The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume III Part 29

I received your favor of September 26th, containing your very judicious proposition of securing the spectators in the opera and play houses from the danger of fire. I communicated it where I thought it might be useful. You will see by the enclosed, that the subject has been under consideration here. Your concern for the security of life, even the lives of your enemies, does honor to your heart and your humanity. But what are the lives of a few idle haunters of play houses, compared with the many thousands of worthy men and honest industrious families, butchered and destroyed by this devilish war! O!

that we could find some happy invention to stop the spreading of the flames, and put an end to so horrid a conflagration!

Adieu, I am ever yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, December 16th, 1781.

Dear Sir,

Since my last, of which I send you a duplicate by this conveyance, nothing material has happened here, unless it be the evacuation of Wilmington, which is, perhaps, the most important post of communication with the disaffected people of the country of any they have held in America. The tories of North Carolina possessed a boldness and spirit, which were not found elsewhere, and upon occasion appeared openly in arms. They are by these means abandoned to the enemy, and the resentment of their country.

The cypher, which I shall use with you, is No. 4 of those sent by Mr Morris; in that, the duplicate is written which went uncyphered by the Marquis de Lafayette.

I enclose a resolution of Congress for erecting a pillar to commemorate the victory at Yorktown. I must request your a.s.sistance in enabling me to carry it into effect, so far as it relates to me, by sending the sketch they require, with an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended. I could wish it to be such, as may do honor to the nations, whose union it designs to celebrate, and for that reason should think the execution ought to be deferred till our finances are in a better situation than they are at present; but as this lies with Congress only, you will be so obliging as to enable me to do my duty, by laying the sketch before them as soon as you can conveniently get the same executed.

I have also the honor to enclose an ordinance of Congress, which comprises all their former resolutions with respect to captures, with the addition of some others; among them, one for "prohibiting the importation of British goods," unless such as may have been taken from the enemy. This will make some arrangements with the Court of France necessary. The high duties upon prize goods consumed in France render them considerable articles of exportation, and unless some mode is fallen upon to evidence their having been captured, they will be liable to seizure here. I would propose that the Lieutenants of the Admiralty, or some other officers in the seaport towns, should, to an inventory of the goods shipped, annex a certificate under hand and seal, of their having been captured from the enemy, and that this should be done without any charge to the purchaser. You, Sir, who are better acquainted with the interior of the government of France, than I can be supposed to be, will be pleased to suggest some mode of executing this business; or if none better presents itself, to use means for carrying what I propose into effect. I send by this conveyance a number of American papers, and beg in return to be favored with those of France, or any new publication that may deserve attention.

I am, dear Sir, with great respect and esteem, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

_Enclosed._

1. An ordinance, ascertaining what captures on the waters shall be lawful.

2. Resolve, directing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to prepare a sketch of emblems, &c.

3. Resolves for raising eight millions of dollars, and the proportion of each State.

4. Recommendations to the several States for enacting laws against the infraction of the laws of nations.

5. Letter to Messrs Wallace, Johnson, and Muir, at Nantes.

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

London, January 2d, 1782.

My Dear Friend,

I have received the favor of yours of the 15th of December by Mr Alexander. I most heartily join with you in the wish, that we could find some means to stop the spreading flames of this _devilish war_. I will not despair. The communications, which he has imparted to me from you, have revived my hopes of peace. I laid them before the Minister immediately. We are at a suspense for the present upon a very material preliminary. I did intend writing to you at the present pause, that we might make our ground good as we go on, but an accident which has happened obliges me to do it without delay. For having had a most essential question transmitted to me from Lord North for explanation, when I would have applied to Mr Alexander, I could not find him; and now I find that he has left his hotel these four or five days, and his return being uncertain, I must apply to you. I will state to you what has pa.s.sed.

Upon my first interview with Mr Alexander, he told me, that the late events would make no difference in the prospect of peace; that America had no other wish than to see a termination of this war; that no events would make them unreasonable on that subject, which sentiments likewise your letter expresses; and that no formal recognition of independence would be required. I thought this a very fair opening; but the next point, which he explained to me, seemed to be still more material towards peace, viz. that America was disposed to enter into a separate treaty with Great Britain, and their allies were disposed to consent to it. I believe that it has been the unfortunate union of common cause between America and France, which has for the last three years turned aside the wish of the people of England for peace. I verily believe (so deep is the jealousy between England and France,) that this country would fight for a straw to the last man, and the last shilling, rather than be dictated to by France. I therefore consider this as the greatest rub out of the way. I have often argued this point with you upon former occasions, having at all times foreseen, that it would be the greatest rub in the road to peace, and I have often stated it to you as an act of _justice_ due to America from her allies, not to drag her through a war of European resentments and jealousies, beyond her original views and engagements; and moreover, I think the separation of the causes in the negotiation promises much the shortest road to a general peace.

