The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 34

Sir,

By the enclosed Acts of the 28th of April and 2d of May, with the copy of my letter to Congress of the 3d of May, you will perceive that I am to continue somewhat longer in the Superintendence of our Finances.

Be a.s.sured, Sir, that nothing but a clear view of our distresses could have induced my consent. I must at the same time acknowledge, that the distresses we experience, arise from our own misconduct. If the resources of this country were drawn forth, they would be amply sufficient, but this is not the case. Congress have not authority equal to the object, and their influence is greatly lessened by their evident incapacity to do justice.

This is but a melancholy introduction to the request contained in the Act of the 2d instant. But I shall not be guilty of falsehood, nor will I intentionally deceive you, or put you in the necessity of deceiving others. My official situation compels me to do things, which I would certainly avoid under any other circ.u.mstances. Nothing should induce me in my private character to make such applications for money as I am obliged to in my public character. I know and feel that you must be in a disagreeable situation on this subject. I can antic.i.p.ate the answers to all your requests; and I know you may be asked for payment when you ask for loans. Yet, Sir, I must desire you to repeat your applications. My only hope arises from the belief, that as the King's expenses are much lessened, he may be able to comply with his gracious intentions towards America.

And the only inducement I can offer is the a.s.surance that the taxes already called for, shall be appropriated as fast as other indispensable services will admit, to the replacing of what the Court may advance.

Our situation is shortly this. The army expect a payment, which will amount to about seven hundred thousand dollars. I am already above half a million dollars in advance of our resources, by paper antic.i.p.ation. I must increase this antic.i.p.ation immediately to pay moneys due on contracts for feeding our army; and I must make them the expected payment by notes to be discharged at a distant day. Now, Sir, if these notes are not satisfied when they become due, the little credit which remains to this country must fall, and the little authority dependent on it must fall too. Under such circ.u.mstances it is, that you are to ask aid for the United States. If it can be obtained, I shall consider the obligation as being in some degree personal to myself, and I shall certainly exert myself for the repayment. You will be so kind, Sir, as to ship on board the Washington eighteen hundred thousand livres, but if the loan be not obtained, I must entreat you will give me the earliest possible information of the refusal.

I shall communicate this letter to the Minister of his Most Christian Majesty, and request him to write to the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of it. Believe me; I pray, with sincere and respectful esteem, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Office of Finance, May 27th, 1783.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose for your Excellency's perusal, the copy of a letter to Dr Franklin, which will go by the Washington packet, on Sunday next. I am to request, that your Excellency will write on the subject of it to the Count de Vergennes. You will observe, Sir, that I have made no mention whatever of the reasons, which might induce France to grant the aid requested. Every argument, which can apply to the interests of your Court, will come more properly, as well as more forcibly from your pen than from mine. I shall only ask, that you will give your own sentiments and views of our circ.u.mstances and situation. These will, I doubt not, be the most powerful reasons in support of the present application.

I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Office of Finance, May 29th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 8th instant. I have not answered it sooner, because until now it has not been in my power to answer it satisfactorily.

By some designing men my resignation of office (grounded on a clear conviction, that unless something was done to support public credit, very pernicious consequences would follow) was misconstrued. It was represented as a factious desire to raise civil commotions. It was said that the army were to be employed as the instruments to promote flagitious interested views. These found admittance to minds, which should forever have been shut against them. We now rest on the event, to determine whether a sincere regard to public justice and public interest, or a sinister respect to my own private emolument were the influential motives of my conduct. I am a very mistaken man, if time and experience shall not demonstrate, that the interests of the army and of the public creditors are given up. But I mention these things only to you in confidence, for it shall not again be supposed that I am the leader of sedition.

Having done what was in my power to establish those plans, which appeared necessary for doing justice to all, and affording relief to our army in particular, I have acquitted what was the first and greatest duty. When it appeared that other modes were to be pursued, I would gladly have departed in peace, but it has been thought that my further agency was necessary, to procure for the army that species of relief, which they seemed to desire. The factious designing man, who was to have lighted up the flames of mutiny and sedition, has undertaken, a most arduous and perilous business to save this country from those convulsions, which her negligence had hazarded. This became a duty when the first duty to justice was performed, and this shall be performed also. It is now above a month since the committee conferred with me on that subject, and I then told them that no payment could be made to the army but by means of a paper antic.i.p.ation, and unless our expenditures were immediately and considerably reduced, even that could not be done. Our expenditures have nevertheless been continued, and our revenue lessens, the States growing more and more remiss in their collections. The consequence is, that I cannot make payment in the manner first intended. The notes issued for this purpose would have been payable at two, four, and six months from the date, but at present they will all be at six months, and even that will soon become impracticable, unless our expenses be immediately curtailed.

