The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 27

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, December 12th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 7th of January last, Congress were pleased to resolve, that it be an instruction to the Superintendent of Finance, to prepare and report to Congress a table of rates, at which the different species of foreign coins, most likely to circulate within the United States, shall be received at the treasury thereof. In consequence of this resolution, I took the liberty to recommend the establishment of a mint, which was agreed to. I have taken many steps to carry that resolution into effect, and hoped by this time to have laid a satisfactory state of it before Congress. Delays, the causes of which need not be enumerated, have hitherto procrastinated this matter beyond my expectations. But there are many reasons why an immediate regulation of foreign coins should now be made. It is not the least among them, that all our dollars are rapidly going to the enemy in exchange for light gold, which must eventually cause a considerable loss and scarcity of silver, which will be severely felt. I take the liberty, therefore, to suggest the following Act.

Whereas, by the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, the United States in Congress a.s.sembled, are vested with the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coins struck off by their own authority, or by that of the respective States; and whereas, the several requisitions on the States and the public accounts of those United States are made and kept in dollars; and whereas, it is of importance, that until money be coined by authority of the United States, some fixed proportion be established between the different foreign coins, most likely to circulate; be it, therefore ordained, by the United States in Congress a.s.sembled, and it is ordained by authority of the same, that from and after the 1st day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, English silver coin be received at the rate of one dollar and sixteen ninetieths of a dollar by the ounce; Dutch silver coin at the rate of one dollar and fifteen ninetieths by the ounce; French silver coin at the rate of one dollar and fourteen ninetieths by the ounce; Portuguese silver coin at the rate of one dollar and thirteen ninetieths by the ounce; English, Spanish, and Portuguese gold coin at the rate of sixteen dollars and sixtyeight ninetieths by the ounce.

I take the liberty to observe, Sir, that this estimate of coins is founded upon the quant.i.ty of alloy, which they respectively contain.

The weight of each particular piece current among us is so indeterminate, that the value by tale cannot be fixed; but whenever the rates at which they go as bullion are known, a table may be formed in each State for the tale, according to the customary weight which prevails.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.

Head Quarters, December 20th, 1782.

Sir,

In consequence of a resolve of Congress, I some time since directed an inscription with some devices to be engraven on the cannon to be presented to the Count de Rochambeau, and enclosed is a certificate of General Knox relative to the execution of the work and its price.

In answer to Mr Billings's application to me for his pay, I informed him I would write you on the subject, and did not doubt you would order payment to be made.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, January 11th, 1783.

Sir,

On the 9th instant, from an investigation of Mr Grand's account then lately received, I found that after making due allowance for Loan Office bills, &c. which might still come upon him, my drafts and those which I have directed, would exceed by something more than six millions (exclusive of the interest payable by him in November on the Dutch loan) any funds which he could be possessed of. It appeared also by indirect information so late as in the month of September, that the loan opened by Mr Adams had not produced above three millions, so that unless he had met with further success, there would be a deficiency of three millions.

Had the Court granted us twelve millions in the first instance, had Mr Adams's loan produced six millions, had M. de Beaumarchais' bills been provided for without recurrence to the American banker, or, finally, had the heavy deduction made by those bills been replaced, this disagreeable thing would not have happened. Presuming that the loan of the last year was exclusively at my disposition, I drew during the year to the amount of it, and I am convinced that all my bills, and those drawn by my authority, will have been paid. Rely on it, that as I told you in a former letter, I have acted under the influence of dire necessity, and this you will be convinced of by a few out of many circ.u.mstances.

Enclosed you have a general statement of the public account until the year 1781, on which you will observe that the army was fed princ.i.p.ally, though scantily, by the specific supplies called for at different previous periods, and that there remained in the treasury near three hundred thousand dollars, being part of the money which Colonel Laurens brought with him from France. I also enclose to you the copy of a letter written to Congress on the 21st of October, and of its several enclosures, which will need no commentary; or if it did, I would only add, that I have been obliged to sell part of the goods, which arrived here from Holland, in order to raise so much money as would save my sinking credit from destruction. I would go into a detail of the various measures pursued to stimulate the exertions of the States, but to do this with accuracy, would be to give a tedious history of my whole administration. Whatever expedient could suggest itself, which might have that desirable effect, I have tried, and I do a.s.sure you, that when I look back at the scenes I have pa.s.sed through, they strike my own mind with astonishment. As soon as I can get the accounts made up, I will transmit to you the total of our expenditures; but to transmit, or even relate our hazards and difficulties, would be impossible.

Even at this moment I am making further exertions to bring our unwieldy system into form, and ward off impending evils; but what the success may be, heaven only knows. Imagine the situation of a man, who is to direct the finances of a country almost without revenue, (for such you will perceive this to be) surrounded by creditors, whose distresses, while they increase their clamors, render it more difficult to appease them; an army ready to disband or mutiny; a government, whose sole authority consists in the power of framing recommendations. Surely it is not necessary to add any coloring to such a piece, and yet truth would justify more than fancy could paint.

