The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VI Part 29

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

On the 23d of April I had the honor of a conference with M. Van Citters, President of their High Mightinesses, to whom I presented the following Memorial.

"High and Mighty Lords;--The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has the honor to inform your High Mightinesses, that he is charged by the instructions of his sovereign to propose to the States-General of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, a treaty of amity and commerce between the two Republics, founded upon the principle of equal and reciprocal advantage, and compatible with the engagements already entered into by the United States with their allies, as also with such other treaties, which they design to form with other powers. The undersigned has therefore the honor to propose, that your High Mightinesses would nominate some person or persons with full power, to confer and treat with him on this important subject.

JOHN ADAMS."

Their High Mightinesses, on the same day, appointed a grand committee to treat, to whom I was introduced with great formality by two n.o.blemen, and before whom I laid a project of a treaty,[7] which I had drawn up conformable to the instructions of Congress. I prayed the gentlemen to examine it, and propose to me their objections, if they should have any, and to propose any further articles, which they should think proper. It has been examined, translated, printed, and sent to the members of the sovereignty.

The greatest part of my time, for several days, has been taken up in receiving and paying of visits, from all the members and officers of government, and of the Court, to the amount of one hundred and fifty or more.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, April 23d, 1782.

Sir,

I ought not to omit to inform Congress, that on the 23d of April, the French Amba.s.sador made an entertainment for the whole Corps Diplomatique, in honor of the United States, at which he introduced their Minister to all the foreign Ministers at this Court.

There is nothing, I suppose, in the whole voluminous ceremonial, nor in all the idle farce of etiquette, which should hinder a Minister from making a good dinner in good company, and therefore I believe they were all present, and I a.s.sure you I was myself as happy as I should have been, if I had been publicly acknowledged a Minister by every one of them; and the Duc de la Vauguyon more than compensated for all the stiffness of some others, by paying more attention to the new brother than to all the old fraternity.

Etiquette, when it becomes too glaring by affectation, imposes no longer either upon the populace or upon the courtiers, but becomes ridiculous to all. This will soon be the case everywhere with respect to American Ministers. To see a Minister of such a State as ---- and ---- a.s.sume a distant mysterious air towards a Minister of the United States, because his Court has not yet acknowledged their independence, when his nation is not half equal to America in any one attribute of sovereignty, is a spectacle of ridicule to any man who sees it.

I have had the honor of making and receiving visits in a private character from the Spanish Minister here, whose behavior has been polite enough. He was pleased to make me some very high compliments upon our success here, which he considers as the most important and decisive stroke which could have been struck in Europe.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTE:

[7] The plan of a treaty sent to Mr Adams by Congress, may be found in the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. p. 378.

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.

Sir,

I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence by Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the Earl of Shelburne.

Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan, will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of necessity.

If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede to the American a.s.sociation, I should think there could be no great difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America, provided our allies also are contented. In a former letter, I hinted that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now be insisted on; but I did not mean, that we should insist upon such an article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true, I may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of obtaining so much. The money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three years; and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers as well as their own national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the brokers in the Republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat to be lent, but what is promised. This is the true cause why we shall not succeed; yet they will seek a hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor and such an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness to obtain the t.i.tle of American banker, is prodigious. Various houses have pretensions, which they set up very high; and let me choose which I will, I am sure of a cry and clamor. I have taken some measures to endeavor to calm the heat, and give general satisfaction, but have as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house that would ensure the money, but none will undertake it, now it is offered, although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me, personally, indifferent which is the house, and the only question is, which will be able to do best for the interests of the United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer. But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiries for a year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much. Enthusiasm, at some time and in some countries, may do a great deal; but there has as yet been no enthusiasm in this country for America, strong enough to untie many purses. Another year if the war should continue, perhaps we may do better.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

The Hague, May 16th, 1782.

Sir,

On the 12th of this month, I removed into the _Hotel des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique_, situated upon the ca.n.a.l, called the Fleweele Burgwal, at the Hague, where I hope the air will relieve my health in some degree from that weak state, to which the tainted atmosphere of Amsterdam has reduced it.

The American cause has gained a signal triumph in this country. It has not persuaded an ancient rival and an avowed natural hereditary enemy to take a part against Great Britain; but it has torn from her bosom an intimate affectionate friend, and a faithful ally, of a hundred years continuance. It has not persuaded an absolute monarchy to follow the dictates of its own glory and interest, and the unanimous wish of the people, by favoring it; but, availing itself only of the still small voice of reason, urging general motives and national interests, without money, without intrigue, without imposing pomp, or more imposing fame, it has prevailed against the utmost efforts of intrigue and corruption, against the almost universal inclination of persons in government, against a formidable band of capitalists and the most powerful mercantile houses in the Republic, interested in English funds, and too deeply leagued in English affairs.

Although these obstacles are overcome so far, as to have obtained an acknowledgment of our independence, yet it is easy to see, that they are not annihilated, and, therefore, we cannot expect to receive such cordial and zealous a.s.sistance, as we might receive, if the government and the people had but one heart.

I wish it were in my power to give Congress, upon this occasion, a.s.surances of a loan of money, but I cannot. I have taken every measure in my power to accomplish it, but I have met with so many difficulties, that I almost despair of obtaining anything. I have found the avidity of friends as great an obstacle as the ill will of enemies, I can represent my situation in this affair of a loan, by no other figure than that of a man in the midst of the ocean negotiating for his life among a shoal of sharks. I am sorry to use expressions, which must appear severe to you; but the truth demands them.

The t.i.tle of American banker, for the sake of the distinction of it, the profit of it, and the introduction to American trade, is solicited with an eagerness beyond description. In order to obtain it, a house will give out great words, and boast of what it can do; but not one will contract to furnish any considerable sum of money; and I certainly know, let them deceive themselves as they will, and deceive as many others as they may by their confident affirmations, that none of them can obtain any considerable sum. The factions that are raised here about it between the French interest, the Republican interest, the Stadtholderian interests, and the Anglomane interest, have been conducted with an indecent ardor, thwarting, contradicting, calumniating each other, until it is easy to foresee the effect will be to prevent us from obtaining even the small sums, that otherwise might have been found. But the true and decisive secret is, there is very little money to be had. The profits of their trade have been annihilated by the English for several years. There is, therefore, no money but the interest of their capitalists, and all this is promised for months and years beforehand, to book-keepers, brokers, and undertakers, who have in hand loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia, Sweden, Denmark, for the States-General, the States of Holland, the States of Friesland, the East and West India Companies, &c. &c. &c.

But the circ.u.mstance, which will be fatal to my hopes at this time, is this; there is just now unexpectedly opened a loan of nine millions for the India Company, under the warranty of the States, in which they have raised the interest one per cent above the ordinary rate. I had obtained an agreement of the undertakers for two millions; but before it was completed, this loan appeared, which frightened the undertakers, so as to induce them to fly off. I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no dependence upon me for money.

There is one subject more, upon which I beg leave to submit a few hints to Congress. It is that of M. Dumas, whose character is so well known to Congress, that I need say nothing of it. He is a man of letters, and of good character; but he is not rich, and his allowance is too small at present for him to live with decency. He has been so long known here to have been in American affairs, although in no public character, that I know of, but that of an agent or correspondent appointed by Dr Franklin, or perhaps by a committee of Congress, that, now our character is acknowledged, it will have an ill effect, if M. Dumas remains in the situation he has been in. To prevent it, in some measure, I have taken him and his family into this house; but I think it is the interest and duty of America, to send him a commission as Secretary to this Legation, and Charge des Affaires, with a salary of five hundred a year sterling, while a Minister is here, and at the rate of a thousand a year, while there is none.

There is another gentleman, whose indefatigable application to the affairs of the United States, and whose faithful friendship for me in sickness and in health, demand of me, by the strongest claims of justice and of grat.i.tude, that I should mention him to Congress, and recommend him to their favor. This gentleman is Mr Thaxter, whose merit, in my opinion, is greater than I dare express.

Edmund Jennings, of Brussels, has honored me with his correspondence, and been often serviceable to the United States, as well as friendly to me. His manners and disposition are very amiable, and his talents equal to any service, and I cannot but wish that it might be agreeable to the views of Congress to give him some mark of their esteem.

How shall I mention another gentleman, whose name, perhaps, Congress never heard, but who, in my opinion, has done more decided and essential service to the American cause and reputation within these last eighteen months, than any other man in Europe.

It is M. A. M. Cerisier, beyond all contradiction one of the greatest historians and political characters in Europe, author of the _Tableau de l'Histoire des Provinces Unies des Pays Bas_, of the _Politique Hollandois_, and many other writings in high esteem. By birth a Frenchman, educated in the University of Paris, but possessed of the most genuine principles and sentiments of liberty, and exceedingly devoted by principle and affection to the American cause. Having read some of his writings, and heard much of his fame, I sought and obtained an acquaintance with him, and have furnished him with intelligence and information in American affairs, and have introduced him to the acquaintance of all the Americans who have come to this country, from whom he has picked up a great deal of true information about our affairs, and, perhaps, some mistakes. His pen has erected a monument to the American cause, more glorious and more durable than bra.s.s or marble. His writings have been read like oracles, and his sentiments weekly echoed and re-echoed in gazettes and pamphlets, both in French and Dutch, for fifteen months. The greatest fault I know in him, is his too zealous friendship for me, which has led him to flatter me with expressions which will do him no honor, however sincerely and disinterestedly they might flow from his heart.

Congress must be very sensible, that I have had no money to lay out in secret services, to pay pensions, to put into the hands of Continental agents, or in any other way, to make friends. I have had no money but my salary, and that has never been paid me without grudging. If I have friends in Europe, they have not most certainly been made by power, nor money, nor any species of corruption, nor have they been made by making promises, or holding out alluring hopes. I have made no promises, nor am under any obligation, but that of private friendship and simple civility to any man, having mentioned such as have been my friends, because they have been friends to the United States, and I have no other in Europe at least, and recommended them to the attention of Congress, as having rendered important services to our country, and able to render still greater. I have done my duty, whatever effect it may have. If some small part of those many millions, which have been wasted by the most worthless of men, could have been applied to the support and encouragement of men of such great value, it would have been much better. It is high time; it is more than time, that a proper discernment of spirits and distinction of characters were made; that virtue should be more clearly distinguished from vice, wisdom from folly, ability from imbecility, and real merit from proud imposing impudence, which, while it pretends to do everything, does nothing but mischief.