The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume XI Part 11

Office of Foreign Affairs, May 12th, 1782.

Sir,

The undersigned, Secretary to the United States of America for the Department of Foreign Affairs, has the honor to notify to the Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, that Congress have determined, by a resolution of the 20th of July, 1778, that the style of address to them should be in future "Gentlemen of the Congress."

The undersigned hopes, that the Minister Plenipotentiary of France will be pleased to make use of this form, in the address which he proposes to make to Congress tomorrow, as well as on every future occasion.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 17th, 1782.

Sir,

I write only to acknowledge the receipt of the letter your Excellency did me the honor to write on the 28th ultimo. I feel myself extremely obliged by the freedom, with which you have been pleased to furnish me with the information I requested, and I beg you to be persuaded, that I shall make use of it only to contribute to the success of our common operations.

The reports of the action between the fleets in the West Indies are so vague, that I can form no certain judgment thereon. I presume, however, that the handbill published at New York, the 12th of this month, is at least partly false. They write me from Martinique the 13th of April, that Count de Gra.s.se has beaten the English.

I am, with the most respectful attachment, &c.

LUZERNE.

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.[7]

The United States in Congress a.s.sembled, to their Great, Faithful Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

Among the many instances that Divine Providence has given us of his favor, we number the blessings he has bestowed on your Majesty's family and kingdom. Nothing was wanting to the happiness of the first, but a son to wear the honors, which the father had earned; or, to the prosperity of the latter, but the prospect of seeing the Crown transmitted to an heir, who would find in the example of his parent, a powerful incitement to promote the happiness of his people. This example, we presume to hope, will also influence his future conduct towards these United States. When, in the history of the present day, he shall read your Majesty's generous interference in their behalf, their firm and affectionate attachment, and the blessings with which both were crowned, he will be studious to preserve to his kingdom and these States, the reciprocal advantages of the alliance, which your Majesty has formed, and to emulate his ancestor in adding to his t.i.tles the glorious appellation of Protector of Mankind.

We receive with the most lively pleasure your Majesty's renewed professions of friendship. You will easily believe, that the attachment, which we have so often and so truly professed for your Majesty, could suffer no diminution, when every day afforded us new instances of your magnanimity, and of your affectionate interference in our behalf.

We pray G.o.d, Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally, always to keep you in his holy protection.

Done at Philadelphia, the 20th day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightytwo, and in the sixth year of our independence. By the United States in Congress a.s.sembled. Your Majesty's Faithful Friends and Allies.

JOHN HANSON, _President_.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] See the letter, to which this is an answer, dated October 22d, 1781.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 25th, 1782.

Sir,

The Baron de Holzendorff, Major in the service of his Majesty, came to America in 1776, to offer his services to the United States. He was obliged by circ.u.mstances, which it would take too long to mention in detail, to return to France in 1778. Congress, before his departure, had adopted the annexed resolutions in relation to him; but the departure of this officer took place before he could procure the execution of them, which he now solicits, Dr Franklin having told him that the settlement of this business belonged to Congress. The undersigned Minister, requests Mr Livingston to be pleased to take measures to forward to this officer a decision of Congress, or of the Department of War.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne takes the liberty of renewing his solicitations respecting the money to be paid to the heirs of Messrs De Kalb and De la Radiere, and also respecting the reasons, which have suspended the payment of the interest on different cla.s.ses of certificates.

LUZERNE.

VERBAL COMMUNICATION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

In Congress, May 28th, 1782.

The Secretary of Foreign Affairs laid before Congress the following verbal communication made to Mr Livingston.

The Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has the honor to inform Mr Livingston of several particulars relative to the negotiation, that the Court of London appeared disposed to open in Europe. The first steps were taken under the former administration. This remark is essential, because it is possible that the new Ministers may take others more decisive; or it is equally possible, that they may entirely change the system, and continue the war still longer.

Emissaries have been sent to Paris and to the Hague, to sound, on the one hand, Mr John Adams, in the hope that his connexion with some independent members might facilitate an accommodation; and, on the other side, in the hope that very advantageous offers might seduce his Majesty, and engage him to make a separate peace to abandon his allies. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is not informed of the steps that have been taken at Madrid, or by the States General.

The proposition made secretly to France tended to a partial peace. It offered France the possession of their conquests in the West Indies, the suppression of an English Commissary at Dunkirk, and advantages in the East Indies. These offers were certainly satisfactory to his Majesty; and he would have had no reason to reject them if he had had no allies. But his engagements marked out another line of conduct. He replied, that how sincerely soever he was disposed to peace, he would commence no negotiations to this end without the partic.i.p.ation of his allies. The emissary easily comprehended, that this answer related as well to the United States as to Spain; and pretended that the condition was inadmissible; that England, in treating upon this foundation, would acknowledge the independence of her colonies, which made no part of her system. The Minister of his Majesty replied, that their independence was considered by the King as an indispensable point, and that it made the basis of his system.

The English Agent then demanded, if there were no means to avoid treating with us of the affairs of America. The Count de Vergennes replied, by referring him to the answer given to the first overtures of pacification made by the mediators, and communicated to Mr Livingston.

It should be observed, that whether England treats of the affairs of the United States with the Court of Versailles, or whether she opens a direct communication with the United States, she cannot avoid treating with the American negotiators sent by Congress. In either case she will be under the necessity of acknowledging that body.

The conduct of his Majesty on this occasion being strictly conformable to justice and his engagements, his Minister confines himself to a simple communication of it to Mr Livingston. He confides also to him, that the Count de Vergennes, in declaring to the English Agent, that his Majesty could not listen to any negotiations of peace if the Court of London did not treat at the same time with his allies, added verbally, that the King did not attend to his own satisfaction till that of his allies was procured.

Besides this, the effects of these steps taken by the Court of London, have been to engage France to pursue, with redoubled vigor, the measures that have given birth to these appearances of peace, but which would certainly not terminate in it, if England perceived that her enemies relaxed their efforts in any manner. It is above all things indispensable, that the United States should, in the course of this campaign, be in a situation to co-operate in vigorous enterprises, which may be formed. It appears that the design of the Court of London, pointed out by the debates in Parliament, is to reduce, by a defensive war, their operations upon this continent. The Minister of his Most Christian Majesty has at present no information relative to the plans of the approaching campaign. But whatever they may be, it would be useful to be enabled to inform his Court, that the United States will not adopt an inactivity, which would be equivalent to the truce required. But that their design is to trouble the repose, that the enemy wish to deliver themselves to, and that the operations, whether combined or separately undertaken by the United States, will be pushed with activity during the ensuing campaign.

As to the place of the negotiations, Congress knew in 1779, when they named a Plenipotentiary, and in 1781, when they gave him three Colleagues, that it could only be in Europe, and that this was the most effectual means of preventing delays and jealousy, and of maintaining the confidence and harmony, which has so happily subsisted hitherto between the allies. It would be important, that the Minister of his Majesty could inform his Court, that Congress persists in these dispositions; and, that in case Commissaries offer to treat upon this continent, they should be referred to the Ministers of the United States, who are provided with instructions on this subject in Europe; that the Court of London should address itself to them; and that it is impossible that the seat of negotiation should be in America. When these overtures were made to the Court of Versailles, the agent made no mention of those that were to be made in America, or to the American Ministers in Europe. It is obvious, that the design of this conduct is to inspire reciprocal distrust; and the Chevalier de la Luzerne conceives it can in no way more effectually be prevented, than by a full communication of every circ.u.mstance, which shall relate to the pacification and to the interests of the alliance, which shall come to his knowledge.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, June 5th, 1782.

Sir,