The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XII Part 3

That part of the letter last mentioned, which relates to the effect of drawing bills, together with the letters of the 2d and 3d of August, need no comment. They merely serve to show the desire, which animates the servants of the United States, to economise the resources of France. I am not disposed to criminate, but it is right that I should inform you of my opinion, which is, that the French troops in this country have cost much more than was necessary, if my information is not extremely erroneous. I have now in contemplation plans for feeding them more cheaply, and I think the French ration ought not to cost more than half a livre, at least not much more, if so much. The officers who now return to Europe can best answer, whether it has formerly exceeded that amount, and the Court must know how much has been lost on the negotiation of their bills. While on this subject it is my duty to add, that the Minister of France here, has demonstrated the most earnest desire to introduce economy in the expenditures of the army, and that the readiness shown by the Count de Rochambeau, and other general officers, to aid in it, demand acknowledgements.

On the 24th of September the Chevalier wrote me a note, of which a copy is enclosed. This, you will observe, was after the receipt of those letters, in consequence of which, he, among other things, communicated the account, on which I have already had the honor of making some remarks. This letter, while it a.s.signs reasons for continuing my drafts, shows clearly that the Chevalier had communicated his instructions to stop them, which was done, not only to me, but to the committee. But I confess, that I was very far from considering those instructions as absolute. I concluded, that a line of discretion had been left to the Minister; and, indeed, his answer to my letter confirmed me in that opinion. This answer is of the 26th.

He does indeed say, that _it is impossible to depart from the precise instructions received on that subject, and authorise my drafts to the amount of two millions five hundred thousand livres_; but he immediately goes on to permit an addition of two hundred and ninetyeight thousand nine, hundred and eightyone livres, fifteen sous, and four deniers. Wherefore, it followed, that either those instructions left him at liberty to extend those drafts, or that he was at liberty to disregard the instructions. I therefore did expect to have gone on to the sum first agreed for. These expectations were frequently mentioned in conversation, and particularly so in that alluded to in mine of the 22d instant.

On the other hand, I must acknowledge, that he always mentioned his instructions, but so as to leave me under the original impressions I had received. As this letter of the 22d takes notice of another matter, it is proper to mention here, that the Chevalier had observed on a difference between the account he delivered officially to the committee of Congress and the note to the Count de Vergennes; but no pointed conversation on this subject had taken place, he expecting further information from his Court, and I hoping daily to hear from you, and being unwilling to raise a question unnecessarily. The reason why I did at last bring it forward is contained in my letter, and therefore I shall say nothing about it. The account sent in that letter, needs no comment, although it differs very widely from that marked thirtythree.

I shall only note, that if the sum of six hundred and eightysix thousand one hundred and nine livres be taken from that mentioned as advanced for stores by order of Colonel Laurens, so as to render that article conformable to what is said in the Count de Vergennes' note, the same sum must be added to the balance; by which means placing the one million five hundred thousand livres, to have been drawn for by me, in the stead of that to have been sent out from Holland, the whole will stand as first above mentioned, leaving the amount of the loan untouched. In the close of my letter, I mention a determination to draw _on account of the balance_, an expression which appears to have been mistaken. The reason of the a.s.sertion will in some degree appear from the answer to it. I will add, that, although I shall not risk the drawing of bills while there is any chance that they may return protested, I must, nevertheless, take measures to obtain the money for very evident reasons, and it is with this view, that I have drawn on you in favor of Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. for one million livres.

You have also a copy of the letter written on the 24th instant, in answer to that last mentioned. I shall not here notice the difference between what we have said about the additional million, as well because it is in substance the same, as because I had not insisted on drawing for it. In like manner, I shall say nothing about the permission given me to extend my drafts after the orders to stop them brought by Colonel Laurens; but you will observe, that the pointed declaration, that the letter of the 26th of September _could not leave me the shadow of a hope, &c._ (with what follows it) stands in such direct opposition to the whole tenor of my letter and to the real state of my expectations, that to have submitted in silence, would have been tantamount to the acknowledgement of falsehood. It is indeed easy to perceive, that the Chevalier wrote this letter to his Court, although he directed it in the first instance to me; and I conclude it to have been in consequence of his last despatches, which had not been received long before his letter was written. The equivocal use of the expression _as soon as possible_ will not escape you, Sir; but it shall meet no other remark from me than this, that I am convinced the Court will not apply it in the same sense with the Chevalier. Neither the dignity of the Prince, nor the magnitude of the occasion will permit a reliance on such distinctions.

