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Joanna was deliberately kept in the background during her stay in England. She had followed her husband slowly from Melcombe, and arrived at Windsor ten days later, the day after Philip with great ceremony had been invested with the Order of the Garter, and had signed the treaty. On her arrival at Windsor she was welcomed by the King of England and her sister, the Princess of Wales, though she was not allowed to see the latter alone. The Cottonian MSS. tells us that Queen Joanna did not see her sister until just before her departure; they were not even then more than an hour together, and were never left alone, and Katharine left the next day for Richmond. 'On the twelfth the King of England went to Richmond to prepare his house there for the King of Castile, who joined him on the fourteenth, the Queen of Castile proceeding on the same day to the seaside to her ships lying at Dartmouth and Plymouth.' The rest of the time Philip was at Richmond was spent in recreation, and 'all the season the King of Castile was in the King of England's Court every holiday.' On the 2nd of March he took his leave, the King of England accompanying him on his way a mile or more, defraying the charges of all his servants, and giving rewards.' During the whole time of Philip and Joanna's sojourn in England their expenses and those of their suites were paid by the king's officials, and they were entertained with dubious hospitality for nearly three months. During this time Henry VII.
availed himself of the situation to extort three treaties from his guest not altogether reconcilable with sound policy or honour. The first was a treaty of alliance, the second that of his marriage with the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, and the third a treaty of commerce. The latter was so disastrous to Flemish interests as to be known by the name of 'Malus intercursus.' It was agreed that the three treaties should be confirmed, sealed, and delivered at Calais, at fixed dates; but when the English envoys reached Calais they waited in vain for Philip's messengers. Henry VII., writing on August 19th to Maximilian, informs him that 'the new ratifications were to be exchanged in the town of Calais, the treaty of alliance and marriage before the 20th of June, and that of commerce before the last day of July. His amba.s.sadors were at Calais by the appointed time, with all the necessary papers, but the amba.s.sadors of King Philip have not arrived up to this day; nor has he heard anything of the approval of the Pope, which had been promised him, nor of the securities for the dowry and the consent of the archd.u.c.h.ess. However, he is willing to consent to a prorogation of the term to the end of August.'
On the 23rd of April 1506 Philip and Joanna having rea.s.sembled their fleet, embarked at Weymouth, and reached Corunna, in the north-western corner of Galicia, after a prosperous voyage, on April 28th.
The following summary of the treaty between Henry VII. and Philip, King of Castile, concerning the intended marriage with the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, is interesting:--
The King of Castile binds himself to pay to the King of England 300,000 crowns, each crown of four shillings sterling, as the marriage portion of the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret; he also promises punctually to pay the 18,850 crowns a year to which she is ent.i.tled as her jointure in Spain; he moreover binds himself to pay to Henry 12,000 crowns a year instead of the revenues from the towns, castles, and lands, which have been a.s.signed to the archd.u.c.h.ess as her jointure in Savoy. The King and Queen of Castile bind themselves to consent to the marriage, and to permit Henry's proxies to conclude a marriage _per verba de praesenti_ with the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret. The King of Castile promises to send his sister at his own expense to the town of Greenwich within a month after the first instalment of 100,000 crowns has been paid.
King Henry promises to perform the marriage ceremonies within a month of the archd.u.c.h.ess's arrival at Greenwich. Provisions are then made in case of the archd.u.c.h.ess's or Henry's death with or without children by the marriage. The archd.u.c.h.ess is at liberty to dispose by will of her jewels and ornaments. Should there be children by the marriage, they are to succeed to all inheritances in Spain, Flanders, etc., that the archd.u.c.h.ess may become ent.i.tled to. King Philip promises to request the Pope to confirm this treaty, and both the King of Castile and his father, the emperor, promise to use all their influence with the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret to persuade her to consent to this marriage.
King Philip signed the treaty at Windsor, March 1st, 1506, and Queen Joanna at Exeter, March 18th, 1506. The ratification of the treaty by Henry VII. follows; it is dated, Palace of Westminster, 15th May 1506.
