday morning, and the townsmen were called out of church. Two envoys were sent out to Lord Strange, who kept one of them with him for some hours, sending the other back with Captain Windebank to demand an entrance into the town; he promised to respect life and property if this were conceded. This demand was of course refused, and next day hostilities began.[50]

[Ill.u.s.tration: A PLAN OF MANCHESTER and SALFORD about 1650.]

The Parliamentary troops in the town, which numbered about 1000, consisted partly of the militia under the command of Captain Radcliffe and partly of those who had come in from the surrounding country to its a.s.sistance. The best of the latter were 150 tenants of Mr. a.s.sheton of Middleton under Captain Bradshaw. The various positions had already been a.s.signed. Bradshaw was posted at the end of Deansgate; Salford Bridge, which he rather unreasonably calls "the only place of manifest danger, greatest action and least defence," Rosworm took for himself; Captain Radcliffe held Market Stead Lane and Captain Booth Millgate. Lieutenant Barwick was posted in Hunt's Bank; and on Shudehill 'a company of resolute soldiers without any commander.' The guns or gun, for perhaps there was only one, defended Bradshaw's position, which was really the most difficult.[51]

On Monday morning Lord Strange sent another message formally demanding all the arms in the town to be delivered up, and quarter for a troop of his horse; but the townsmen replied that this was forbidden by the Protestation, and by Ordinance of Parliament. About mid-day the royalist batteries opened fire, shooting bullets of 4 lbs., 6 lbs., and 8 lbs.

weight; but little damage was done except to the houses. They then attacked Deansgate at close quarters and setting fire to some buildings at the end of the town, almost effected an entrance. Rosworm was obliged to send 20 of his 50 musketeers as reinforcement, and the royalists were at length driven back with some loss. Later in the afternoon an a.s.sault was also made on Salford Bridge, but this was more easily repulsed as the royalists had there to charge uphill, and their position was commanded by the higher ground of the churchyard. There is also said to have been a royalist attack of horse against the east of the town, but this also was beaten off. Firing continued until dark, and at midnight a party of royalists went down to the water's edge in Salford, and attempted to set fire to the town by means of lighted f.a.ggots. The royalists are said to have lost 120 men against 3 of the defenders.[52]

Next day no direct attacks were delivered at Deansgate or the Bridge.

The former seems to have been left quite free, but a cannonade was begun by the royalists in Salford which so terrified Rosworm's raw soldiers that 16 of them took to their heels; and he says that some of those who stayed did so from fear of his drawn sword.[53] As he had sent away 20 of his men on the previous day only 14 now remained at this important position; but volunteers brought up his men to their original number again. On this day the other street ends were attacked by the royalists, especially Market Stead Lane; but they were beaten back at all points.

Gaining confidence, the townsmen began to sally out on their own account and cut off several small parties which were straggling in the fields.

Seven troopers with their horses were taken and one quarter-master shot with the loss of two of the garrison.

At 5 o'clock in the afternoon Lord Strange called a parley and again proposed surrender; after some negotiation a truce was agreed upon until 7 o'clock on the following morning, but it seems to have been observed by neither side.[54] Lord Strange's proposals were considered, but it was not likely that after having repelled his attacks for two days the townsmen would be more ready to treat than before; and all the royalist terms were refused.[55] Strange made many proposals, less and less being asked for on each refusal. First he demanded to march through the town, then 1000 in money, then 200 muskets; finally he offered to depart if 50 muskets were surrendered. "The town said they would not give him so much as a rusty dagger"[56]; and next day hostilities were resumed.