The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VII Part 25

He observed that he intended to speak on two points. The first related to the letter Mr Jay had written to him, on the subject of bills of exchange drawn on him by Congress, that being an affair the most pressing and more immediately necessary to enter upon. He said that the last year he should have found no difficulty on that head, but that at present, although Spain had money, she was in the situation of Tantalus, who, with water in view, could not make use of it; alluding to the revenue arising from their possessions in America, which they were not able to draw from thence. That their expenses had been so great in the year 1779, particularly for the marine, as to oblige them to make large loans, which they were negotiating at present. He entered into a summary of those expenses, and particularized the enormous expense of supporting thirtyfive ships of the line and frigates in French ports. He observed, that to do this they had prepared a very expensive and numerous convoy at Ferrol and other ports of Spain, loaded with provisions, naval stores, and every other article necessary for the squadron before mentioned, which convoy did not arrive at Brest until the day on which the Spanish fleet sailed from thence. That the supplies so sent had emptied their magazines at Cadiz, Ferrol, and other ports, and had frequently obliged them to buy at enormous prices the necessary stores to supply the fleet under the admirals Cardova and Gaston, on their arrival in the ports of Spain. That they had been forced to sell these stores thus sent to France, and others purchased for the same purpose at Bourdeaux, Nantes, and elsewhere, at half price; and added, that their loss on this occasion could scarce be calculated. This, joined to the other expenses, and the great losses they had sustained in their marine and commerce, but chiefly in the former, and the great expenses they were at in consequence thereof, rendered it difficult for the King to do for America what he could have done easily the last year, and which he declared repeatedly, and in the strongest manner, it was his intention to do, as might be judged from his conduct heretofore; touching slightly on the succors sent us from Spain, the Havana, and Louisiana, but dwelling on his conduct in the negotiation last year with Great Britain, in which he would on no account be brought to sacrifice the interests of America.

Such being his Majesty's disposition and intentions previous to the war, Mr Jay might easily judge, that he was not less determined at present to support their interests, whether formally connected with America by treaty or not. That, notwithstanding the losses and misfortunes sustained, the King's resolution, courage, and fort.i.tude induced him to continue the war, and therefore they were obliged to incur much expense in order to fill their magazines and make the necessary preparations for this campaign and the next, yet that it was his Majesty's intention to give America all the a.s.sistance in his power. That it was as much his inclination as duty to second these dispositions, and that he had received the King's orders to confer with his colleagues thereon. He observed, however, that, although he was First Secretary of State, he must first confer with them on this subject; and from his own personal inclinations to second the King's intentions and to serve America, he was desirous of concerting with Mr Jay measures in such a manner as would prevent him from meeting with opposition from his colleagues, and therefore he spoke to him not as a minister, but as an individual.

In order to facilitate this, he said it was necessary to make some overtures for a contract, in case Mr Jay was not absolutely empowered to make one; and then he pointed out the object most essential to the interests of Spain at the present conjuncture. He said that for their marine they wanted light frigates, cutters, or swift sailing vessels of that size. That for ships of the line, they could procure them themselves; that if America could furnish them with the former, they might be sent to their ports in Biscay, loaded with tobacco or other produce, and, discharging their cargoes, be left at the disposition of Spain. He also mentioned timber for vessels, but said that was an article not so immediately necessary, though it might be an object of consequence in future. He observed that he mentioned this at present in order that Mr Jay might turn his thoughts on that subject as soon as possible, and that he would, in order to explain himself with more precision, send him, either on Sat.u.r.day or Sunday next, notes containing his ideas on this subject, and adding that he hoped that the one, viz. Jay, would a.s.sist the other, meaning himself, to manage matters in such a way as to procure the means of obtaining for America present aid.