On the 20th July Maximilian wrote to King Henry from Vienna that 'he had heard with great joy that the marriage between Henry and the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret is arranged.' He begs him to send amba.s.sadors to Malines, and has already despatched amba.s.sadors to the same place. But on the 30th of July John le Sauvage wrote to Maximilian that 'the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret decidedly refuses to marry Henry VII., although he, at first by himself, and afterwards conjointly with the Imperial amba.s.sador, had daily pressed her during a whole month to consent.'
But John le Sauvage adds, 'The alliance with England is not endangered thereby. For Henry desires the marriage between his second daughter and the Prince of Castile (Margaret's nephew Charles) more than his own with the archd.u.c.h.ess.'
On August 6th G. de Croy wrote to the emperor that 'he is afraid that the refusal of the archd.u.c.h.ess will cool the friendship of Henry.' On August 8th Ulrich, Count of Montfort, and Claude Carondelet also sent a letter to Maximilian to inform him that 'they have travelled with all haste to Savoy in order to see the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, whom they found in company of the President of Flanders. They pressed her very strongly to consent to marry the King of England. Her answer, however, was that 'although an obedient daughter, she will never agree to so unreasonable a marriage.' On the 16th of August Monsieur de Croy and other councillors write to the King of Castile 'that they have written to the King of England... and have received this very day his answer, and send the letter of the King of England to him; they are much afraid that the King of England has cooled in his friendship in consequence of the answer which the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret has given to the President of Flanders, and afterwards to the Count Montfort and the Bailly of Amont, amba.s.sadors of the emperor, and again to the President of the King of Castile.' On September 24th Maximilian wrote to King Henry that 'he had not been able to persuade his daughter, the Archd.u.c.h.ess Margaret, to marry him; but he would go and see her in order to persuade her.' Whilst these negotiations were taking place, an unexpected event freed Margaret from this distasteful marriage, though it added another sorrow to her lot.
In September of the same year her brother Philip was attacked by a malignant fever at Burgos, brought on, it was said, by indulgence or over-exercise, and for days lay ill in raging delirium, not without strong suspicions of poison. He was a.s.siduously attended by his wife Joanna, who never left his side, but in spite of all her care the disorder rapidly gained ground, and on the sixth day after his attack, on September 25th, he breathed his last. Philip was only twenty-eight years old, and had been King of Castile two months, dating from his recognition by the Cortes. After his death Queen Joanna still stayed by his side, deaf to all condolence or remonstrance, to all appearance unmoved. She calmly gave orders that her husband's body should be carried in state to the great hall of the Constable's palace upon a splendid catafalque of cloth of gold, the body clad in ermine-lined robes of rich brocade, the head covered by a jewelled cap, and a magnificent diamond cross upon the breast. A throne had been erected at the end of the hall, and upon this the corpse was arranged, seated as if in life. During the whole of the night the vigils for the dead were intoned by friars before the throne, and when the sunlight crept through the windows the body, stripped of its incongruous finery, was opened and embalmed and placed in a lead coffin, from which, for the rest of her life, Joanna never willingly parted.'[26]
[26] Martin Hume, _Estanques Oronica in Doc.u.mentos Ineditos_, vol. viii.
[Ill.u.s.tration: PHILIPPE LE BEL FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)]
Philip left six children--Eleanor, Charles (afterwards the Emperor Charles V.), Isabella, Ferdinand, Mary, and a little daughter, Katharine, born five months after his death. Philip was of middle height, and had a fair, florid complexion, regular features, long flowing locks, and a well-made figure. He was so distinguished for his good looks that he is designated on the roll of Spanish sovereigns as _Felipe el Hermoso_, or the Handsome. His mental endowments were not so extraordinary. The father of Charles V. possessed scarcely a single quality in common with his remarkable son. His poor wife Joanna never recovered his loss, her mind became more and more affected, and though she survived him for nearly half a century, she dragged out her cheerless existence a sort of state-prisoner in the palace of Tordesillas, a queen only in name.