Upon Mr Alexander's opening thus much to me, I told him I would apply for the earliest opportunity of laying these matters before the Minister. Accordingly on Friday morning, December the 21st, I applied through the means of the Earl of Guilford, father to Lord North, a n.o.bleman of a most respectable character, advanced in years, and attached by every possible tie to a son now in the most arduous situation, I therefore requested the favor through his hands, as giving me the most conciliatory access to the Minister, to whom I was preparing to make an application for peace. After the appointment was made with Lord North for Friday evening, I returned to Mr Alexander, to consider the specific manner and terms in which I should make my application. It had occurred to me, from what Mr Alexander had stated to me, that the Conciliatory Bill,[27] which I had moved in the last Parliament, on June the 27th, 1780, would still serve as a foundation to proceed upon; I therefore carried it with me.

[27] See this bill above, pp. 157, 158.

He told me, that he and you knew the sense of the bill very well, and that it would be entirely consonant to your sentiments, that I should state it to Lord North, as drawing an outline for a negotiation of peace. However, to avoid all errors, I read the bill through to him, and explained the view of each clause, viz. the style of _Provinces of North America_, a general phrase, to avoid any term denoting dependence or independence; the truce for an indefinite term; the articles of intercourse for ten years certain; to restore an amicable correspondence, and to abate animosities; the suspension of certain acts of Parliament; to avoid every possible question of dependence or independence; and to finish the work, by a ratification of each article of intercourse as agreed to, thereby to prevent all possible return of war. I compared the articles of intercourse for a short term, and their ratification into a permanent peace, to a well known mode of proceeding in the laws of England, by lease and release, from temporary to perpetual amity and peace.

Upon these grounds I took my commission from him for Lord North, viz.

the question of dependence or independence _sub silentio_, a separate treaty with America, and to state the Conciliatory Bill of June, 1780, as, the outline of negotiation. I saw Lord North in the evening, and stated the foregoing propositions to him, as I have now stated them to you. After having stated the compromise _sub silentio_ and the separate treaty, I left with Lord North the copy of the bill of June, 1780, together with a paper, ent.i.tled, _Conciliatory Propositions_, as explanatory of that bill, both enclosed with this. The next morning, viz. Sat.u.r.day, December the 22d, I saw Mr Alexander, and reported to him what I had stated to Lord North, and showed him a copy of the paper, ent.i.tled _Conciliatory Propositions_. He told me, that I had executed my commission perfectly to his intelligence of the matter. I should tell you, that at the conclusion of my conversation with Lord North, we both settled jointly the result thus; "I recommend to your Lordship the propositions which I have had the honor of stating to you, as _general grounds of a proposed negotiation, leading towards peace, under liberal constructions_." Lord North said in answer, "so I understand them."

Upon this footing, matters rested for some days. On Sunday last, December the 30th, I received a message from Lord North, through the means of Lord Guilford, requesting an explanation of this point, viz.

"Who is authorised to treat on the part of America? whether you or Mr Adams, or both jointly; and whether the propositions above stated would be acknowledged, as general grounds of negotiation towards peace, by the person or persons authorised to treat; because it was necessary, before he could lay a matter of so great importance before the Cabinet Council, that he should be ent.i.tled to say, these propositions and general outlines come to me from responsible and authorised persons." The moment I received the request of Lord North, I agreed entirely with the necessity of an explanation on that head. I had partly expected such an inquiry, and it gave me satisfaction when it came, as I thought it the first reply towards a parley. If the propositions had not gained some attention, it would have been of very little importance to have inquired whence they came. As to the caution itself, it appears to me not only prudent but indispensable.

The forms of caution in such cases are the essentials of caution. I had determined on my own account before this message to have written to you, that I might have received your sentiments directly from yourself without any other intervention, that we might proceed with caution and certainty in a matter of such infinite importance. This message has only quickened my despatch. The two points of explanation requested, I take to be these; whether the outlines above recited are properly stated, always considering that they imply no further than _general grounds of negotiation towards peace, under liberal constructions_; and secondly, by what authorised person or persons any answer on this subject would be accepted; in short, a requisition of credentials preparatory to a formal answer, which is so much the more necessary on the supposition of a favorable reception of the first hint towards negotiation.

