The First Governess of the Netherlands, Margaret of Austria Part 9

Amongst Henry's VIII.'s officers was Sir Charles Brandon, one of the handsomest men of his time, and a great favourite with the English king, who, in May 1513, had been created Viscount Lisle. The new Lord Lisle had accompanied his master to the war in France, being marshal of the host and captain of the foreward, with 3000 men under him.

Hall, in his Chronicle, gives the following interesting account of the meeting of Margaret and Charles Brandon:--'Monday, the 11th day of October, the king without the town received the Prince of Castile, the Lady Margaret, and divers other n.o.bles of their countries, and them brought into Tournay with great triumph. The noise went that the Lord Lisle made request of marriage to the Lady Margaret, d.u.c.h.ess of Savoy, and daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, which before that time was departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed; but, whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured him highly. There the prince and d.u.c.h.ess sojourned with great solace by the s.p.a.ce of ten days. On the 18th of October the jousts began, the king and Lord Lisle answered all comers. Upon the king attended twenty-eight knights on foot, in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armoury and relief. The king had a base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of fine bullion, and the Lord Lisle in the same suit. There were many spears broken, and many a good buffet given; the strangers, as the Lord Walon and the Lord Emery, and others, did right well. When the jousts were done, the king and all the others unhelmed them, and rode about the tilt, and did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried, "To lodging!"

'This night the king made a sumptuous banquet of a hundred dishes to the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, and to all the other lords and ladies, and after the banquet the ladies danced; and then came in the king and eleven in a masque, all richly apparelled with bonnets of gold, and when they had pa.s.sed the time at their pleasure, the garments of the masque were cast off amongst the ladies, take who could take.

'The 20th day of October, the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, with many great gifts to them given, returned to Lille with all their train.'

A few months after this meeting Lord Lisle was created Duke of Suffolk (February 1st, 1514) on the same day that the dukedom of Norfolk was restored to the Howards, and when there was only one other peerage of that grade, namely, Buckingham, existing in England.

In October Henry VIII. wrote to Leo X. to tell him that he had conquered Tournay, and that the French ran away so quickly that it was impossible for him to follow them. He also mentions that he has conferred with the emperor and the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret about the affairs of the Prince of Castile, and especially about the marriage of the prince with his sister, the Princess Mary. He mentions that 'Prince Charles came in person to Tournay.'

In the following May, when in England, the king and the new Duke of Suffolk were present at a tournament and 'defenders at the tilt against all comers,' dressed as black and white hermits, having the following motto written in white letters on their black staves: 'Who can hold that will away.' Gossip said that this posy was made for the Duke of Suffolk and the d.u.c.h.ess of Savoy.

Be that as it may, Henry soon grew alarmed when rumours reached him that his favourite was thinking of marrying Margaret. He at once wrote to Maximilian expressing his annoyance, and the same day (the 4th of March) sent a letter to Margaret enclosing the one he had written to her father, leaving it to her discretion to forward it or not as she thought best. King Henry says,... 'Because it has come to our knowledge that the common report is in divers places that marriage is contemplated between you and our very dear and loyal cousin and councillor, the Duke of Suffolk, we are making all possible diligence to know and hear from whence this report can come and proceed; and if we find that it comes from overthere, we will cause such grievous punishment to be inflicted, that all other inventors and sowers of lies will take example from it.'

The following letters, referring to the subject, are in the handwriting of the English amba.s.sador, Sir Richard Wingfield, to whom Margaret addressed herself. They were evidently translated from the French, in which the originals were written, and were either translated by Sir Richard, or he transcribed the version, the matter being so secret for his despatches home:--

MS. Cotton.

'My Lord the Amba.s.sador,--Since that I see that I may not have tidings from the emperor so soon, it seemeth me that I should do well no longer for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for that by my letters addressing unto the king and to the duke, of that I dare not adventure me to write unto them so at length of this besides, because that I fear my letters to be evil kept, I me determine to write to you at length to send that of all ye may the better them advertise of mine intent.