Margaret herself composed her brother's Latin epitaph, which ended with a cry of anguish from the Lamentations of Jeremiah:--
Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit!
Nec satis erat infortunissimae Caesaris filiae Conjugem amisisse dilectissimum, Nisi etiam fratrem unic.u.m Mors aspera subriperet!
Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe, Rex optime, Nec est qui me consoletur!
O vos omnes qui transitis per viam, 'Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus!'[27]
Erasmus also dedicated a Latin eulogy to the archduke, and Jean le Maire, who had been attached to his person, addressed some verses to Margaret ent.i.tled: '_Les regrets de la dame infortunee sur le trespas de son tres chier frere unicque._' She also received a sympathetic letter of condolence from Louis XII. Her reply, written from Bourg where she was staying, is as follows:--
'Monseigneur, tres-humblement a vostre bonne grace me recommande; Monseigneur, j'ay par vostre president Villeneufve receu voz bonnes et gracieuses lettres et ou ce que de vostre part il m'a dit et presente dont ne vous saurois a.s.sez humblement remercier, mesmement le bon vouloir qu'aves a messieurs mes nepveurs et a moi, auquels, Monseigneur, vous supplie vouloir continuer et avoir toujours mes dits seigneurs mes nepveurs, leurs pas et affaires et moi, en bonne et singuliere recommandation; ce que m'a.s.sure feres volentiers, ensuyvant le contenu de vos dites lettres; et s'il y a chose en quoi vous puisse faire service, de tout mon pouvoir le ferai, aydant Nostre Seigneur auquel je prie, Monseigneur, vous donner bonne vie et longue. Escript a Bourg, 25 Octobre 1506.' Addressed: 'Monseigneur, Monseigneur le Roy de France.'
[27] This is a literal translation: 'Another new sorrow! It was not enough for the unfortunate daughter of Caesar to have lost a much-loved husband; cruel death comes to rob me of my only brother! I weep for thee, Philip, O my brother, of kings the best! and there is no one in the world who can console me! O you who pa.s.s by, look and judge if there is any sorrow like unto my sorrow!'
But although her brother was dead, Henry VII. had not given up all hope of winning the reluctant Margaret for his bride. On October 1st he wrote to her father that 'he has been informed that Madame Margaret makes great difficulties about ratifying the treaty of marriage'; and then threatens 'it would not be a thing to be wondered if he were to accept one of the great and honourable matches which are daily offered to him on all sides.' On October 31st we read that 'the French amba.s.sadors are on their way to England, in order to offer to the King the daughter of the Duke of Angouleme in marriage. But the King of England has decided not to accept the proposal, as he still hopes to obtain the hand of the d.u.c.h.ess Margaret.' However, his hopes were vain, and Margaret was stern in her refusal. Henry next proposed to marry Joanna, the widowed Queen of Castile, but this iniquitous plan too was thwarted, and he remained a widower to the end of his life.
Philip's death imposed new cares and duties upon Margaret; his children were left minors, and upon them she lavished the wealth of affection which fate had denied her giving to her own offspring. Her nephew Charles was her especial care, and he could hardly have entered political life under better tutelage, though his aunt's masterful nature may have checked the development of his own individuality.
CHAPTER V
REGENT OF THE NETHERLANDS
By King Philip's death the Netherlands were left without a ruler, for his eldest son Charles was barely six years old. A few weeks later, at eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October 1506, the deputies from the provinces a.s.sembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour to discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for the Netherlands, and a governor for King Philip's children. The fair-haired child the Archduke Charles was present with the members of his family, his Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, all clothed in the deepest mourning. After a long preamble, in which he recounted the chief events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the Chancellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should choose a regent and provide for the tutelage of the late king's children.
The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland voted for the emperor; those from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and Orchies said they were without instructions; but the deputies from Hainault and Namur refused to express an opinion, fearing to annoy the King of France, whose troops were already threatening their frontiers.
The choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, who immediately sent their amba.s.sadors to Ems to offer the regency to Maximilian. Pleased with the deference the States had shown him, he accepted their offer; but, under pretext of the burden of state affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, he deputed his daughter Margaret to bring up and educate Philip's children, under his direction, and appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions until he should come of age.
At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of the Netherlands met at Louvain in March 1507 to arrange for Margaret's installation. The Duke of Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered the oath of '_mambour_,' or governess; Margaret was then recognised as Governess-General and Guardian of Philip's children.
'Maximilian,' says Garnier, 'could not have chosen a more able and intelligent minister; she was also the most dangerous and active enemy that France could have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men, was only constant in his hatred of France. In order to feed this inborn aversion, he often re-read what he called his red book. This book was a register in which he noted carefully all the slights that France had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, to pay her (France) off at his leisure; and in August of the same year (1507) he made a furious speech at the Diet of Constance, in which he called Louis XII. an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of Christianity.
Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and here for many years she held her Court. As the princ.i.p.al home of the Regent of the Netherlands, Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in riches and importance. Its motto, _In fide constans_, had been given to the town in recognition of the courage and fidelity of its inhabitants, who had often proved their loyalty to the House of Burgundy. This fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines as her princ.i.p.al residence, but it had also been the home of her G.o.dmother, Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. of England, the last d.u.c.h.ess of Burgundy, known as 'Madame la Grande,' who had been a second mother to her in her early youth, before she left her home for Amboise. Margaret of York had died at Malines in 1505. Her husband had settled the town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides an income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus d'or,' she also owned the palace called La Cour de Cambray, which she had bought, as the Court possessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will to Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, which was later known as the 'Cour de l'Empereur,' with her nephew Charles and his three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew, Ferdinand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, the King of Aragon, who educated him, and whose favourite he became. Philip's youngest daughter, Katharine, born after his death, shared her mother's captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her marriage seventeen years later.
Finding that the palace at Malines was not large enough for all her requirements, Margaret persuaded Maximilian to buy another house exactly opposite belonging to Jerome Lauwrin, which he presented to her after redecorating and altering it to suit her requirements. On July 6th, 1507, she made her solemn entry into the town and installed herself in the palace with her nephew and nieces.[28]
[28] In a doc.u.ment referring to Margaret's palace, in the town registers, is a receipt for payment made to Daniel Verhoevren, locksmith, with two double locks with two bolts for Madame de Savoie's library.
[Ill.u.s.tration: CHARLES V AND HIS TWO SISTERS, ELEANOR AND ISABEL.
ELEANOR AGED FOUR, CHARLES AGED TWO AND A HALF, ISABEL AGED ONE YEAR AND THREE MONTHS PAINTED IN 1502, (MARGARET'S COLLECTION) NOW IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNA]
Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a memorial service in memory of Philip, King of Castile, held at Malines a few days later in the church of Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. This record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 'tres ill.u.s.tre et tres claire princesse, Madame Marguerite d'Autriche.'[29]
[29] Only six copies of the chronicle were printed.--Christopher Hare.
In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed by the late king's officers and servants, which slowly wound its way through the streets of Malines to the cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, begging friars, lawyers, and deputies from the states in their robes of office, the processions from various churches, and all the guilds of Malines in their state costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, followed by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flaring torches. The procession of amba.s.sadors, bishops, and n.o.bles with their arms and devices; each contingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers carrying the arms and banners of Hapsburg and Burgundy, with the banners of King Philip's ancestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles the Bold, Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy being minutely described.
In the midst of his chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses Margaret:--'You, gracious lady and princess, were also present, secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your only brother, whom may G.o.d absolve, very simply dressed in your mourning, and covered by a veil, in company with your n.o.ble ladies.'
In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat facing the pulpit, whilst the late king's confessor, John, Bishop of Salubri, preached the funeral oration, dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large congregation was so touched by his eloquence that many were melted to tears, and he adds: 'I believe, very gracious Madame,... that you too were secretly weeping in your oratory.'