With respect to the bills of exchange which might be presented, he said that at the end of the present year, or in the beginning of the next, he would have it in his power to advance twentyfive, thirty, or forty thousand pounds sterling, and in the mean time, should these bills be presented for payment, he would take such measures as would satisfy the owners of them, viz. by engaging, in the name of his Majesty, to pay them, observing that the King's good faith and credit were so well known, that he did not imagine this would be a difficult matter. He also said, that in consequence of what Mr Jay had written with respect to clothing for the American army, it might be in his power to send supplies of cloth, &c. which he would endeavor to do.

Mr Jay, in answer, a.s.sured him of his high sense of the frankness and candor with which he had been so obliging as to communicate the King's intentions and his own sentiments, and gave him the strongest a.s.surances that he should, for his part, with the same frankness and candor, give him all the a.s.sistance and information in his power to forward his generous intentions in favor of his country, and that be might depend that in doing this, he would neither deceive him in his information, nor mislead him by ill grounded expectations.

The Count then expressed his confidence in these a.s.surances, said he had been well informed of the characters, both of Mr Jay and Mr Carmichael, (who was present at the conference,) and said, that he considered them as _les hommes honnetes_, and that no consideration could have prevailed upon him to have treated with men who did not sustain that reputation.

The Count then proceeded to the second point, viz. with respect to the treaty in contemplation between Spain and America. He began by observing, that he now spoke as a Minister, and as such, that he would be as candid and frank as he had just been speaking as a private man; and that it was always his disposition to do so with those from whom he expected the same conduct. He then proceeded to observe, that there was but one obstacle from which he apprehended any great difficulty in forming a treaty with America, and plainly intimated that this arose from the pretensions of America to the navigation of the Mississippi. He repeated the information, which the Count had received from M. Mirales, that Congress had at one time relinquished that object; that he also knew from the same source, that afterwards they had made it an essential point of the treaty. He expressed his uneasiness on this subject, and entered largely into the views of Spain, with respect to the boundaries. (He mentioned Cape Antonio and Cape ----, and expressed their resolution if possible, of excluding the English entirely from the Gulf of Mexico.) They wished to fix them by a treaty, which he hoped would be perpetual between the two countries. He spoke amply of the King's anxiety, resolution, and firmness on this point, and insinuated a wish that some method might be fallen upon to remove this obstacle. He observed, that the King had received all his impressions with respect to the necessity of this measure, previous to his being in place, and appeared to regard it as a point from which his Majesty would never recede, repeating that, still however he was disposed to give America all the aid in his power, consistent with the situation of his affairs, to distress the common enemy; that this point being insisted on, it would be necessary for the Court of Spain to obtain the most accurate knowledge of local circ.u.mstances, with which he supposed Mr Jay and his const.i.tuents were more fully apprised than his Majesty's Ministers could be. That for this purpose they had already written to the Havana and Louisiana, in order to obtain all the necessary information, which he gave reason to believe they had not yet received. He dwelt on the necessity of this information previous to any treaty, and expressed his own regret, that ways and means could not be found to obviate or overcome this impediment.

Mr Jay here took an opportunity to mention, that many of the States were bounded by that river, and were highly interested in its navigation, but observed that they were equally inclined to enter into any amicable regulations, which might prevent any inconveniences with respect to contraband or other objects, which might excite the uneasiness of Spain.

The Count, still, however, appeared to be fully of opinion, that this was an object that the King had so much at heart, that he would never relinquish it, adding, however, that he hoped some middle way might be hit on, which would pave the way to get over this difficulty, and desired Mr Jay to turn his thoughts and attention to the subject, in which he a.s.sured him he was as well disposed to a.s.sist him, as in the means of procuring the a.s.sistance and succors for America beforementioned; always repeating the King's favorable disposition, his inviolable regard to his promises, &c. &c.

On this subject he also subjoined, that whenever Mr Jay chose to go to Madrid, he desired to have previous notice of it; for in those cases, he would leave his sentiments in writing for him with Mr Carmichael, or, if he should also go to Madrid, that he would then write to Mr Jay there, to which he might return an answer by the _Parle_ (a post which goes to and from Madrid) to Aranjues, every twentyfour hours.

