The Great Civil War in Lancashire (1642-1651) Part 13

This was probably the last service which the Parliament ever asked a.s.sheton to undertake. He and the other leaders who had subdued the county seven years before were now entirely out of sympathy with the existing government of the country. When the militia was further re-organised in 1650, the matter was taken out of their hands altogether. a.s.sheton, Shuttleworth, Rigby, Colonel Richard Standish, and Sir Richard Hoghton, were formally dismissed from employment in connection with the Militia; and the commissions which were granted in the following summer to Lancashire officers, were nearly all given to new men. Joseph Rigby became Lieutenant-Colonel, and there were one or two names which had previously appeared in the records of the war; but for the most part those previously best known are absent. Colonel Thomas Birch seems to have been the only one of the former leaders who still enjoyed the confidence of the Parliament, and he was for the next few years largely entrusted with the direction of affairs in Lancashire.[210]

FOOTNOTES:

[192] "Political History of England," Vol. 7, p. 339.

[193] "C.W.T.," pp. 248-251.

[194] Rigby to the Speaker, May 6, 1648 ("Tanner MSS.," Cary, Vol. 1, pp. 407-410). May 5 was a Friday, and the following Monday was therefore May 8. Rigby says that May 6 had been appointed for a general royalist rising in Lancashire.

[195] "Letters from Scotland, etc.," No. 11. "C.J.," Vol. 5, p. 563.

[196] "Letters from Scotland, etc.," No. 13. "C.S.P.," 1648-9, p. 237.

At the same time the Deputy-Lieutenants were directed to carefully guard the pa.s.ses out of Lancashire into that county.

[197] "Letters from Scotland, etc.," No. 15. Diary of Captain Samuel Birch, from May 15, 1648, to March 29, 1649 in "Portland MSS.," Vol. 3, p. 173. Birch raised his troop at Manchester on May 15, and gives a detailed itinerary of his March through Wigan, Lancaster and Kirkby Lonsdale, to the general rendezvous at Halton. He afterwards accompanied Lambert into Yorkshire, reaching Ripon on August 3, and Knaresborough on the 7th. His dates agree with those given by Cromwell for the subsequent movements; he was quartered on August 14 at Carleton, near Skipton, and on the following night at Downham. At the battle of Preston "I had charge of our Lancashire brigade's folorn; my lieutenant had charge of my division of musquettiers; my ensign by command of General a.s.sheton lead the pykes and collours up against the defenders on Ribble Bridge and beat them off. Allmost all my officers markt, none killed, divers souldiers shott and hurt, some very dangerously, most performed very well. Blessed be G.o.d for his great deliverance." Birch then remained in Preston in charge of the prisoners and magazine.

[198] "C.W.T.," pp. 252, 253. Probably all the Lancashire ministers were by no means of the same mind. In Feb., 1648-9, one Thomas Smith preached two sermons in Lancaster Church and was imprisoned for the views he expressed. Smith thought "We should have no peace till the Scotts came to suppresse that army of Sectaries, and being asked what he intended to do if they came he replyed that he would joyne with them." "Clarke Papers," ed. Prof. C. H. Firth, Camden Soc. (N.S., 49, 54), Vol. 2, p.

188.

[199] "The last Newes from the Prince of Wales, etc." "C.W.T.," pp. 254, 255.

[200] "Lieutenant-General Cromwell's Letter, &c." "C.W.T.," p. 259.

Cromwell's narrative is here not quite correct. He states that the council of war was held at "Hodder Bridge over Ribble." But Hodder Bridge is not over the Ribble, but over the Hodder, near Mitton. The old bridge which Cromwell used still stands. Obviously, however, the council of war was held before crossing the Ribble. The army must first have crossed the bridge at c.l.i.theroe, and afterwards Hodder Bridge over the Hodder in order to reach Stonyhurst. It would appear that Cromwell when writing his narrative, forgot that there were two bridges, and wrote Hodder Bridge instead of c.l.i.theroe Bridge.

[201] The authorities for the campaign of Preston are: "Lieutenant-General Cromwell's Letter concerning the Total Routing of the Scots Army, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 255); "Lt.-General Cromwell's Letter to the Honourable William Lenthall, etc." ("C.W.T.," p. 258); "An Impartiall Relation of the late Fight at Preston" ... by Sir Marmaduke Langdale ("C.W.T.," p. 267); "Discourse," pp. 64-67; and "Autobiography of Captain John Hodgson" (1882 edition), pp. 28-35. The first of Cromwell's letters was written to the Committee at Manchester. The second was largely reprinted in the "Perfect Diurnall," No. 265, August 21, 28; _vide_ also Whitelock's "Memorials" (1732 ed.), pp. 331, 332.

There is a map of the campaign in Gardiner's "Great Civil War," Vol. 3, p. 431.

[202] "Discourse," p. 65.

[203] "C.S.P.," 1648-9, p. 265. Cromwell wrote to the Manchester Committee: "In this service your countrymen have not the least share."

He also especially mentioned a.s.sheton's regiment in the letter to Lenthall ("C.W.T.," pp. 257, 261). Cf. "Hodgson," p. 33: "The Lancashire foot were as stout men as were in the world, and as brave firemen. I have often told them they were as good fighters and as great plunderers as ever went to a field."

[204] "Discourse," p. 66, and note, p. 145. Mr. Beamont is especially an authority on the neighbourhood of Warrington. The site of this skirmish at Winwick may still be seen.

[205] "C.J.," Vol. 5, pp. 680, 685. On September 25 the Committee at Derby House was asked to grant a Commission to a.s.sheton as Major-General in Lancashire, and for him to have 40 shillings per diem as pay in addition to his pay as Colonel of horse and Colonel of foot. The Lancashire Committee were also to be asked to recommend to the House of Commons some way of paying the arrears due to the soldiers. "C.J.," Vol.

6, p. 32.

[206] "A Great Victory at Appleby, by Col.-General Ashton, etc."

"C.W.T.," pp. 273-276. Whitelock's "Memorials" (1732 edition), p. 390.

[207] "C.J.," Vol. 5, p. 680. "C.W.T.," p. 277.

[208] Sir Gilbert Ireland, Sheriff of Lancashire in 1649, wrote to the Speaker giving a full list of the times and places at which the Act forbidding the Proclamation of a King was published in the county ("Tanner MSS.," Vol. 57, fol. 522).

"C.S.P.," 1650, pp. 40, 44, 50, 75, 78. Complaint is made of 'pulpit incendaries' who "have endeavoured for the setting up of an interest of their own, destructive of that of the people, to stir up the people to disobedience, and again to embroil us in new troubles, and enflame the nation into another war."

[209] Whitelock's "Memorials" (1732 edition), p. 390; also quoted in "C.W.T.," p. 277. "C.S.P.," 1649-1650, pp. 70, 98, 139, 163.

[210] "C.S.P.," 1650, p. 34. For the reorganisation of the Militia, _ibid._, pp. 308, 509, a list of the Commissions being given.

CHAPTER X.

The Last Stand. Battle of Wigan Lane. Trial and Death of the Earl of Derby.