When I last saw Mr Alexander, viz. about four or five days ago, he had met with some desponding impressions, as if the Ministry were indisposed to peace, and that things would not do, &c. He did not tell me upon what ground he had formed such apprehension; however, lest he should have imparted any such by letter to you, I will state that point to you, because it may have infinite ill consequences to be too touchy on such occasions. A premature jealousy may create the very evil it suspects. The Ministry in this country are not everything. The sense of the people, when really expressed and exerted, would be most prevalent. Suppose then it were a proved point, that every man in the Ministry were in his heart adverse to peace. What then? withhold all overtures! By no means. I should advise the very contrary in the strongest manner. I should say, let the overtures be made so much the more public and explicit by those who do wish for peace. It is the unfortunate state of things, which has. .h.i.therto bound the cause of France to any possible treaty with America, and which has thereby thrown a national damp upon any actual public exertions to procure a negotiation for peace with America. I have the strongest opinion, that if it were publicly known to the people of England, that a negotiation might be opened with America, upon the terms above specified, that all the Ministry together, if they were ill disposed to a man, would not venture to thwart such a measure.

But why should it be supposed, that the Ministry, to a man, are ill disposed to a peace? Suppose them to be half and half, and the public wish and voice of the people in favor of negotiation, it is evident on which side the balance would incline. But why should we seek to throw a damp prematurely upon any chance? Why presume even against any individual? I grant, that it would be a bitter trial of humility to be brought to a formal recognition of independence at the haughty command of France, and I believe every part of the nation would proceed to every extremity before they would submit to that. But if that touchy point can be provided for, _sub silentio_, and if the proposed treaty with America may be carried on free from control by France, let us give the cause of peace a fair trial; at the worst we should but be where we were if we should fail. But why should we expect to fail, when the greatest rub is removed, by the liberty of entering separately into a treaty? I think it a most favorable event, leading towards peace. Give us a truce with its concomitants, and a little time so given for cooling will have most excellent effects on both sides. Eternal peace and conciliation may then follow.

I send this to you by the quickest despatch, that we may bring this point to a fair issue before the meeting of Parliament. G.o.d prosper the blessed work of peace.

I am ever yours most affectionately,

D. HARTLEY.

_P. S. January 8th, 1782._ Since writing this letter, I have seen Mr Alexander, and shall see him from time to time to communicate with him. I do not suppose I shall have an answer from Lord North till the preliminary points are so settled, as to enable him to give an answer in form. The Ministry might undoubtedly give a short negative, if they thought proper; but I do not expect that. You may be a.s.sured, that I have and shall continue to enforce every argument in the most conciliatory manner to induce a negotiation. I am very sorry for Mr A.'s confinement, on his own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably in the future state of this business his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. Every a.s.sistance and every exertion of mine will always be most heartily devoted to that cause. I have nothing further to add, either upon my own reflections or from my subsequent conversations with Mr Alexander, to what I have stated in the foregoing letter. If we once make a good beginning upon the plan there stated, I should hope that such a negotiation, founded on such principles, would promise fair to produce every salutary and pacific concequence in the event.

D. H.

REMARKS ON THE CONCILIATORY BILL

_In the t.i.tle and preamble_ of the bill, the words _Provinces of North America_ are used as general words, neither implying dependence or independence.

CLAUSE I. _The Truce_ is taken from the Conciliatory Act of 1778, and is indefinite as to the proposed duration of the truce. Under this clause it might be proposed to negotiate three points, viz. the removal of the British troops from the Thirteen Provinces of North America, and connectedly with this article, a stipulation for the security of the friends of the British government. The third article might be a stipulation, that the respective parties, during the continuance of the truce, should not either directly or indirectly give a.s.sistance to the enemies of each other.

CLAUSE II. _Articles of Intercourse and Pacification._ Under this clause some arrangements might be settled, for establishing a free and mutual intercourse, civil and commercial, between Great Britain and the aforesaid Provinces of North America.

CLAUSE III. _Suspension of certain Acts of Parliament._ By this clause a free communication may be kept open between the two countries, during the negotiation for peace, without stumbling against any claim of rights, which might draw into contest the question of dependence or independence.

CLAUSE IV. _The Ratification by Parliament._ The object of this clause is to consolidate peace and conciliation, step by step, as the negotiation may proceed; and to prevent, as far as possible, any return of war, after the first declaration of a truce. By the operation of this clause, a temporary truce may be converted into a perpetual and permanent peace.

CLAUSE V. _A Temporary Act._ This clause, creating a temporary act for a specific purpose of negotiation in view, is taken from the act of 1778.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, January 7th, 1782.