Mr Jay expressed his full confidence in what the Count had done him the honor to communicate to him, and a.s.sured him of his satisfaction and happiness in having the good fortune to transact a business so important to both countries, with a Minister so liberal and candid in his manner of thinking and acting.

The conference ended with much civility on the one part and on the other, and with an intimation from the Count, that he should take an opportunity of having the pleasure of Mr Jay's company at dinner, and of being on that friendly footing on which he wished to be with him.

What pa.s.sed in the course of this conference needs no comment, though it calls for information and instructions. If Congress remains firm, as I have no reason to doubt, respecting the Mississippi, I think Spain will finally be content with equitable regulations, and I wish to know whether Congress would consider any regulations necessary to prevent contraband, as inconsistent with their ideas of free navigation. I wish that as little as possible may be left to my discretion, and that, as I am determined to adhere strictly to their sentiments and directions, I may be favored with them fully, and in season.

The Count de Florida Blanca had upon all occasions treated me with so much fairness, candor, and frankness, that between the confidence due to him and the footing I was and ought to be on with the French Amba.s.sador, I was embarra.s.sed exceedingly, especially as there is little reason to doubt of their being on confidential terms with each other. I was reduced to the necessity, therefore, of acting with exquisite duplicity, a conduct which I detest as immoral, and disapprove as impolitic, or of mentioning my difficulties to the Count, and obtaining his answers. I preferred the latter, and wrote the following letter to the Count de Florida Blanca.

"Aranjues, May 12th, 1780.

"Sir,

"It is with the utmost reluctance, that I can prevail upon myself to draw your Excellency's attention from the great objects that perpetually engage it. But the liberality, frankness, and candor, which distinguished your conduct towards me the last evening, has impressed me with such sentiments of correspondent delicacy, as to place me in a most disagreeable situation.

"Deeply sensible of the benefits received by my country from their ill.u.s.trious ally, prompted by duty and inclination to act not only with the highest integrity, but the greatest frankness towards him and his Minister, and influenced by the good opinion I have imbibed of the talents, attachment, and prudence of the Count de Montmorin, I have given him and his Court a.s.surances that he should receive from me all that confidence, which these considerations dictate. These a.s.surances were sincere; I have most strictly conformed to them, and as no circ.u.mstances of delicacy forbid it, I have communicated to him the information I gave your Excellency relative to American affairs, and the resolution of Congress for drawing bills upon me, these being the only transactions within my knowledge and department, which related to that proposed connexion between Spain and America, for the accomplishment of which, the King of France has been pleased to interpose his kind offices with his Catholic Majesty.

"But, Sir, my feelings will not allow me to permit the confidence due to one gentleman to interfere with that which may be due to another. Honor prescribes limits to each, which no consideration can tempt me to violate. You spoke to me the last evening in the character of a private gentleman, as well as of a public Minister, and in both without reserve. Let me entreat your Excellency therefore to inform me, whether I am to consider your conferences with me, either in the whole or in part, as confidential. I am apprised of the delicacy of this question. I wish I could know your sentiments without putting it. I a.s.sure you my esteem and respect are too sincere and too great, not to make me regret every measure, that can give you an uneasy sensation. On this occasion I am urged by justice to you as well as to myself, and that must be my apology.

"Unpractised in the ways of courts, I rejoice in finding that I am to transact the business committed to me with a gentleman, who adorns his exalted station with virtues as well as talents, and looks down on that system of finesse and chicanery, which, however prevalent, wisdom rejects and probity disapproves.

"With sentiments of attachment and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY."

To this I received the following answer.

Translation.

"Aranjues, May 14th, 1780.