The state of the account made in this letter, I really do not see the propriety of. It seems to have been, in some degree, extracted from the account furnished in September to the committee of Congress, because, if the mistake of six thousand livres in the castings of that account be rectified, it will make the first sum total amount to fifteen millions one hundred and ninetynine thousand five hundred and one livres, from which deducting ten million livres, being the amount of the subsidy of six million livres and loan of four, there will remain the first article of that account, namely, five millions one hundred and ninetynine thousand five hundred and one livres. But if this be the case, it is a little surprising, that the Chevalier should not have noticed a deduction made in that very account of the two first articles, amounting to three millions four hundred and sixteen thousand livres, which are, it is there said, to be added to the advances formerly made to the Congress.

It is somewhat extraordinary, that all these should be considered by the Chevalier as advances made in the month of September. For although that account was rendered in September, yet four millions six hundred and ninetyfour thousand three hundred and ninetytwo livres are expressly mentioned as being to be furnished. I shall dwell no longer here, but I must repeat, notwithstanding the polite manner in which the a.s.sertion has been contradicted, that my operations have received a very severe, as well as material check, from stopping my drafts; not so much on account of the value of the three hundred thousand livres, as because, while they were negotiating, I should undoubtedly have received those advices from you, which would have enabled me to go on in the same line. I had brought the exchange up very nearly to par, and should soon have sold at seventeen pence this money (Pennsylvania money) for a livre, or eight shillings and sixpence for a crown, which is worth here at the extent but eight and four pence.

This would, therefore, have been two per cent advance, with a saving of time, freight, and insurance; and, although a very large sum could not have been negotiated during the winter, perhaps not more than one million five hundred thousand livres, yet that would have enabled me to go on making the preparatives for an early and vigorous campaign, and kept everything in train, till some money could have been either shipped from Europe, or so negotiated as to be sent hither from Havana.

I will take no notice of what is said in the letter now before us, as to the error of six thousand livres, because you must at once perceive how little it was an object of conversation, and how easy to be remedied by any clerk, without waiting either orders or instructions from the Court; and because you must also perceive the material omission of four million livres, which cannot be overlooked, let the calculations be combined as they may. I have not, however, the less concern about it, because so rigid an adherence to so palpable an error leads me to fear a design, which the generous conduct of the King will not permit me to suspect.

Having already given my sentiments as to the interest of Loan Office certificates, I will not now repeat them. As to the replacing the Marquis de Lafayette's cargo, it is a matter which I will not seriously contend about, because, although there will not be use for all the articles, there certainly will for many of them; and therefore I hardly think a representation on that score necessary, because there is no use in multiplying disagreeable considerations. But, by the way, I must observe, that it is a little extraordinary this cargo should have been replaced out of the loan to have been opened, &c. at your request, while at the same request money could not be obtained to pay the bills drawn by the order of Congress, as appears from your letter, and that from the Count de Vergennes, which is enclosed in it. The idea of making advances for any individual State from the funds of the United States, must never be admitted by any servant of Congress. It will be quite time enough to do that, when they shall have complied with the several requisitions made upon them, and when they shall have intrusted these subaltern negotiations to the Ministers whom Congress have appointed. Such advances stand on a very different ground, indeed, from those made for purchasing a like cargo to that of the Lafayette; and it cannot be expected, that they should be pa.s.sed to the account of Congress. Besides this, the successes to the southward have rendered succors of that sort unnecessary. What has already been said will render observations on the letters of the 26th instant unnecessary.