'Ye may know, my lord the amba.s.sador, that after some days having been at Tournay, knowing from day to day the great love and trust that the king bare and had to the personage which is no need to name; also with the virtue and grace of his person, the which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to approach it; also considering the desire the which always he showed me that he had to do me service; all these things considered by me, I have always forced me to do unto him all honour and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well agreeable unto the king his good master; who, as I may imagine, seeing the good cheer and will the which I bare him, with the love which he beareth unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know if this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage it might stretch unto some effect of promise of marriage, seeing that it was the fashion of the ladies of England, and that it was not there holden for evil; whereunto many times I answered the most graciously that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to proceed but of love which he bare him, the several of reasons wherefore it was not to me possible, unless I should fall in the evil grace of my father and of all this country. Also that it was not here the custom, and that I should be dishonoured, and holden for a fool and light. But all my reasons might not help me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That seeing, and that he had it so much at the heart, for him not to anger, I found to him one other reason, to him saying, that if now I had well the will so for to do, that yet I nor would nor durst think, seeing his return to be so nigh, and that it should be to me too much great displeasure to lose so good company; of the which he contented him somewhat better, and pa.s.sed the thing unto his departing, and then began to say to me that the departing drew nigh, and that he knew well I should be pressed for to marry me, and that I was yet too young for to abide thus; and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty and threescore years.

'Whereupon I answered that I had never had will so to do, and that I was too much unhappy in husbands; but he would not believe me. And after, by two times, in presence of the personage that ye know, he returned to say the same words, saying more, "I know well, madame, and am sure that my fellow shall be to you a true servant, and that he is altogether yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, for one shall force you to be again married; and that ye shall not be found out of this country (_i.e._ in this country) at my return." That which I promised to him I should not do; and for that he desired greatly thereof to be more a.s.sured, he made me to promise in his hand that howsoever I should be pressed of my father, or otherwise, I should not make alliance of marriage (with) prince of the world, at the least unto his return, or the end of the year. The which I did willingly, for I think not to again never to put me where I have had so much of unhappiness and misfortune. And afterwards made his fellow to do the same, who, as I believe and seemeth me, said of adventure, as his master me showed again, that he should never do thing, were it of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without my commandment, but would continue all his life my right humble servant; and that it was to him enough honour, so much honestly, and of so good sort as was possible. And these words were said at Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full late. The other time was at Lille, the day before that they should depart, that he spake to me long at the head of a cupboard, he and his fellow, of the departing, which was not without displeasure full great of all persons. And again, after many devises and regrets, he made me to reconfirm in his hand, and the same of his fellow, the like promise aforesaid. And the said personage in my hand, without that I required him, made me the semblable, and that for always he should be to me true and humble servant; and I to him promised to be to him such mistress all my life as to him who me seemed desired to do me most of service. And upon this there was no more words of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not some gracious letters, the which have been (enough or I know) evil kept.'

Further as to the words.

'And I promise you, my lord the amba.s.sador, that this is the truth, and I know not other thing. I cannot tell if the king, which was "trwcheman" (interpreter), because of the love which he beareth him, might have taken it more forward for to interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and truth.

'My lord the amba.s.sador, for that it hath been said unto me that he might have showed a ring where there is a diamond of mine, that which I cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the truth, to the end to answer to all. I take none in this affair to witness but the king and him; and himself first: it is that one night at Tournay, being at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him playing, he drew from my finger the ring, and put it upon his, and then showed it me, and I took to laugh, and to him said that he was a thief, and that I thought not that the king had with him led thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he could not understand; wherefore I was constrained for to ask how one said "laron" in Flemish. And afterwards I said to him in Flemish "dieffe," and I prayed him many times to give it me again, for that it was too much known. But he understood me not well, and kept it unto the next day that I spake to the king, him requiring to make him to give it me, because it was too much known. I promising him one of my bracelets the which I wear, the which I gave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the which one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my lady of Hornes, and he before upon his knees, it took again from my finger. I spake to the king to have it again, but it was not possible, for he said unto me that he would give me others better, and that I should leave him that. I said unto him that it was not for the value, but for that it was too much known. He would not understand it, and departed from me.

'The morrow after he brought me one fair point of diamonds and a table ruby, and showed me that it was for the other ring; wherefore I durst no more speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not be showed to any person; the which hath not all been to me done. (Thus, my lord the amba.s.sador, see all of this affair, and for to know mine advice upon all, I shall give it you more at length, which is this.)