During the last five years the Earl of Derby had been in the Isle of Man. Since the failure of the former overtures made to him by the Parliament through the agency of Sir John Meldrum, he had been living in retirement at Castle Rushen. It was the life which he liked best, and had it not been for the recollections of the events of the preceding years, he might have been happy in the leisure afforded for the exercise of the literary tastes in which he delighted. He composed, during this period, his Commonplace Books and several Books of Devotions which manifest his deeply religious nature. But confinement and reflection only deepened the natural melancholy of his nature, and increased his hatred for the enemies who had deprived him of his position and his estates. In 1644 Meldrum had found him willing to listen to reason; proposals made a few years later were rejected with contempt. In 1649 Derby was summoned to surrender the Isle of Man, being offered the enjoyment of half his estate if he would do so. He had apparently pet.i.tioned to compound in the ordinary way and particulars of his estate were furnished by himself, upon which his fine was estimated at 15,572; but when matters had gone so far the Earl changed his mind, and he refused to "forfeit his allegiance and sell his loyalty for 15,000."[211] Apparently there would have been opposition on the other side. Representations were made to the Council of State about the resentment with which the prospect of admitting the Earl of Derby to his composition had been received in some parts of Lancashire and Cheshire.

It was urged that if he should complete his surrender and be free to enter Lancashire again the peace of the county would be in danger; and the Council of State ordered that the matter should not be proceeded with until the pleasure of Parliament was known.[212] Evidently therefore there were insuperable obstacles on both sides. The last proposals had apparently been made through General Ireton, and in reply to these the Earl of Derby wrote his famous letter of defiance. "I scorn your proffers, disdain your favour, and abhor your treason; and am so far from delivering up this Island to your advantage, that I will keep it to the utmost of my power to your destruction. Take this for your final answer, and forbear any further solicitations; for if you trouble me with any more messages on this occasion, I will burn the paper, and hang the bearer; this is the immutable resolution, and shall be the undoubted practice of him who accounts it his chiefest glory to be his Majesty's most Loyal and Obedient Servant Derby."

It has been suggested with some force that the display of anger in this letter is so unusual in the Earl of Derby, that probably the Countess was chiefly responsible for it;[213] but in any case after this all possible chance of reconciliation between him and the Parliament was at an end. And it must be admitted that the Earl himself from his uncompromising att.i.tude, was largely responsible for the merciless hostility with which he was pursued to the scaffold. In a further list of those to be exempted from Parliament, containing about 30 names, the name of the Earl of Derby comes third, following those of Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice.

The Isle of Man had been put into a position of defence, and plundering expeditions were organised by the few ships which the Earl had under his command. Since the royalist defeat he had been cut off from all communication with England, but maintained intercourse with the Earl of Ormonde in Ireland. Derby addressed many letters to Ormonde urging him to send some guns and ammunition to his help, but without success; eventually Ormonde did despatch some powder, but it was lost at sea.[214] There is no doubt, however, that the piracy of the royalists'

vessels was a great nuisance to the shipping in the Irish Sea. In November, 1649, the Admiralty Committee were urged to send a frigate for service upon the coast of Lancashire and North Wales in order to protect the shipping in those parts; but it does not seem to have had very much effect, for the trouble continued during the following year.[215] At length the Parliament adopted a more effective but very dishonourable means of retaliation. In May, 1650, Colonel Birch was ordered to seize the daughters of the Earl of Derby, who were at Knowsley, and any other of the Earl's relatives whom they could secure; and then to send over to Derby to release by a certain date all the Parliamentarian prisoners whom he had, otherwise he must expect retaliation.[216] Lady Katherine and Lady Amelia Stanley were kept in prison for some months; on October 8th, 1650, they were ordered to be set free on bail, but the order was afterwards deferred pending the development of events in the Isle of Man.

There was perhaps some fear in the court of Charles II. now at the Hague, that the Earl of Derby might yield to the proposals made to him by Parliament for surrender. At any rate in January, 1650, he was made a Knight of the Garter, an honour which he had expected in the previous reign. Of the four Knights elected at this time the Duke of Hamilton, Marquis of Newcastle, the Marquis of Montrose, and the Earl of Derby, only Newcastle lived to be installed. The letter of appointment to the Earl of Derby makes special reference to his defence of the Isle of Man; and in the following June Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Lewis Dives were despatched to the Island to urge the importance of preserving it.

There had been plans made in the Spring of 1650 for a royalist rising in England, and the Earl of Derby had been named as General in Lancashire; and when Charles II. had a prospect of regaining power, his advisers realised that the Earl of Derby could give substantial a.s.sistance in any attempt on the North of England.[217]

It was in June, 1650, that Charles landed at Speymouth in Scotland, took the Covenant, and six months later was crowned King. To antic.i.p.ate the inevitable invasion of England Cromwell crossed the border and signally defeated Leslie at Dunbar (Sept. 3rd, 1650). After his victory all the South of Scotland submitted to the English. The following summer Cromwell again took the field; Lambert turned the Scots' position by a flank march through Fife, and Leslie, realising that Scotland was lost, staked all on the desperate venture of an invasion of England. Perhaps it did not seem so desperate as it was. They were convinced, as the Jacobites were convinced half a century later, that the country would rise in force out of affection for the House of Stewart; and there was certainly more reason for the expectation in 1651 than in 1715. For the majority of Englishmen after all favoured monarchy, and the prospect of a military despotism alarmed most people. The tyranny of Charles I. was being forgotten, and his tragic death had to a large extent effaced the memory of his incompetence and duplicity. But still more powerful than this feeling was the desire for peace and quietness. The country would probably have accepted Charles II. in 1651 as in 1660, if it could have done so peaceably. Perhaps a majority of the nation, certainly a majority of the inhabitants of Lancashire would have already preferred the restoration of the King to the rule of Cromwell but they were not so anxious for his restoration that they would support it by force of arms.

And the old Parliamentarian leaders in Lancashire, estranged as they were from Cromwell, had no more sympathy with their old royalist enemies who now emerged from their retirement in the Isle of Man to welcome Charles' march.[218]

Early in the year the King had opened a correspondence with the Earl of Derby through the medium of Sir John Birkenhead, and had received loyal letters from the Earl in return. It was not to be expected that Charles'

submission to the Scots and his taking of the Covenant would be in accord with Derby's views, but it made no difference to the latter's loyalty. When the danger from Scotland seemed imminent the Parliament had made fresh efforts to secure the Isle of Man by force. Derby defeated an attempt of five Parliamentarian ships on the Calf of Man on March 29th, 1651, and shortly afterwards repulsed a second invasion of the Island.

There was some other design of the royalists in England during the Spring of this year for which several people were imprisoned; and by Cromwell's order there were seized at Greenock a party of royalists who were on their way to the Isle of Man to concert measures with the Earl of Derby.[219]

The Scots began their march into England in June, 1651, and entered Lancashire early in August. They had about 16,000 men, "I daresay near double the number of those that the King of Sweden entered Germany with if not more," wrote one of the officers. Charles was proclaimed King at Penrith on August 7th, and afterwards at all the market towns through which he pa.s.sed. On Sat.u.r.day, August 9th, the army was at Kendal; two days later they entered Lancaster, and on the following day Charles was proclaimed at the Cross, and all the prisoners in the Castle were released.[220] That night the King slept at Ashton Hall, near Lancaster, and on the 13th at Myerscough Lodge, Sir Thomas Tyldesley's house. Next day they pa.s.sed through Preston, and leaving there the same day, Charles stayed on August 14 at Sir William Gerrard's house at Bryn Hall, six miles from Warrington. The conduct of the royal army was very different from that of the Scotch Invasion of 1648. No plundering was allowed, and violence was strictly forbidden. No one was forced to join the army, and Charles marched swiftly, staying only a night or two at each place so as not to be too great a burden on the country. Yet in spite of this no great enthusiasm was allowed. Few recruits joined the royal standard, and there were a number of desertions. At Preston Charles rode on horseback through all the streets of the town; but even here he was disappointed by the coolness of his reception. There were already misgivings among his followers. "We have quit Scotland," wrote Hamilton on August 8th, "being scarce able to maintain it; and yet we grasp all; nothing but all will satisfy us or to lose all. I confess I cannot tell you whether our hopes or fears are greatest; but we have one stout argument, despair; for we must now either stoutly fight it or die. All the rogues have left us; I shall not say whether for fear or disloyalty; but all now with His Majesty are such as will not dispute his commands."[221]

The Council of State had not been idle in view of the projected Scotch invasion. On April 19th they had issued instructions to Major-General Harrison to go down to Lancashire with three troops of horse, of his own regiment, and on his arrival to replace Colonel Rich, who was to return to headquarters with the three troops under his command. Harrison remained in Lancashire to keep order. When the Scots approached nearer, Colonels Duckenfield, Birch, and Mackworth were commissioned to raise ten new companies of foot of 100 men each out of the late militia forces in the counties of Lancashire, Cheshire and Salop. Liverpool was to be especially guarded, and Duckenfield, who was Governor of Chester, addressed an appeal to the Council of State for the replacement of forty barrels of powder and a quant.i.ty of arms which he had previously furnished out of the magazine under his charge for use of the troops in Ireland.[222] The Council of State were evidently quite satisfied with the preparations which were being made in these three counties for resistance. Meanwhile Cromwell had sent Major-General Lambert with a detachment of cavalry to follow the Scots, and he hung on their rear all along the line of march without being strong enough to engage them. On their way through Lancashire, however, Lambert slipped round them and effected a junction with Harrison somewhere south of the Ribble (Wed., Aug. 13th). Their combined forces, together with the newly raised local troops, amounted in all to 12,000 horse, foot and dragoons; but they were still unwilling to engage the Scots before they had been joined by Cromwell. When Lambert and Harrison met Charles was still north of Preston, and still retreating before him they pa.s.sed through Bolton on Thursday, August 14th.[223] On reaching Warrington, however, Lambert decided to oppose the Scots' advance. Sending out a few troops to skirmish with their advance guard, he occupied Warrington Bridge by a detachment of foot, whose retreat was secured by cavalry. The skirmishing party encountered the royalists two miles north of Warrington, and were soon dispersed; the royalist scouts entered the town about noon, and being followed by the rest of the army, at once attacked the bridge. The Cheshire foot who were posted there, held their ground for an hour and a half; as 2,000 of the Scots pressed upon them their position was for a time somewhat perilous; but at length, breaking down as much of the bridge as they could, they regained the main body of the army in safety. The Scots following, engaged the Parliamentarian rearguard, consisting of Major-General Lambert's, General Whalley's and Colonel Twistleton's regiments, but they were beaten off; and Lambert withdrew in safety to Knutsford, a more favourable place for cavalry operations, expecting Charles to follow him; but the King continued his march through Cheshire in a more direct line.[224]

The Parliamentarians had really the better of the skirmish, but it was magnified by the royalists into a great victory for themselves. Charles issued from Higher Whitley on the same evening, a statement of his affairs in which he declared that he might have crossed the Mersey by several fords, but attacked the bridge directly in order to give his troops confidence.[225] The fact that it was thought necessary to magnify so greatly this small success, showed how much the royalists lacked confidence. Even Clarendon admits that the extent of the achievement was to force Lambert to retire somewhat faster than he had intended; and it was thought that the disorder of his retreat was partly feigned in order to draw the royalists on. And even in the army there was misgiving in spite of the apparent success. The King perceiving David Leslie's gloomy expression, rallied him upon it, and asked him what he thought of the troops now. Leslie replied that however well the army looked it would not fight.[226]

This was on August 16th. It seems to have been the day before this that the Earl of Derby landed his men from seven ships on Preesall Sands, on the eastern side of the estuary of the River Wyre. He had been delayed by contrary winds from sailing out of Douglas Harbour for some days.

After all the announcements of his coming, which had been talked about in Lancashire for months beforehand, the country was surprised to find that he had with him only some 300 foot and 60 horse, not very well armed. On account of the delay Derby had arrived too late to meet Charles in Lancashire, but at once hastening after the main army he had an interview with his royal master between Northwich and Nantwich on August 17th. On the previous day a warrant had been made out to Derby as Captain-General of all the royal forces in Lancashire, authorising him to raise troops by summoning all men "of what quality and condition soever from sixteen to sixty years of age." He was instructed not to make "any distinction of persons with reference to former differences."

On Derby's arrival at the royal camp he was directed to return to Lancashire in order to put the warrant into force.[227] According to Clarendon this was a mistake, for Derby's following consisted for the most part of officers and gentlemen, whose presence in the main army would have given it a strength which it very much needed. The Earl thereupon returned to Lancashire, and on August 20th met at Warrington a deputation of the Presbyterian ministers of the county, Major-General Ma.s.sey also being present. Ma.s.sey was regarded as a martyr for the Presbyterian cause, and had been especially commissioned by the King to remain behind; he was also personally known to many of the Lancashire Presbyterians. It would almost appear that it had been originally intended to hold this meeting in Manchester, and that the place was afterwards altered on account of the approach of some hostile troops.

Ma.s.sey wrote from Cadishead on August 19th that his journey to Manchester had been interrupted, and he had therefore been unable to meet the gentlemen as expected, but he had sent for them to have an interview with Ashhurst and himself the same evening; and he urged Derby to send a detachment of horse to Manchester. A large number of the local Presbyterians, however, met Derby and Ma.s.sey at Warrington the following day (Aug. 20); but the conference was of no service to the royalist party. The estrangement between the local leaders and the ruling powers was complete; "they are the men who are grown here more bitter and envious against you than others of the old Cavaliers stamp," wrote Robert Lilburne to the Speaker: and Manchester itself was "very malignant." But the Presbyterians would not go so far as to make an alliance with their old enemies. The Earl of Derby before his coming over had been promised substantial help by them; but when it came to the point, the Presbyterian ministers, who really ruled the councils of their party, would give no help except on their own terms. There was indeed no bond between these two ill-a.s.sorted allies but hatred of the Sects, and that was not sufficient to bridge over the gulf which otherwise divided them. The ministers began with a demand that Derby should put away all the papists whom he had brought with him from the Isle of Man, and himself take the Covenant. The Earl replied that on those terms he might long ago have been restored to all his estates, and the late King to his throne; and urged that this was not a time to argue but that everyone who was desirous for the restoration of Charles II.

should fight for him. He added that he would refuse none who came to him with that purpose. The Presbyterians, however, refused to make the slightest concession, and after Derby and Ma.s.sey had both argued in vain for some time, the meeting broke up without having arrived at any decision. The Earl made one last appeal for support; if this was refused "I cannot hope to effect much, I may perhaps have men enough at my command, but all the arms are in your possession without which I shall only lead naked men to slaughter; however I am determined to do what I can with the handful of Gentlemen now with me for His Majesty's service, and if I perish I perish; but if my master suffer, the blood of another Prince and all the ensuing miseries of this nation will lie at your doors." This appeal, however, was equally unavailing; and Derby had to abandon all prospect of aid from the Presbyterians, and depend on the royalists. Ma.s.sey thereupon hastened after the King.[228]

On landing from the Isle of Man on August 15th, the royalists had marched that night to Weeton, near Kirkham, and next day over the Ribble to Lathom, proceeding the same evening to Upholland. It would have been a sad sight for the Earl to have visited the ruins of his formerly splendid home, but he was probably not with the march that day, having hurried on after the King. The main body had, however, reached Warrington before he returned there, and on his arrival a Council of War was held on the day before the abortive meeting with the Presbyterians.

There were present the Earl of Derby, Lord Widdrington, Sir Thomas Tyldesley, Sir William Throgmorton, Sir Francis Gamul, Sir Theophilus Gilbey, Sir Edward Savage, and Colonels Vere, Standish, James Anderton, Hugh Anderton, Robinson and Legge. It was resolved to raise out of Lancashire altogether 1,300 horse and 6,000 foot. The Hundreds of Leyland and West Derby were to provide 500 horse and 2,000 foot, Amounderness and Lonsdale Hundred the same number, and the proportion of the others was to be a.s.sessed on Derby's further advance. Rates of pay were fixed. The Earl had previously issued Commissions to officers to serve under him; they were particularly directed that there was to be no plunder. Derby issued an appeal to the Gentlemen of Lancashire, urging his royal warrant, and for a few days the prospect seemed bright.[229]

"He thought himself master of Lancashire (as indeed he was)" wrote Lilburne. There were at present no troops near to the county, and no one dared rise against the royalists in Lancashire. But Derby might well be disappointed at the response with which his appeals were met; for not one-fifth of the numbers estimated were raised, and probably never would have been raised even if there had been more time. It might reasonably have been expected that in this county where royalism was so strong, many more troops could have been raised. It was not Derby's fault; no one could have done so much as he, but partly the difficulty already referred to of Presbyterians and royalists acting together was responsible, and above all the general wearisomeness of the war.

And even in the royalist Fylde the Earl's enemies were already active.

Some of the Commissioners of the Militia collected a few soldiers, and surprised the crews of Derby's ships at Preesall, took them prisoners and seized the ships. The prisoners were taken first to Preston, and then on an alarm of the royalists' march thither, to York, narrowly escaping a rescue party under Tyldesley. The chief of them, Captain Cotterell, who had done much service for the royalists at sea, was tried and executed.[230] Moreover, Colonel Robert Lilburne had been ordered to Lancashire with his regiment, and was now marching in hot haste. From Warrington the Earl of Derby moved northwards to Preston, and remained there for some days. He issued warrants for raising troops in the Fylde, and arranged for musters at Singleton and at Kirkham on August 25th; but these musters were never held. Lilburne, having made a forced march from Cheshire, reached Wigan on August 21st, thinking to have surprised the royalists; but they had retreated to Chorley. Next day (Friday, August 22nd) he advanced to Preston, and in the night sent 40 horse to make a surprise attack. Colonel Vere was wounded in the skirmish and apparently took no part in the further fighting. The royalists had now increased their numbers to about 600 horse and 900 foot, and held a rendezvous at Preston on Sat.u.r.day, August 23rd.

Lilburne was not anxious to force on an engagement, as he had no infantry with him, and his men were tired with their long marches from Cheshire. Cromwell's own regiment of foot under Major-General Worsley were following him as fast as possible, and he resolved to wait for this reinforcement. On the same day the royalists delivered a surprise attack on their own account. Lilburne had now encamped at Brindle, four miles from Preston, and the royalists were informed by a secret enemy "they being all enemies hereabouts" that the horses were turned loose and the men off their guard. A party of about 20 horse, mostly gentlemen's sons from the Fylde and their servants, rode out of Preston for the adventure, and guided by byways reached the Parliamentarian camp unperceived. Lilburne's troopers were lying on the gra.s.s by their saddles, half asleep in the summer afternoon, with their horses grazing near by in the fields between Brindle and Preston. Suddenly the royalists, who had evaded the guard in the lane below burst out upon them. For a few moments all was confusion; but "the finest soldiers in Europe" were more than a match for a few hot-headed youths, even caught thus at a disadvantage. Recovering their horses they fell upon the a.s.sailants and pursued them as far as Ribble Bridge; and all the royalists were either taken or slain, excepting one who escaped like Charles II. after Worcester, by climbing into a tree and hiding there until the following day. Among those killed were the sons of Mr. Butler of Rawcliffe and Mr. Hesketh of Maines Hall, near Poulton-le-Fylde.

John Clifton, the second son of Mr. Clifton of Lytham, was badly wounded and taken prisoner.