I shall cause such notes to be issued for three months' pay to the army, and I must entreat, Sir, that every influence be used with the States to absorb them, together with my other engagements, by taxation. The present collections are most shameful, and afford but a sad prospect to all those who are dependent upon them.

I hope, my Dear Sir, that the state of public affairs will soon permit you to lay down the cares of your painful office. I should in two days have been liberated from mine, if a desire to free you from your embarra.s.sments, and procure some little relief to your army, had not induced a continuance of them. But it must always be remembered, that this continuance is distinct from any idea, which may be connected with the plans for funding our public debts. As I do not approve of, so I cannot be responsible for them. Neither will I involve myself in endless details, which must terminate in disappointment.

With great respect, I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, June 5th, 1783.

Sir,

Congress having directed a very considerable part of the army to be sent home on furlough, I am pressed exceedingly to make a payment of three months' wages, and I am very desirous to accomplish it, but the want of money compels me to an antic.i.p.ation on the taxes by making this payment in notes. To render this mode tolerably just or useful, the notes must be punctually discharged when they fall due, and my dependence must be on the money to be received of the several States, on the requisitions for the last and present year. I hope the urgency of the case will produce the desired exertions, and fully enable me to preserve the credit and honor of the federal government.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.

Office of Finance, July 11th, 1783.

Sir,

I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency, a state of the public accounts, balanced on the last day of June, 1783. A view of these accounts will render it unnecessary to make many observations.

On the States I am to rely for payment of the antic.i.p.ations amounting, as you will see, to more than a million. And you will observe, that this great antic.i.p.ation has been made for that service, which all affect to have so much at heart. A payment to the American army. If they had received no pay during the year 1783, I might perhaps have been spared the necessity of this application, because it is probable that the taxes even as they are now collected might have absorbed such antic.i.p.ations as I should then have been obliged to make.

Much pains have been taken to inculcate the idea that we have funds in Europe. Those funds which we had there are exhausted, and the general apprehension that no proper funds here will be provided has cut off all hopes from that quarter.

The question has frequently and industriously been asked, what becomes of the moneys which are paid in taxes. I have furnished the means of judging, as to those which reach the public treasury, to every man employed in the administration of government in the several States, for my accounts have been regularly transmitted. And I would not have mentioned the insinuation had it not been for the purpose of observing, that it is inc.u.mbent on all those who are desirous of forwarding a collection of taxes to show a fair appropriation, and not suffer groundless clamors to disturb the public mind.

It has been said that there is no necessity of urging the collection of taxes now, because the notes given to the army are not payable in less than six months. This again is an a.s.sertion whose mischievous operation is levelled at the very vitals of our credit. One month of that time is already expired with respect to all those notes which have been already issued. They are not the only notes in circulation.

Notes are not the only modes of antic.i.p.ation which have been adopted.

And it is a serious fact, that unless more vigorous measures take place, the credit of all notes and of everything else must be destroyed. But this is not all. Supposing for a moment, that the notes given to our army were the only object whose credit was to be attended to. Can any reasonable man imagine, that they could be of any use if the payment were to depend on taxes which are not to be collected until the notes are due.

I have not been wanting on my part in pointing out from time to time, the mischiefs which must ensue from neglect. The applications have met with inattention, which personally I have disregarded, but which I could not but feel, from the consequences involved in it. Again, in compliance with the duty I owe to the United States, I call for that aid which they are ent.i.tled to. And on this occasion I take leave to observe, that the moment is very fast approaching which is to determine whether America is ent.i.tled to the appellation of just, or whether those who have constantly aspersed her character are to be believed.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

REPORT TO CONGRESS RELATIVE TO THE PAY OF THE ARMY.

Office of Finance, July 15th, 1783.

The Superintendent of Finance, to whom was referred, on the 11th instant, the extract of a report, with order to report thereon, and also to report what measures he has taken relative to the pay of the army, begs leave to report,