'That if the things had not been so published, the which I find the most strange of the world, knowing that creature of the world, at the least on my part, could thereof never speak, for that which I had said and done was for not to annoy the king, for I knew well that it came to him of great love for to speak so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince I had not so well taken it as of him, for I hold him all good, and that he thinketh none evil, wherefore I have not willed to displease him. And in this business I have found myself more impeached for to know that which me seemed touched to the king than that which me touched.

'By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all the inconveniences which may happen of this thing. Also that which seemeth to me for the remedy of it to be done; but, for that I have no leisure, I shall make an end, praying you to do with this that which the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow that ye know this hand. (Thus signed, M.).'

The second writing:--

'My lord the amba.s.sador,--Ye may have seen how the things have been, and ye know the unhappy bruit which thereof hath run not only here but on all parts, as well in Germany as in all countries. Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that I cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so openly as in the hands of merchant strangers. And for to say you the truth, I have been constrained as well by the counsel of my servants as of the lord Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it came, and as well by information as writings always I have found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord the amba.s.sador, the king, at the request of the said Bresylle, and the personage also, have done many things for to remedy to this fortune, wherein I am holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is so imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that it continue long, that all that which is done is not enough, for I continue always in fear. And also I know that I may not show towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do as before.

'For yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do towards the king, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger, at the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure that I cannot write it, seeing that I take him so much for my good friend and servant; and that I am constrained so to do, and also I see that to this gentleman only which is here I dare not speak or look to him. Whereof I am so much displeased that nothing more. He himself perceiveth well that every one beholdeth him of the other side.

'And as to the descent[43] of the king it shall behove me to speak so soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that I desire as much as his coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as G.o.d knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble, not in this but in many others. And it seemeth to me that I may not so well serve the king, being in this fear, as before; so when the king shall descend that I shall be always in this pain, and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good semblance to the said personage; whereas I would make to him much honour and good cheer, I shall not dare behold him with a good eye, which displeasure shall be the same to him and to me.

And I know no remedy[44] but the same that Bresylle shall show you for to put remedy to all. I would not constrain him to it against his will, but, and he desire ever that I do him honour or pleasure, it is forced that it be so, not for that I have not the good will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for that I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I pray you very much to take pains for to make well to understand to the king and to the personage this thing, to the end that I may do to him better service and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this as of the other. (Likewise signed, M.).'

(Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.)

[43] Apparently his landing on the Continent.

[44] In the margin is written, 'Bresylle said there was no way to avoid the bruit but that my lord should marry the lady Lisle, as more at length I have written unto my said lord.'

Although these interesting letters are so badly transcribed from the original French that their meaning is often obscure, they undoubtedly prove that Margaret had fallen desperately in love with the handsome English favourite, who, on his side, appears to have been more or less serious in his flirtation with her. How deep were Brandon's feelings for Margaret we shall probably never know. It is certain that Henry VIII. did not look favourably on his suit, and as Margaret herself sadly observed to the English amba.s.sador in her letter quoted above: 'I know no remedy (to stop the gossip) but the same that Bresylle shall show you,' namely that Brandon should look elsewhere for a wife.

The rumours and reports concerning Margaret and the Duke of Suffolk reached as far as Spain. King Ferdinand heard of them, and in July he wrote to Luiz Caroz de Villaragut, his amba.s.sador in England, asking 'if it is true or not that Madame Margaret is to marry Monsieur de Lisle (Charles Brandon)?'[45]

[45] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

But in the midst of all these troubles and anxieties preparations for the first wedding in the little circle at Malines turned Margaret's thoughts into another channel.

On Trinity Sunday, the 11th of June 1514, her niece, Isabel of Austria, was married by proxy to Christian II., King of Denmark, who had succeeded to his father's throne the previous year. In a long letter to Maximilian Margaret gives an interesting account of the wedding:--

'BRUSSELS, _the 12th of June_.

'Monseigneur,--... After the arrival of the Danish amba.s.sadors on Wednesday last they had their public audience on Thursday, and visited Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's messages with many good words; they then withdrew until Friday, when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, the President of Burgundy, and other deputies to call upon them.... The next day, which was Sat.u.r.day, they expressed a great desire that the marriage should be solemnised on the following day, which was Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their master held the festival of his anointing and coronation. But, Monseigneur, it was very difficult to arrange such a solemn function in so short a time, for it could not be as honourably held as I should have wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify their desires, I agreed that the said ceremony should be held on Trinity Sunday, which was yesterday, and I did my best to have everything arranged and put in order. The parties a.s.sembled on the said day between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state and honour on our side as was possible, owing to the short notice, in front of the great hall of this house, where Monsieur de Cambray gave the promises and performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was right between the King of Denmark... and Madame Isabel, my niece, whom it certainly did one good to look at. The said promises given, they went to hear high ma.s.s in this hall; and the amba.s.sadors were seated according to their rank, he of Spain beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but those of England were not there because "on ne les scavoit accorder."

And when evening came, supper was served and every one sat down in order, and after supper there were dances and tourneys until very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed... as is the custom amongst great princes. Thus all was very solemnly and duly accomplished, to the great delight of the said amba.s.sadors, who thanked me very much at their departure; as they had fulfilled their mission they were anxious to hasten their return, and I believe they will guard your honour and that of this house as much as possible....'

The next day Margaret writes to say that Charles danced too much at his sister's wedding, and made himself ill. 'Monseigneur,' she says, 'showed himself such a good brother, and carried out everything, even to the dances in which he accompanied the said lady, his sister, to perfection... and a little more perhaps than his const.i.tution could bear, for the day after the said espousals he was attacked by fever....' A fortnight later Margaret writes thankfully to tell her father that Charles is convalescent.

As the Princess Isabel was barely thirteen, it was arranged that owing to her youth she should remain at home for another year. When the marriage at last took place it was not a happy one, the king being a notorious libertine, who was later known as 'the Nero of the North,'

and after a few years of misery the poor little princess died, leaving her children to Margaret's care.

Isabel's younger sister, Mary, was sent this year on a visit to the Court of Hungary, possibly with a view to her future marriage.

Margaret mentions her journey in several letters. In April she wrote from Malines: 'Touching the departure of Madame Mary, all is ready; and she will start from here without fail on the 2nd of May... and will go by Grave as you advised.'

On the 5th of May Florent of Egmond writes to Margaret from Maestricht: 'Madame, Madame Mary arrived here this evening in very good disposition, without having met any danger on the road to her person or otherwise; to-morrow we pa.s.s from here to Aix-la-Chapelle.'

The princess accomplished her journey safely, but her marriage to Louis of Hungary did not take place until seven years later.

In 1507 Henry VIII.'s sister, Princess Mary, had been betrothed to Prince Charles of Austria, and the marriage contract signed at Calais between her father, Henry VII.'s, and Maximilian's amba.s.sadors. It had been arranged that the betrothal should take place in London before the following Easter; but the King of England's illness and the emperor's engagements had delayed the ceremony until the 17th of December 1508. It was agreed to wait for the completion of the marriage until Charles had attained his fourteenth year in February 1514.

In the month of October 1513 the king and emperor still appeared to be willing to fulfil the contract, and signed a treaty arranging that Maximilian and Margaret should accompany the Archduke Charles to Calais before the 15th of May following for the celebration of the marriage. But six months later Ferdinand and Louis signed another treaty agreeing to marry the archduke to Renee, Louis XII.'s daughter, who was barely four years old. Ferdinand, as Charles's maternal grandfather, claimed the right to control the marriage of his grandson and heir. He informed Maximilian of the contents of the treaty, but begged him to keep it secret from Margaret, as _he_ intended to keep it secret from the English king. Margaret, left in ignorance, continued to beg her father to celebrate the archduke's marriage with Princess Mary, but the emperor always evaded her requests with fresh excuses. She reproached him for his negligence in a letter written in March 1514 in which she showed how necessary it was that he should hasten the marriage to secure peace to the Austrian dominions, and especially to the Netherlands.

Anne of Brittany had been in failing health for some years, and as far back as 1511 had had a serious illness which placed her life in danger. De Burgo, Margaret's amba.s.sador at the French Court, in one of his letters to his mistress's secretary says: 'The queen, as I lately informed Madame, was nearly well again, but last night she was suddenly attacked with fever and other symptoms so violently that her life was in danger.' Later on he wrote that the patient had had such a bad night, she had lost all power of speech, but after having received the last sacraments she gradually became better. Anne recovered, and on the 4th of April De Burgo wrote the news of her convalescence.

But on the 23rd of January of the following year Jean Leveau informed Margaret that 'the day before yesterday, which was the 21st of this month, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the queen was delivered of a still-born son, much to the king's grief, though others take it calmly since G.o.d wills it thus.' This was Anne's last child. In the following March she again had fever, and did not leave her bed until May. De Burgo gave Margaret an account of an audience he had with Anne on the 19th of May. 'Madame, although the queen is not yet quite well and speaks to no stranger, she was pleased to wish to see me, to hear what the emperor had written to me about some days ago, and that I might take leave of her; I found her in bed, but looking well, and much improved in health.'

Anne, however, never really recovered, and on January the 9th, 1514, pa.s.sed away at Blois, leaving the king with only two daughters, Claude and Renee. Ferdinand soon tried to find Louis another wife, and proposed that he should marry Margaret, who was now thirty-four years old, or her niece Eleanor, who was only seventeen. Louis chose the latter, and had the marriage articles drawn up.

In a long despatch to Juan de Lanuza, his amba.s.sador in Flanders, written in March, King Ferdinand says that he hears that Madame Margaret does not approve of the mission on which Quintana (his secretary) was sent to the emperor. Quintana was sent to find out the emperor's wishes about concluding a truce with France for one year between Austria, England, and Spain.... Had he believed that Madame Margaret entertained a different opinion from that of the emperor, he would have consulted her first. Not knowing that she would disapprove of the treaty, and considering delay dangerous, he had sent Quintana to the emperor, and ordered that as soon as he arrived, Luis de Gilaberte should go to Madame Margaret, and inform her of what was going on. As the truce is now signed according to the orders of the emperor, it must be observed....'

'In addition to the commission to conclude a truce with France... the emperor ordered Quintana to propose in his name to the King of France a marriage with Madame Eleanor of Austria.... King Ferdinand says that he is astonished to hear that Madame Margaret opposes his plans, as he is only following her father's counsel, and thinks she must be imperfectly informed of the true nature of this affair.... Madame Margaret, he says, dwells on the great difference of age between the King of France and Madame Eleanor. Lanuza is to tell her that in marriages of great kings difference of age is never taken into account. The King of France has no son and no heir. A son of Madame Eleanor's would, therefore, be the heir to the throne of France. It would be of incalculable advantage to Prince Charles if his sister's son were King of France. Madame Margaret is mistaken if she thinks it a disadvantage that Madame Eleanor is so thin. Thin women generally ... bear more children than stout ones. If the King of France were to marry Madame Eleanor, Austria, France, England, and Spain would form but one family, of which the emperor would be the head....'

'Ferdinand hopes that Margaret will not dissuade the emperor and the King of England from ratifying the truce with France, and wishes that the marriages (Prince Charles's and his sister Eleanor's) might be concluded in her presence and under her guidance. He goes on to say that Madame Margaret is a very pious and virtuous lady, and he expects that she will act like a good Christian, and prefer peace rather than war and bloodshed.... Should it be necessary, he must speak with Madame Margaret's confessor in secret, and ask him to use his influence with her....' Ferdinand ends the despatch by saying that 'he hopes Margaret will help him to secure incalculably great advantages to the emperor, himself, and to Prince Charles.'

In the same month King Ferdinand wrote a most affectionate letter to Margaret evidently in the hopes of winning her consent to his wishes by flattering speeches. The letter is addressed to his 'beloved daughter,' and begins by thanking her for all the great services she has rendered to himself as well as to 'his brothers, the emperor and the King of England, and to his son, the Prince (Charles).' 'She is,'

he says, 'the most important person in Christendom, since she acts as mediator in almost all the negotiations between the princes of Christendom.'

In another letter to Lanuza a few days later, Ferdinand is still anxious lest Margaret should oppose the truce with France, and observes that 'Madame Margaret is the person on whom, more than any one else on earth, peace or war depends, and beseeches that she may use her influence in favour of peace.'

King Ferdinand tells Lanuza in confidence that he believes Margaret wishes to marry the French king herself, and that if this is the case, Ferdinand would not oppose it; but the King of France is anxious to marry again because he hopes for a son and heir, and he does not wish to marry Margaret because he fears that she would not bear him children....[46]