The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume I Part 32

Gentlemen,

Since our last, of November 30th, a copy of which is herewith sent you, we received your despatches of October 6th, from Yorktown. They came to us by a packet from Boston, which brought the great news of Burgoyne's defeat and surrender; news that apparently occasioned as much general joy in France, as if it had been a victory of their own troops over their own enemies, such is the universal, warm, and sincere good will and attachment to us and our cause in this nation.

We took the opportunity of pressing the ministry, by a short memorial, to the conclusion of our proposed treaty, which had so long been under their consideration, and been from time to time postponed. A meeting was had accordingly, on Friday the 12th instant, in which some difficulties were mentioned and removed, some explications asked and given, to satisfaction. As the concurrence of Spain is necessary, we were told that a courier should be despatched the next day to obtain it, which we are since a.s.sured was done, and in three weeks from the time the answer was expected.

On signifying to the ministry the importance it might be of, at this juncture, when probably Britain would be making some propositions of accommodation, that the Congress should be informed explicitly what might be expected from France and Spain, M. Gerard, one of the secretaries, came yesterday to inform us, by order of the king, that after long and full consideration of our affairs and propositions, in council, it was decided, and his majesty was determined to acknowledge our independence, and make a treaty with us of amity and commerce; that in this treaty no advantage would be taken of our present situation, to obtain terms from us, which otherwise would not be convenient for us to agree to; his majesty desiring that the treaty, once made, should be durable, and our amity subsist forever; which could not be expected, if each nation did not find its interest in the continuance, as well as in the commencement of it. It was therefore his intention, that the terms of the treaty should be such as we might be willing to agree to, if our State had been long since established, and in the fulness of strength and power, and such as we shall approve of when that time shall come. That his majesty was fixed in his determination, not only to acknowledge, but to support, our independence, by every means in his power. That in doing this, he might, probably, soon be engaged in a war, with all the expenses, risks, and damages, usually attending it, yet he should not expect any compensation from us on that account, nor pretend that he acted wholly for our sakes; since, besides his real good will to us and our cause, it was manifestly the interest of France, that the power of England should be diminished by our separation from it. He should, moreover, not so much as insist, that if he engaged in a war with England on our account, we should not make a separate peace; he would have us be at full liberty to make a peace for ourselves, whenever good and advantageous terms were offered to us. The only condition he should require and rely on would be this, that we, in no peace to be made with England, should give up our independence, and return to the obedience of that government. That as soon as the courier returned from Spain, with the concurrence expected, the affair would be proceeded in and concluded; and of this we might give the Congress the strongest a.s.surances in our despatches, only cautioning them to keep the whole, for the present, a dead secret, as Spain had three reasons for not immediately declaring; her money fleet not yet come home; her Brazil army and fleet the same; and her peace with Portugal not yet quite completed; but these obstacles would, probably, soon be removed.

We answered, that in what had been communicated to us we perceived, and admired equally the king's magnanimity and his wisdom; that he would find us faithful and firm allies, and we wished, with his majesty, that the amity between the two nations might be eternal. And, mentioning that republics were usually steady in their engagements, for instance, the Swiss cantons, the Secretary remarked, that France had been as steady with regard to them, two hundred years having pa.s.sed since their first alliance for fifty years had commenced, which had been renewed from time to time; and such had been her uniform good faith toward them, that, as it appeared in the last renewal, the Protestant cantons were free from their ancient prejudices and suspicions, and joined readily with the rest in the league of which we herewith send you a copy.

It is sometime since we obtained a promise of an additional aid of three million of livres, which we shall receive in January. Spain, we are told, will give an equal sum; but finding it inconvenient to remit it here, she purposes sending it from the Havanna, in specie, to the Congress. What we receive here will help to get us out of debt.

Our vessels laden with supplies have, by various means, been delayed, particularly by fear of falling into the hands of the British cruising ships, which swarm in the bay and channel. At length, it is resolved that they shall sail together, as they are all provided for defence, and we have obtained a king's ship to convoy them out of the channel, and we hope quite to America. They will carry, we think, to the amount of seventy thousand pounds sterling, and sail in a few days.

Also, in consideration of the late frequent losses of our despatches, and the importance of the present, we have applied for, and obtained a frigate to carry them.