At the end of high ma.s.s, when the Bishop of Arras p.r.o.nounced the words, 'Et verb.u.m caro factum est,' the heralds cast down their banners on the marble floor before the high altar, and the king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead.' After a pause he picked it up, and raising it above his head, proclaimed: 'Long live Don Charles, by the grace of G.o.d Archduke of Austria and Prince of Spain.'... Then the first herald raised his banner, and waving it on high, cried, 'Of Burgundy, of Lostrick, and of Brabant.' And the second herald took up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming Charles 'Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' Then the third and fourth heralds raised their banners and continued the stately roll-call, ending with 'Marquis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins and Malines!'
The cap of mourning which had been worn by the young prince was now removed from his head by the king-at-arms, who took the great sword, which had been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held it in front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing him: 'Prince Imperial and royal, this sword of justice is given to you from G.o.d... and from your n.o.ble ancestors... that you may protect the most Holy Faith and all your kingdoms....'
The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gave it into the young archduke's hands, who took it by the hilt, and, with the point in the air, advanced and knelt before the high altar.[30]
[30] C. Hare.
Henry VII., writing on October 18th, 1506, to condole with Maximilian on the death of his son, promised to remain his good friend and the friend of the Prince of Castile, and to a.s.sist them in everything. If King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which he had concluded with him would have been carried out. Maximilian replied that he 'hopes Henry will not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son as well as Henry's.'
The few years of Philip's government had been relatively peaceful, but at his death troubles broke out anew. It is difficult to draw a line between the Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, as a whole, distinct in character and interests from the Flemish; and much more deeply were the commercial and manufacturing Flemish provinces divided from the French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comte. The latter were held under the empire, and the youthful Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a peer of France. The princely diocese of Liege, French in language and sympathy, but politically connected with the empire, was only separated from the Flemish group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur, Limburg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between Franche Comte and the Netherlands, Franche Comte having a far closer connection with the Swiss than with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg and Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct from those of the Dutch and Flemish provinces. It was to be the task of the future ruler to revive monarchical inst.i.tutions and to create a national unity among alien races and interests. At Philip's death Charles succeeded to a wasted heritage. All the chief factories and industries peculiar to the Netherlands had dwindled and diminished, and even the fishing fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few sail in some of the ports of the Zuyder Zee.
During the early years of Charles's life we only get a few glimpses of a shy and inarticulate boy. We read of him dancing round a bonfire with his sisters on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian, gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized possessions was a sledge in the form of a ship, with masts, ropes, and flags. In games, like most children, he liked to be on the winning side. When he and his page played at battles between Turks and Christians, Charles was always a Christian, and the page, who commanded the paynim host, complained that the Christians were always made to win. The boy was brought up to like manly sports. He shot skilfully with the bow, and took great delight in hunting, which pleased the old Emperor Maximilian, for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described as graceful and well-built, but his face was pale, and he looked delicate. His long projecting lower jaw, so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarra.s.sed mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He had clear and steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual forehead which gave a pleasant and dignified expression to his face. His childhood was spent at Malines, and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was brought up in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian Court.
Charles was devoted to music, a taste which he cultivated throughout his life. As a boy we hear of him and his sister Eleanor having lessons on the clavicord and other instruments from the organist of the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grandfather appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chievre, as his governor, and he was taught to read and write by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by another Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave up his charge to Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, the future Pope Adrian IV. But the boy was not a willing pupil; he complained of being educated as if he were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler of so many vast kingdoms was never a good linguist. He learned very little Latin, and was never proficient in German. Two years after he became King of Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the national language.
His knowledge of Italian was barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue of his birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he was thirteen. French was his natural language, but he neither spoke nor wrote it with any elegance. Of theology the champion of Catholicism knew little or nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in his latter years his comprehension thereof had to be aided by very simple commentary. Mathematics he studied when over thirty, as he believed they were essential to the career of a great captain.[31]
[31] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._
[Ill.u.s.tration: ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE, IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHARLES LeON CARDOU, BRUSSSELS]