"Sir,

"Sensible of the favorable opinion you are pleased to entertain of my conduct, both as a minister and a private gentleman, I have the honor to a.s.sure you, that on every occasion, you shall experience nothing but frankness and candor on my part. Besides that my own principles are invariable on these points, I am certain thereby to follow the example and good intentions of the King my master.

"The delicacy, which induced you to doubt, whether there would be any impropriety in communicating to the Amba.s.sador of France the explanation we had in the course of our late conference, accords well with the idea I first formed of your character, and I am pleased with this mark of your attention.

Besides, it appears to me that you may do it freely, especially as those explanations are founded on principles of equity and wisdom, for the benefit of the common cause. But if, hereafter, circ.u.mstances demand a more pointed reserve, by accidents we cannot now foresee, we shall always have time to agree upon those points, which it may be necessary to keep secret.

"I am, Sir, with the most sincere attachment, and the most perfect consideration, your most humble and most obedient servant,

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA."

I have not yet received from his Excellency the notes mentioned in the conference, and therefore cannot have the satisfaction of sending copies of them to Congress by this opportunity.

On the 9th of April, 1780, Sir John Dalrymple arrived here from Portugal with his lady. On the evening of the 10th I heard of it, and the next morning sent the following card to the French Amba.s.sador at Aranjues, viz.

"Mr Jay presents his compliments to his Excellency Count Montmorin, and informs him that Sir John Dalrymple arrived here the day before yesterday from Lisbon, and it is said, intends to be at Aranjues today. What business should call this gentlemen here, or enable him to obtain license to come, are questions which I am persuaded will receive from your Excellency all the attention due to their extent and importance.

"_Madrid, May 11th, 1780._"

To this I immediately received the following answer on that subject, viz.

Translation.

"M. de Montmorin received this morning Mr Jay's note, and thanks him for the information. M. de Montmorin is fully sensible of the importance of it, and although he is far from entertaining the least doubt on the sentiments of the Spanish Ministry, he will not fail to take the precaution to be informed of everything connected with Sir John Dalrymple's arrival. He advises Mr Jay to follow the same course. Courts are so beset with intrigues, that nothing should be neglected, which may tend to discover them. He repeats that he has not the slightest cause to suspect the Spanish Ministry, but on the contrary, has the strongest reasons for confiding in its integrity and honor. M. de Montmorin begs Mr Jay to accept his compliments, and to present his respectful homage to Mrs Jay."

Learning that Sir John had obtained leave to go to France in his way to England, I apprised Mr Adams of it in a letter of the 26th of April, 1780, of which the following is an extrac

"Sir John Dalrymple is here; he came from Portugal for the benefit of his lady's health, as is said. He is now at Aranjues. He has seen the Imperial Amba.s.sador, the Governor of the city, Senior Compomanes, the Duke of Alva, and several others named to him I suppose by Lord Grantham, who I find was much respected here. He will return through France to Britain. I shall go to Aranjues the day after tomorrow, and shall form some judgment of that gentleman's success by the conduct of the Court towards America."

On waiting on the Count de Florida Blanca, a few days afterwards at Aranjues, he told me that Sir John had applied to him to obtain from him permission to go through Spain to France, and to the French Minister for a pa.s.sport through that kingdom to England. The indisposition of his lady was the reason a.s.signed for not going from Portugal by water. That in conversation, Sir John took occasion to say several things respecting the war, and the manner of drawing it to a conclusion. That the Count desired him to reduce what he would wish to say on that subject to writing, and that Sir John thereupon sent him a paper, ent.i.tled "A Historical Anecdote," of which the following is a copy.