The settlement of accounts, long and intricate beyond comprehension, becomes next to impossible, from the want of that authority which is on the verge of annihilation, from those confusions which nothing can dissipate except the complete settlement of accounts, and an honest provision for payment.

Upon discovering the situation of our affairs in the manner already mentioned, I laid them before Congress. You will know the result. The Secretary of Foreign Affairs will, doubtless, transmit their Act; to which I must add this further communication, that I expect my bills will amount to a million within a month from this date. There are cases, where nothing worse can be apprehended from a measure than what would inevitably happen without it, and our present position is one of them. An immediate command of money is alike necessary to our present existence and future prospects. In Europe, when this letter arrives, you will know decidedly whether we are to expect peace or war. We must prepare for the latter. By so doing we may forward negotiations for peace, and, at the worst, will only have incurred some additional expense, whereas by neglecting it, we risk the chance of being taken unawares, and paying very dearly the penalties of neglect.

But, Sir, notwithstanding these reasons and many others will justify every counsel and every act however irregular in other respects, I would not draw one more bill, and I would boldly hazard every consequence of the omission, if I were not persuaded that they would be paid. On this occasion your sovereign will expect your most vigorous exertions, and your country will, I trust, be indebted to you in a degree for her political existence.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, January 13th, 1783.

Dear Sir,

I have received, in addition to those already acknowledged, your letters of the 12th of August, 26th of September, and 14th of October.

I should, therefore, regularly have received two copies of the contract entered into on the 16th of July, between you and the Count de Vergennes, but I suppose it has been omitted through mistake in both the letters which refer to it.[12] I lament this the more, as no one copy of it has yet arrived, and, consequently, the Congress cannot do what I am persuaded they would on the occasion. But although from this circ.u.mstance they do not make professions, yet, as far as I know the sentiments of that body, they are penetrated with grat.i.tude. And you hazard nothing in making to the King the fullest a.s.surances of their desire to repay the obligations they have received, and gratify their affection for his person and family by services and benefits.

You will oblige me much if (together with the contract in question) you will send a statement of the Farmer-General's account, and of the agreement with them.

[12] See this contract in the _Secret Journal of Congress_, Vol.

III. p. 273.

You tell me that the losses in the West Indies prevent you from obtaining farther aid. It is, therefore, to us a double loss. As to the precaution you give me about my banker, you will find that before the receipt of Mr Grand's accounts, I had drawn on him beyond his funds. I have this day entered into an explanation with the Minister on that subject, and I enclose you the copy of my letter, as also of another paper delivered to him, which may be worth your attention. In my turn, I rely upon your promise of exertion to pay my drafts. If one bill should be protested, I could no longer serve the United States.

With respect to the apprehension you express as to my bills, I do not perceive the matter in the same point of light with you. The lists of my bills are transmitted to Mr Grand by various opportunities, and they will check any which might be forged or altered.

I shall take due notice of what you say about your salary, and will enclose the bills to you. The amount will depend on the course of exchange during the war. You will be a gainer, and after the peace you may perhaps lose some trifle, but not much, because remittances might then be made in specie, should the exchange be extravagantly high. You will readily perceive, that although the fluctuations of exchange are in themselves of very little consequence to the individuals who may be connected with government, they become important at the treasury, partly from the numbers of payments and consequent amount, but more so because they would introduce a degree of intricacy and perplexity in the public accounts, which are generally either the effect, or the cause of fraud and peculation. Besides, there is no other way of adjusting salaries, than by a payment of so much at the treasury, unless by rating them in the currency of every different country as livres, dollars, guilders, rubles, &c. The late mode of rating them in pounds sterling, required a double exchange. For instance, the number of livres to be given in payment of one hundred pounds sterling at Paris on any given day, depends on the then rate of exchange between Paris and London, and the value of those livres here depends on the exchange between Paris and Philadelphia.

I pray you, Sir, to accept my sincere thanks for the kind interest you take in the success of my administration. The only return, which I can make to your goodness, is by a.s.suring you, that all my measures shall be honestly directed towards the good of that cause, which you have so long, so faithfully, and so honorably served.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO MR GRAND.

Office of Finance, January 13th, 1783.

Sir,

I have received your several favors of the 13th of July, 11th and 19th of August, and 14th of October. The contents are far from being agreeable, but I thank you for the communication of them. If I had been so fully apprized of our situation as I now am, perhaps I might have suffered everything to be ruined, rather than have risked my bills. But if that had been done, more men would have blamed than applauded my conduct. I have gone into a full explanation with M. de la Luzerne, and although he cannot as Minister approve what is done, he has too much sense not to see the propriety and necessity of it.