On the whole matter, I have to request your exertions to have this affair settled as soon as possible, and that you will cause the whole of what remains to be paid over to Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. sending me notice thereof by every opportunity, that I may attend to the disposition of it. I mean, nevertheless, that a reservation should be made of what is necessary, to purchase the articles mentioned in the enclosed invoice of the Board of War. I wish you to have as little trouble as possible in this business, and, therefore, I am to request you to employ in it Mr Barclay, our Consul General, and Mr Matthew Ridley. They are both gentlemen of knowledge and integrity, and I doubt not will perform it with economy and expedition.

You will also be pleased to take arrangements with the Minister of Marine, and give your consequent orders to those gentlemen, so that all articles of every sort and kind, which are the property of the United States, and now in Europe, may come under safe convoy to this port. The Marquis de Lafayette, who is charged with the General's instructions on military subjects, will a.s.sist in combining matters, so as to accomplish these objects. I confide, Sir, that your wisdom and his vivacity will produce the most beneficial consequences.

Let me add, while I mention the depositing all which remains due to us with Messrs Le Couteulx & Co., that I wish you, in conformity to the Act of Congress enclosed, to pay the sum of fortytwo thousand one hundred and eightynine livres therein mentioned, with the interest, to William Lee. Let me also mention my desire, that you would retain two millions two hundred thousand livres to pay interest bills drawn from the 1st of September to the 1st of April next. I will take such arrangements as will save you the trouble of doing this business in future, and I mention it here, although the money will come more properly under the head of supplies to be asked from the Court for the ensuing year.

The declarations, that no more pecuniary aid will be afforded to us, are very clear and explicit, but I trust, that these declarations will not be adhered to. The interest bills, as I just now observed, will amount to about two millions livres. You have to pay M. Beaumarchais two millions five hundred and fortyfour thousand livres, and the clothing and stores necessary will amount to four millions livres.

Besides all this we must have money, so that it will become necessary to obtain at least twelve millions. When I mention this sum, I take the lowest, and I do it from my sincere desire not to burden the finances of France with American demands; but I think such clear reasons can be a.s.signed for it as must produce conviction.

You have a copy of my letter to the Chevalier of the 3d instant upon this subject. You will have observed, that my circular letter of the 19th of October, which was enclosed in this of the 3d instant, is so formed as to lower the expectations of the several States, and accordingly the account sent with it is framed from the erroneous one before mentioned, and the four millions are totally omitted. The languor of the States had been so fostered by their teeming expectations from France, that it became my duty to prevent if possible the ill effects of it. But on the other hand, a circular letter could not but be public, and it necessarily contained such matter as must stand in the way of procuring a proper settlement of past accounts with the Court, or of obtaining future supplies from them. I, therefore, communicated that letter to the Minister, and as he very naturally asked a copy, I took the first opportunity, after the many necessary copies could be made out, to send it with mine of the 3d instant. This contains, as you will perceive, some short reasons why we want, and why France should grant, pecuniary a.s.sistance. The answer to it of the 4th instant, and my reply of the 6th, close the correspondence on that subject.

This last was intended to take off from the force of those observations, as to the King's wisdom and integrity, which had rather more of republican simplicity, than courtly elegance. As my letter of the 3d was not intended to convince the Minister, that being unnecessary, as I am persuaded the conviction was already produced, but to prevent any improper conclusions from my circular letter, so it was unnecessary to make any particular reply to his observations, because, after all a paper argument in Philadelphia can have but very little influence at Versailles; and as the Chevalier observed very properly in one of his letters, the instructions from his Court must necessarily form the basis of his opinion. The proper and useful mode, therefore, of convincing him, is by stimulating them.

Knowing as I do the great force and compa.s.s of your talents, I should not presume to add one word of remark on the Chevalier's letter, if I were not convinced, that as it was written for the Court, so it will be necessary to oppose it in some degree by a knowledge of facts, which may not be in your immediate view. He takes it for granted, that the people will make extraordinary efforts, in consequence of their successes, and I will readily admit that they have the ability and ought to have the inclination; but they must differ much from former experience, if they do exert themselves. I will admit that their rulers ought to urge them into activity, but it must be remembered, that those rulers are themselves of the people, that their ideas and views are limited, and that they act like the people rather from feeling than reflection. I speak here of the several Legislatures, for I must repeat again and again, that our general system has not grown into that form and vigor, which can communicate the impulses of a sovereign mind to the remotest members of subjected power. I will admit that a Monarch, would on so brilliant a success, call into action, all which his kingdom possessed of strength and resources; but America is not under monarchical government. I will admit further, that if the object of the war was conquest, instead of security, every victory would give new animation to all the members of our republican confederacy; but this war is not carried on for conquest. While it rages in any quarter it makes food for itself. The inroads of the enemy create opposition. An application is then made immediately to the feelings of the people; but when the inroad ceases, when the enemy retires, the storm subsides, each man returns to his domestic pursuits and employments, and thinks no more of the scenes, which had just pa.s.sed before him. It is true that this is only changing the field of battle. But America is so extensive, that a shock given at one extremity is lost before it reaches the other.

This true picture of our country, while it demonstrates the impracticability of subjecting it, explains the reasons why our exertions have always disappointed both our friends and our enemies.

If then, as the fact is, the mere change of position at the option of the foe can so lull our people to rest, how much more are we to expect it will follow from the capture of a considerable part of his force. To reason rightly on the late events, we must admit the ability to make greater exertions, and then seek the means of calling them forth. This, Sir, can only be accomplished by pecuniary aid. The Chevalier observes that the King's obligations to us have been exceeded. This is but a narrow idea. If the King is engaged to support the war until our Independence is established, his simple object of inquiry will be, how that can be speedily and cheaply accomplished? It is certain that America ought to do everything in her power, and you may a.s.sure the Court, that Congress and the servants of Congress are sensible of this duty and determined to comply with it. But it is in vain to think of breaking the bounds of possibility, and equally vain to think of changing the nature of man.

Let me add, that there is little propriety in reproaching Americans with faults inseparable from humanity. Besides this, the exertions of our country have really been very great, and as soon as more consistency shall have been put in the administration, they will again be great; but this is the period of weakness between the convulsive labors of enthusiasm and the sound and regular operations of order and government.

There is in the end of the Chevalier's letter a hint in relation to our commerce, which although it does not immediately apply to the present purpose, must not pa.s.s unnoticed. That an indirect commerce has taken place with England is true, and that France has in a great measure been the cause of it is equally true. Men will naturally buy where they can obtain things most cheaply. The prime cost of goods, though a great object in time of peace is not equally so in time of war. The freight and the insurance are then so high that a small difference of danger or convenience will counterbalance a great difference of price. When France, by subscribing to the principles of the armed neutrality, gave her enemy the means of bringing her manufactures in safety to our neighborhood, she tempted our merchants to buy those manufactures. She added the motives of interest to the force of habit, and ought not, therefore, to be surprised that such cogent principles have had effect. One mode remained, that of convoying the trade between France and America, and that mode has been neglected. I am happy, however, to observe, that this British commerce is dwindling very fast. The war with Holland has given it one deadly blow, and if our privateers are once more freed from the shackles too hastily imposed upon them, I cannot doubt, but that the trade of this country will flow directly to France, as indeed it ought to do.

And now, Sir, before I close this letter, let me make one further observation with respect to the future supplies from his Majesty. To solicit them is considered as asking for a.s.sistance in a war, whose object is of the last importance to us. This is the point of view in which I have placed it, and in which I am desirous it should stand.

But there is another method of looking at it, and, although delicacy will forbid us so to present it, yet you may depend upon it, that there are many, who have taught themselves to reason about it in a different way from what you or I would wish. Whether Britain will acknowledge our independence is a question, which is to be answered only with some modifications. If, in consequence of such an acknowledgement, we would forego our connexion with France, there is no manner of doubt, but she would make it immediately. This would on our part be wrong, and therefore it ought not to be done; but, Sir, when this great object shall be presented on the one side, and the weight of new and great taxes be felt on the other, with all their ancient prejudices and predilections in aid, will not there be some men who, for the shades of ease, will quit the paths of virtue?

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, November 29th, 1781.

Sir,

Having just now received a short letter from Mr Jay, of the 1st of September, from St Ildefonso, I find it my duty to communicate the contents immediately to the United States in Congress a.s.sembled. Mr Jay informs me, that he expects soon to be under the necessity of protesting the bills drawn on him; that Dr Franklin had hitherto saved that necessity, but that he cannot advance much more, unless by the express order of Congress. He says, further, that he has but little hopes of loans or subsidies from Spain; that the ship America is neither sold nor engaged, and that the Spanish Court seems determined to do nothing until the campaign ends.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO MR GRAND.

Office of Finance, December 3d, 1781.

Sir,

When I was called to the superintendence of the American finances, it became necessary to appoint a banker, with whom to deposit the moneys, which were to be granted by the Court for payment of my bills. Your house naturally presented itself to my consideration, but as I knew you to have large accounts open, and as I wished that my transactions should be kept in a separate, clear, and distinct manner, I named for this purpose the house of Messrs Le Couteulx & Co. At the same time, I wrote to his Excellency, Benjamin Franklin, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, upon that subject, and was honored with his answer two days ago. He has mentioned your services to my country in those warm terms of grat.i.tude, which are due to early, vigorous, and disinterested exertions. My deep respect for the opinions of that worthy Minister, my desire, on all occasions, to evince the grat.i.tude of my country, added to those favorable impressions, which your conduct has made upon my mind, have induced me to employ you as a banker in the affairs of the United States.

You will be pleased, Sir, to close your former accounts, and, in due season, to transmit them. For subsequent transactions, you will open new accounts, and, from time to time, keep me informed of the state of our affairs. The allowance formerly made of one half will be continued.

The intelligence lately received, gives strong hopes that the loan of five millions of guilders, opened in Holland, will have been completed before this reaches you. One million of these is appropriated to purchasing certain articles for our army; and I now direct one million to be deposited with you, and one million with the house of your brother in Amsterdam, subject to my drafts. The remaining two millions are to be shipped for this country.

As I am not positively instructed that this loan has succeeded, I do not venture to draw bills on you; but in case you shall be in cash for the United States, which I expect will happen, you will pay to Messrs ---- & Co., for account of John Ross, the sum of two hundred thousand livres; to Messrs Le Couteulx & Co., for account of William Bingham, one hundred thousand livres, and to John Holker, for account of John Holker fils, the sum of one hundred thousand. From each of these persons you will take quadruplicate receipts, in the form following; "Received of ----, banker, by order of the Superintendent of the Finances of the United States of North America, on behalf of---- the sum of ---- being so much paid by the said States to him, the said ---- for which I have signed four receipts, all of this tenor and date. Done in Paris this ---- day of ---- 178--." You will be pleased, Sir, to forward to me three of the copies by different opportunities.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO M. JOLY DE FLEURY.

Philadelphia, December 3d, 1781.

M. de Fleury will have the goodness to pardon an entire stranger for intruding one moment on that attention, which is engaged in so many important objects. I have been called, Sir, almost at the same time with you, though in a different country, to the same office. The intimate alliance and connexion between our Sovereigns is such, that we are engaged in the same cause. My first steps have encountered difficulties, and you have afforded the first means of surmounting them. Thus, I flatter myself, from your clear view of the interests of France, that you are disposed to give pecuniary aid to America. I will not pretend to delineate the advantages resulting from it to the penetrating mind, which has already conceived them. I will only add my wish, that your name may be enrolled among those true friends of France, who, by espousing warmly the cause of this country, have shown themselves to be equally the friends of all human nature. To defend, to a.s.sert, and to vindicate the insulted rights of man shall be the solid monument of glory, which his Minister will industriously raise for your royal master. With every fervent prayer for their most perfect success, and with the sincerest esteem and attachment, I pray you to believe me to be, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, December 5th, 1781.

Sir,