_A Project of Lord Rochford to prevent the War._

"Before the declaration of France in favor of America, Lord Rochford, formerly Amba.s.sador in Spain and in France, formed a project to prevent the war. It was, that England should propose a great treaty of confederation between France, Spain, Portugal, and England, the objects of which should be the three following; the first, a mutual guarantee between these four powers of their possessions in America and the two Indies, with a proviso, that a war in Europe should never be a war in those remote regions on any pretext whatever, fixing also the number of troops and vessels to be furnished by the contracting powers against the power that should contravene the peace in those distant parts. The second object was, to grant a partic.i.p.ation in the commerce of America to France, Spain, and Portugal, as far as such partic.i.p.ation might not be incompatible with the common interests, and without the rivalship of English America and England. The third object was, the adjustment of the contested privileges of the Americans upon principles just and honorable for them. Lord Rochford was at that time Secretary of State. He told me, that the first person to whom he had communicated this project was the late Prince of Mazarano, Amba.s.sador of Spain, and that though old and indisposed, he arose and embraced him, and said, 'Ah! my Lord, what divinity has inspired you?'

Lord Rochford also communicated it to a friend of his, who was then, and still continues one of the Ministers of the King of England, who gave it his approbation; but Lord Rochford soon after quitted the Ministry and retired to the country, by which accident the project failed of being presented to the cabinet of the King.

"I have given a relation of this anecdote, because I am one of the four or five persons who alone know the truth of it, and because I am of opinion, that it is not yet too late to revive a project, which will save a million of Christians from becoming widows and orphans. As to the first object of such a confederacy, Lord Rochford did not doubt of the proposition's being accepted by all the powers, because it was the interest of all to accept it. The losses of France in the two Indies the last war, and their misfortunes in the East Indies in the present one, where, in six weeks, they have lost all they possessed; the losses of the Spaniards in the last war in the two Indies, and even the stroke the other day in the Bay of Honduras, by a young captain with a handful of soldiers; the facility with which Portugal lost the Island of St Catharine in the Brazils, and the misfortunes of the English armies the three last years in America, all prove that France, Spain, Portugal, and England, have their tender parts in America and the two Indies, and of consequence, that they have all an interest in a mutual guarantee of their possessions in those three parts of the world.

"As to the second object of the confederacy, I am sensible, that the idea of the other three powers partic.i.p.ating in the commerce of America, under the limitation of its not being incompatible with the common interests of English America and England, is an idea somewhat vague, and subject to disputes.

But, fortunately for humanity, there are five persons in those five countries, of characters which render them proper to draw the outlines of some determinate regulations, which will admit of no disputes, and may enrich France, Spain, and Portugal, without impoverishing England and her Colonies. In America there is Doctor Franklin, perhaps the first genius of the age, who is well acquainted with the commercial connexions between America and England; France has her Comptroller-General, who, from his youth, has been brought up in the practice of commerce; in Spain, we find M. Campomanes, who has employed the maturity of his life in studies, that give him a superiority in discussions of this kind; Portugal will be a.s.sisted by the counsels of the Duke of Braganza, who has gathered knowledge in almost every field, in courts, in libraries, and even on the exchanges of the merchants of Europe; and as for England, she has a Minister who, thoroughly versed in the true interests of commerce, will not refuse to America what he has just granted to Ireland.

"As to the third object of the confederation; England, who much boasts of her own _magna charta_, will make no difficulty in granting a _magna charta_ to the liberties of America. Perhaps the best means to expedite this measure would be to give a _carte blanche_ to Dr Franklin. A generous confidence is the surest means to secure a generous man.

Spain has two very solid interests in the success of such a confederacy, and against the independence of America. The first is, that if English America becomes independent, Spanish America will be overrun with the contraband of the Americans thus independent of England. 1. England is bound by treaties with Spain not to carry on the contraband trade. 2.

She is restrained by the fear of this contraband's drawing a war upon her in Europe, which was the consequence of it in the times of Sir Robert Walpole. 3. The dearness of English and European commodities sets natural bounds to the quant.i.ty of this contraband. But when the Americans are independent, they will say, first, they are not bound by the treaties of the English; secondly, they will not be restrained by fear, being so far from Spain, and having defended themselves against eighty thousand English soldiers and marines, they would but little dread the forces of Spain; and thirdly, the low price of American commodities will cover the Spanish Colonies with contraband. Indeed, necessity itself will oblige the Americans either to carry on this contraband, or to make war on Spanish and Portuguese America and their Islands. They have neither gold nor silver among themselves, and without these precious metals, they can neither cultivate their lands nor carry on commerce. They will only have four sources from whence to draw them; first, their commerce with Europe; secondly, pensions from France and Spain; thirdly, a contraband trade with the Provinces of Spain and Portugal in the new world; and fourthly, a war in these Provinces.

"While the Americans continue in a state, which the English call rebellion, their commerce with Europe will be interrupted by English cruisers. Thus they will draw but a small quant.i.ty of these precious metals from this first source. The pensions of France and Spain will be much too inconsiderable to support the agriculture and manufactures of so extensive a country. Their only remaining source then for these metals will be in the contraband, or wars with the Spanish and Portuguese Provinces. To prevent this contraband, the treaty of confederation might make provision against the contraband both of the English and Americans. It is a delicate point for an Englishman to suggest the means, but were the two nations sincerely disposed for peace, I could in a quarter of an hour suggest the infallible means.

"Spain has another interest, perhaps still greater, against the independence of the Americans, and, consequently, in favor of the treaty in question. The Americans, who will be able to fly with their sails wherever they please, will make establishments in New Zealand, the Islands of Otaheite, or some other Islands in the South Sea, from whence they will torment the Spaniards in that sea, and even the English, the French, the Portuguese, and the Dutch, in the East India Seas. Being independent, no treaty will prevent their making such establishments. They may make them consistent with the laws of nations. Captain Cook in his last printed voyages says, there are fortyseven thousand seafaring people in the Island of Otaheite alone; and Captain Wallis, who discovered those Islands, told me at Lisbon a few days ago, that the inhabitants of Otaheite went to the mast-head of the English ships, and ran on the yard-arms as well in three days' time as the English mariners, and gave me two reasons for it. The first was, that living on fish, they are all seafaring people; and the second, that those who wear no shoes are always the most dexterous in mounting the upper parts of a ship. Captain Cook also in the same voyage gives a description of a port and city in New Zealand, which might in a few weeks be made impregnable, and one needs only look at the shape of the Islands in the South Seas, in the maps we have of them, to be convinced that they have no small number of these impregnable ports.

"I show myself as much a friend to Spain, to France, to Portugal and Holland, as to England, in disclosing the following idea, which may have escaped others. Heretofore it was impossible to go to the South Seas with any safety, but in the months of December and January, and by the dreadful lat.i.tudes round Cape Horn. But the late discoveries of Captain Cook and other Englishmen have demonstrated the practicability of going thither in every month of the year, round the Cape of Good Hope, and the fine lat.i.tude of New Zealand, and in almost the same time; the one being a pa.s.sage of four and the other of five months. Because the same west wind, which blows almost the whole of the year, and r.e.t.a.r.ds the vessels pa.s.sing by Cape Horn, carries them with rapidity by the Cape of Good Hope and New Zealand. Hence it follows, that when the Americans quarrel with Spain, perhaps on the subject of the contraband, they will send their ships on the coast of Chili from their establishments in the South Seas, by the lat.i.tudes of New Zealand, and with the west winds, which always blow in that quarter. This is a voyage of only five weeks; for Captain Cook in one voyage, and Captain Fourneaux in another, went from New Zealand to Cape Horn in less time, and the journal of the winds annexed to the voyage of Captain Cook shews, that the west winds in those lat.i.tudes bear to the east the proportion of ten to one. When their vessels are on the coasts of Chili, they will take the advantage of the land wind, which, blowing constantly from south to north, will carry them along the coasts of Chili and Peru. With this wind they will go in fourteen days to the Bay of Panama, and in the course of this voyage they will ravage the sea coasts, and make prizes of all the vessels they meet.