These extraordinary favors, of a nature provoking to Great Britain, are marks of the sincerity of this Court, and seem to demand the thanks of the Congress. We have accepted five bills, drawn on us by the President, in favor of some returned officers, and shall pay them punctually. But, as we receive no remittances for our support, and the cargo in the Amphitrite is claimed from us by M. Beaumarchais, and we are not certain that we can keep it, we hope Congress will be sparing in their drafts, except for the interest mentioned in our former letters, of which we now repeat the a.s.surances of payment; otherwise, we may be much embarra.s.sed, and our situation rendered very uncomfortable.

It is said, the French Amba.s.sador at London has desired to be recalled, being affronted there, where the late news from America has created a violent ferment. There is also a talk here of Lord Stormont's recall. The stocks in England fall fast, and, on both sides, there is every appearance of an approaching war. Being informed, by the concurring reports of many who had escaped, that our people, prisoners in England, are treated with great inhumanity, we have written a letter of expostulation on that subject to Lord North, which is sent over by a person express, whom we have instructed to visit the prisoners, and, (under the directions of Mr Hartley) to relieve as much as may be the most necessitous. We shall hereafter acquaint you with the result.

The expenses we are put to by those who get to us are very considerable. The supplies now going out from hence, and what we have sent, and are sending from Spain, though far short of your orders, (which we have executed as far as we are able) will, we hope, with private adventures encouraged by us and others, put you into pretty good circ.u.mstances as to clothing, arms, &c. if they arrive, and we shall continue to send, as ability and opportunity may permit.

Please to present our duty to the Congress, and believe us, with sincere esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, ARTHUR LEE.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

York, 12th January, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Not having received any letters from you since the 26th of May, we were severely chagrined yesterday, upon the arrival of Captain John Folger, who, under the name of despatches from the Commissioners at Paris, delivered only an enclosure of clean paper, with some familiar letters, none of which contained any political intelligence. You will see, by the within examination of Folger, that he was by no means a discreet person, fit to have the charge of what you trusted to him; but we cannot yet prove that he was wilfully connected with the robbers of the packet. The paper referred to by the letter A, in the examination, was a plain cover to plain paper, which had been put in the place of an enclosure, probably very interesting, sent with the public ledgers to R. H. Lee.

We shall endeavor to find whether the roguery was committed after Folger left France; but we must depend upon you to trace the circ.u.mstances from the time of your sealing, till that of his embarking.

Congress have sent to Governor Caswell to explain the part he is said to have taken in the affair, and to examine the Ship-Captain and the two pa.s.sengers. Should the Governor confirm Folger's narrative, so as to make his veracity less problematical than at present, his confinement may be rendered easier to him, but he must not be quite discharged till we hear from you. There ought to be the greatest caution used with regard to the characters of all those persons, who are confidentially employed by you. The connexion which Folger has had since he left America with persons in England, and on the voyage to Falkland's Isles, cannot be thought favorable to our interest, if his own family and native place are so. We shall only add on this subject, that Folger, upon recollection, a.s.serts, that the largest packet delivered to him at Havre de Grace was directed, "Despatches for Captain Folger," and he laments that he did not himself open it before he sailed. If this circ.u.mstance is true, it accounts for Governor Caswell's opening the packet.

We are, with much regard, &c.

J. WITHERSPOON, J. LOVELL.

TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

Paris, 16th January, 1778.

Sir,

As it is not in our power to procure you such a ship as you expected, we advise you, after equipping the Ranger in the best manner for the cruise you propose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall judge best for distressing the enemies of the United States by sea, or otherwise, consistent with the laws of war and the terms of your Commission. If you take prizes on the coast of France or Spain, send them into Bilboa, or Corogne, unless you should apprehend the danger too great, in which case we advise you to send them either into L'Orient or Bordeaux, directing the officers, who may have them in charge, to apply at L'Orient to M. Moylan, or M. Goulade, and at Bordeaux to Messrs Samuel & T. H. Delap, and inform us immediately of their arrival and situation. If you send to Spain, or should put into the ports of that kingdom, apply at Bilboa to Messrs Gardoqui & Sons; at Corogne to Messrs Leagonere & Co.

If you make an attempt on the coast of Great Britain, we advise you not to return immediately into the ports of France, unless forced by stress of weather, or the pursuit of the enemy, and in such case you must make the proper representation to the officers of the port, and acquaint us with your situation. We rely on your ability, as well as your zeal to serve the United States, and therefore do not give particular instructions as to your operations. We must caution you against giving any cause of complaint to the subjects of France, or Spain, or of other neutral powers, and recommend it to you to show them every mark of respect and real civility, which may be in your power.

You will communicate to your officers and seamen the encouragement we have given them, and explain to them, that though it was not in our power to be particular as to the rewards they should be ent.i.tled to, yet they may safely rely on the justice of the Congress. Before you sail, it will be proper to settle with Mr Williams the account of your disburs.e.m.e.nts, and send the account up to us.

We most sincerely wish you success, and are, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servants.

B. FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

York, 21st January, 1778.

Gentlemen,

We mean in this letter to give you a succinct view of the state of our military affairs. You must, long before this reaches you, have been made acquainted with the signal success of the American arms in the northern department, particularly the several engagements in that quarter previous to the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army to General Gates. Since that time, Ticonderoga and Mount Independence have been evacuated by the enemy, so that the whole of that department is now in our possession. The Indians are perfectly quiet, and we have lately received intelligence, that those formerly in the interest of our enemies incline to our side, as also, that the inhabitants of Canada, where the enemy have but small force, are in general much disposed to favor us. General Burgoyne and his troops are now near Boston; and on account of several very exceptionable parts of his conduct, Congress have resolved, that he shall not be suffered to depart, till the convention of Saratoga is ratified by the Court of London.

A part of the enemy's army is still in possession of Newport, in Rhode Island. An expedition intended to dispossess them of that place, on account of some mistakes and neglect of those who were to make the proper preparations for it, was obliged to be laid aside, but we expect it will sometime hence be resumed.

As to the armies in this State, General Howe is still in Philadelphia, but possesses no part of the country round it. General Washington's army is in huts to the westward of Schuylkill, refreshing and recruiting during the winter; and it is in contemplation to call in a number of militia to attempt to expel Howe before he can be reinforced in the spring. A part of our army is stationed at Wilmington, and they, with the militia on both sides of the river, have been very successful in taking several of the enemy's vessels since the winter set in. A committee of Congress is just going off to the army, to a.s.sist in regulating it for the next campaign, and to concert measures for the most early and vigorous operations.

Copies of newspapers, and the proceedings of Congress relating to the convention of Saratoga, are sent to you by this conveyance, besides which, we hope you will have the advantage of information from Mr Adams in person.

We are, with much regard, &c.

J. WITHERSPOON, J. LOVELL.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Pa.s.sy, 8th February, 1778.

Sir,

We have now the great satisfaction of acquainting you and the Congress, that the treaties with France are at length completed and signed. The first is a treaty of amity and commerce, much on the plan of that projected in Congress;[49] the other is a treaty of alliance, in which it is stipulated, that in case England declares war against France, or occasions a war by attempts to hinder her commerce with us, we should then make common cause of it, and join our forces, and councils, &c. The great aim of this treaty is declared to be to "establish the liberty, sovereignty, and independency, absolute and unlimited, of the United States, as well in matters of government as commerce;" and this is guarantied to us by France, together with all the countries we possess, or shall possess at the conclusion of the war; in return for which the States guaranty to France, all its possessions in America. We do not now add more particulars, as you will soon have the whole by a safer conveyance, a frigate being appointed to carry our despatches. We only observe to you, and with pleasure, that we have found throughout this business, the greatest cordiality in this Court; and that no advantage has been taken, or attempted to be taken of our present difficulties, to obtain hard terms from us; but such has been the King's magnanimity and goodness, that he has proposed none which we might not readily have agreed to in a state of full prosperity and established power. The principle laid down as the basis of the treaty, being as declared in the preamble, "the most perfect equality and reciprocity," the privileges in trade, &c. are mutual, and none are given to France, but what we are at liberty to grant to any other nation.

On the whole, we have abundant reason to be satisfied with the good will of this Court, and of the nation in general, which we therefore hope will be cultivated by the Congress, by every means which may establish the Union, and render it permanent. Spain being slow, there is a separate and secret clause, by which she is to be received into the alliance, upon requisition, and there is no doubt of the event.

When we mention the good will of this nation to our cause, we may add that of all Europe, which having been offended by the pride and insolence of Britain, wishes to see its power diminished; and all who have received injuries from her, are, by one of the articles, to be invited into our alliance. The preparations for war are carried on with immense activity, and it is soon expected.

With our hearty congratulations, and our duty to the Congress, we have the honor to be very respectfully, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE.