The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume VI Part 15

This pet.i.tion, accepted by the Province of Holland, has been rendered commissorial, and sent to the colleges of the Admiralty respectively.

ANOTHER PEt.i.tION,

_From divers Merchants, Bookkeepers, and Owners of Ships of Amsterdam, containing in substance_,

"That the pet.i.tioners having caused their vessels and cargoes, for the most part loaded beforehand, to sail under the escort of the convoy, there has resulted from it on the 5th of August, the famous rencounter between this convoy, commanded by the Vice Admiral Zoutman, and the British Vice Admiral Parker; a rencounter, which in truth had covered the naval forces of the Republic with immortal glory, but at the same time given to commerce a terrible blow, the merchant vessels having seen themselves obliged to return into the ports of the State.

That the pet.i.tioners seeing themselves disappointed of their just and equitable expectation, of being able to obtain an escort sufficient and seasonably ready, found themselves forced to submit to necessity, and consequently to call back their ships, which without running the greatest danger, could not remain longer in their then station; that the pet.i.tioners could not refrain from representing to their High Mightinesses in the most pressing manner, the enormous prejudice which resulted from it to the pet.i.tioners and the freighters of vessels, who, after having for so many months held their vessels and crews ready, must now pay the expense of equipping them, the wages, the monthly pay and subsistence of their crews, as well as all the other charges that result from them.

"But as all these disburs.e.m.e.nts are lost, the pet.i.tioners for the causes alleged, and others particularised in the pet.i.tion, pray that it may please their High Mightinesses to a.s.sign to the pet.i.tioners, and especially to the proprietors and freighters of vessels, a convenient indemnification and sufficient for the cost, damages, and interest borne and suffered, because the said convoy has not set sail; from whence it has resulted, that they have detained the vessels belonging to the pet.i.tioners, who, at the first requisition, are ready to produce the particulars to their High Mightinesses, that it may also please their High Mightinesses to give the necessary orders, to the end that the convoy destined for this purpose may be ready early enough to be able to set sail next spring, even by the month of March, to the end that by accelerating their departure, the loss of time suffered in the current year may be, at least in some degree, compensated, and that there may be an opportunity that the ships which are now in Norway and at Elsinore; supposing they should be obliged to pa.s.s the winter there, may then profit of this convoy for their return. Finally, that they would please to give, concerning all these objects, precise orders, and such as their High Mightinesses may judge the most proper to fulfil the wishes of the pet.i.tioners, and for the greatest utility of commerce."

This pet.i.tion has been rendered commissorial for the respective Admiralties.

ANOTHER PEt.i.tION.

"The undersigned, merchants trading to the Levant, living at Amsterdam and Rotterdam, give respectfully to understand, that the pet.i.tioners acknowledge with the most lively grat.i.tude the paternal care which your High Mightinesses have always manifested for the prosperity of the commerce of the Levant, and particularly the advantages procured to the Belgic navigation by the resolutions of your High Mightinesses of the 21st of May, 1770, and of the first of April, 1776; the first of which authorises the directors of the commerce of the Levant, and of the navigation of the Mediterranean, besides the accustomed imposition of six per cent of freight, to require of all foreign vessels coming from the Levant, five per cent of the value of the effects; and the second of which tends to raise considerably the tariff, after which they always tax the abovementioned effects; which has also fully answered to the salutary end of your High Mightinesses, to wit, to inspire a general aversion in foreign ships to suffer themselves to be employed in the transportation of productions from the Levant into the ports of these countries. But, the situation of the navigation of this country by the unfortunate and cruel war, which the King of England unjustly makes upon our dear country, is in fact entirely changed, and almost entirely interrupted and ruined, in such sort, that by the present impossibility to make use of those ships which have not been taken, business in general, and that of the Levant in particular, is in the deplorable condition, even for the account of neutral foreigners, (for that upon our own account is entirely stopped) either to be wholly abandoned, or to be carried on by the means of foreign vessels.

"The pet.i.tioners think it unnecessary to enumerate, particularly the disadvantages of the first points alleged, that is to say, the abandoning of this commerce, because in all times the considerable importance of the Levant trade has been universally acknowledged, and your High Mightinesses yourselves have always shown that you have been intimately persuaded of it. It is then manifest, that in the present situation of affairs there remains only the second means, which is to employ foreign ships; nevertheless, as the small quant.i.ty of these vessels joined to the inclination on all sides to employ them, has already occasioned an enormous rise of their freights, and since moreover they cannot be ensured, but by paying a premium three times larger than in past times, we encounter here obstacles the most discouraging and invincible, considering, that besides all this, the extraordinary imposition beforementioned of five per cent of the value of the merchandises calculated after the augmented tariff renders almost impracticable this manner of negotiating, and deprives it of all advantage; which in this critical situation of affairs, must ruin absolutely the commerce of the Levant; for since at this time it cannot be carried on, but for the account of neutral foreigners, it is incontestible that their enterprises being in all cases so much confined, they will find themselves in the indispensable necessity to suspend this commerce with us, and to transmit it to other places; besides this, there will be found many foreigners, who for these causes will excuse themselves from remitting to the pet.i.tioners what they justly owe because at present, by the enormous rise of bills of exchange this cannot be effected but by sending merchandises, which still augments and extends, in an aggravating manner, the risk of the pet.i.tioners.

"But finally to ward off this misfortune in season, if possible, the pet.i.tioners take the liberty respectfully to address themselves to your High Mightinesses, praying that you would please, during the course of this war, consequently as long as the Belgic vessels cannot be employed, to exempt the effects, loaded upon foreign ships and coming from the Levant to the ports of this country, from the said extraordinary imposition of five per cent of their value, and that you would also give the same advantages to the merchandises loaded on board the Pisano, a Venetian vessel, commanded by Captain Antonio Ragusin, from Smyrna, and lately arrived at the Texel; to the end that this branch of Commerce, so important, may not perish entirely, and that it may be preserved for the general well-being of the dear country.

"Divers freighters and part owners of vessels, fitted out for the Colony of Surinam, by the proprietors of plantations, merchants, and others interested in this commerce, as well as that of Curacao, have addressed a pet.i.tion to their High Mightinesses, and laid open the "deplorable condition of the two Colonies; that in consequence of the Resolution of the 14th of last June, in virtue of the pet.i.tion, which they then presented, they equipped their vessels with despatch, and that in two months they had put in order a fleet of seventeen vessels, armed with four hundred guns, and manned with twelve hundred men, expecting a suitable convoy; but that several circ.u.mstances having without doubt hindered it from being ready, they pray first, their High Mightinesses, that they would prepare as soon as possible a convenient convoy, to go out with their ships, at a certain day, and conduct them to the West Indies; secondly, that their High Mightinesses, in case of delay, would be so good as to grant them an indemnification; thirdly, that their High Mightinesses, upon the exhibition of a certificate, as it was stipulated by their resolution of the 31st of July last, would be so good as to cause to be given to those who shall have made the armaments required, the bounties which they shall judge convenient, the pet.i.tioners being ready to give convenient sureties, and even to engage their vessels, in case they are not ready to sail at the time appointed."

At the requisition of his Highness, the request has been rendered commissorial in the respective Admiralties.

The representative and the directors of the East India Company have notified to their High Mightinesses, "that their finances are diminished, and that they are in the indispensable necessity of demanding of their High Mightinesses a succor of at least 550,000 florins; adding, that if some favorable change does not take place, they will soon be obliged to have again recourse to their High Mightinesses."

This pet.i.tion has been rendered commissorial.

These papers will sufficiently show Congress how much the trade of this country is affected by the war, and what discontents must arise from it. Yet the British Ministry are amusing the government with their delusive ideas of mediation, armistices, Congresses, peace, and anything to lay them asleep.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, October 23d, 1781.

Dear Sir,

The enclosed resolution will inform you that Congress have thought it advisable to new model their department of foreign affairs, by the appointment of a Secretary, through whose hands the communications with their Ministers abroad are to pa.s.s. Though they did me the honor to elect me so long since as August last, I but lately determined to accept, and did not enter upon business till two days ago, so that you must not expect those minute communications, which I shall think it my duty to make to you when I have had leisure to arrange my department, and to acquaint myself more fully with the sentiments of Congress, which must upon the whole be my direction.

I can only say in general, that we consider your situation as extremely delicate, the state you are in, divided by powerful parties, and the bias that every man has to his own country, naturally gives him a predilection for that which most favors its interests. But this, though the child of virtue, is often the greatest obstacle to successful negotiations; it creates distrust and jealousies; it excites prejudices, which unfit us for conciliating the affections of those whose a.s.sistance we require, and induce too fond a reliance upon the information of those who wish to serve us. Aristocratic governments are, of all others, the most jealous of popular commotions; the rich and the powerful are equally engaged to resist them, and nothing will, in my opinion, so soon contribute to a peace between England and the United Provinces as the commotions which now clog the government of the latter.

You must, Sir, be infinitely better acquainted with the interior of the State you are in than I can pretend to be, and I rely much on your information for light, which I cannot attain here. If I venture to give you my sentiments, it is with the hope that you will correct my errors when I have discovered them by my freedom.

The United Provinces appear to me one of those governments whose very const.i.tution disposes them to peace; the ambition of making conquests, either is or ought to be unknown to them. A war for the extension of commerce is a solecism in politics, since the shocks that the established trade sustains, infinitely overbalance any new accession that may be made by it. War, then, while the true interest of the United Provinces is considered, will be the child of necessity. That necessity happily exists at present, and will exist till Great Britain ceases to be the tyrant of the ocean. We are greatly interested in its continuance; but let us always bear in mind that the moment Great Britain makes the sacrifices, which prudence and justice require, the United Provinces will be drawn by the interest of commerce and the love of peace to close with them. Their acknowledgment of our independence would be an important and a leading object. Success here, and the injustice and cruelty of the British may affect it, but do not let us appear to be dissatisfied if it is delayed. They have a right to judge for themselves; from the very nature of their government, they must be slow in determining. Every appearance of dissatisfaction on our part, gives room to the British to believe the United Provinces disinclined to us, and paves the way to negotiations, which may end in a peace, which we are so much interested in preventing.

Your first object, then, if I may venture my opinion, is to be well with the government; your second, to appear to be so, and to take no measures, which may bring upon you a public affront. You will naturally treat the friends we have with the politeness and attention that they justly merit, and even with that cordiality which your heart must feel for those who wish your country well, but your prudence will suggest to you to avoid giving offence to government, by the appearance of intrigue. I know nothing of the refinements of politics, nor do I wish to see them enter into our negotiations. Dignity of conduct, the resources of our country, and the value of our commerce, must render us respectable abroad. You will not fail to lay the foundation of your alliances in these, by displaying them in the strongest point of view. The spirit of injustice and cruelty, which characterise the English, must also afford you advantages, of which I dare say you avail yourself.

I make no apology for the length or freedom of this; it is of the last importance to you (and I am satisfied you will think it so,) to be intimately acquainted with the sentiments entertained on this side of the water. In return, Sir, you will let me know, minutely, everything that can in any way be of use to us, particularly if either of the belligerent powers takes measures that may tend to establish a partial or general peace. At your leisure, acquaint me with the interior of the government you are in, and everything else interesting, which you may learn relative to others. Remember that Ministers are yet to be formed in this country, and let them want no light, which your situation enables you to afford them.

I would submit it to you, whether it would not be most advisable to spend as much time as possible at the Hague, and to form connexions with the Ministers of the powers not interested in our affairs. They are frequently best informed, because least suspected, and while your public character is unacknowledged, and you can visit without the clog of ceremony, I should conceive it no difficult task to engage the friendship of some among them.

But it is time to let you breathe; this I shall do without closing my letter, reserving the remainder of it for the communication of the most agreeable intelligence you ever received from America. The enclosed prints will announce one important victory to you, and we are in hourly expectation of the particulars of another, which will enable you to open your negotiations this winter with the utmost advantage.

_October 24th._ I congratulate you, Sir, upon the pleasing intelligence which, agreeable to my hopes, I am enabled to convey to you; enclosed you have a letter from General Washington to Congress; the terms granted to Lord Cornwallis, his fleet and army, and the letters that pa.s.sed previous to the surrender of both. I make no comments upon this event, but rely upon your judgment to improve it to the utmost; perhaps, this is the moment in which a loan may be opened with most advantage. The want of money is our weak side, and even in the high day of success we feel its pressure.

As you may not perhaps be fully acquainted with the steps that led to this important victory, I enclose also an extract of my last letter to Dr Franklin. The British fleet consisting of twentysix sail of the line, including three fifties as such, with five thousand land forces, and General Clinton himself on board, sailed the 19th for the relief of Cornwallis. Count de Gra.s.se is also out with thirtyfour sail of the line. I shall keep this open as long as possible, from the hopes of communicating an interesting account of their meeting.

_November 1st._ I am under the necessity of closing this without being able to give you any other account of the fleets, than that the British have not yet returned to New York; nor are we certain that the Count de Gra.s.se has yet left the Chesapeake. If anything in the nature of a Court calendar is published at the Hague, you will be pleased to send me one or two impressions of it, as it may be of use to us.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, October 25th, 1781.

Sir,

I see in the London Courant, which arrived today, an advertis.e.m.e.nt of a translation into English of the address to the people of the Netherlands; so that this work is likely to be translated into all languages, and read by all the world, notwithstanding the placards against it. I have before sent that of Utrecht; that of Holland is as follows.

"The States of Holland and of West Friesland, to all those who shall see these presents, or hear them read, Greeting. As it is come to our knowledge, that notwithstanding the placards and ordinances, from one time to another, issued against the impression and dissemination of seditious and slanderous writings, there has been lately dispersed in various places of this Province, a certain very seditious and slanderous libel, ent.i.tled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, (To the People of the Low Countries) in which the supreme government of this country, his Most Serene Highness, our Lord the Prince Hereditary Stadtholder, as well as his ill.u.s.trious predecessors, to whom under G.o.d, we are indebted for the foundation and maintenance of our Republic, as well as of its liberty, are calumniated in the most scandalous and enormous manner, and in which the good people are invited to an insurrection and to seditious commotions.

"For these causes, being desirous to make provision in this case, without derogating from our former placards against lampoons, and other defamatory and scandalous writings, issued from time to time, and in particular from our renovation of the 18th of January, 1691, and our placard of the 17th of March, 1754, we have thought fit for the discovery of the author or authors of the said seditious and slanderous libel, ent.i.tled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, and of his or their accomplices, to promise a reward of a thousand ryders of gold, (fourteen thousand florins) to him who shall give the necessary indications by which the author, writer, or printer of the said libel, or all those who may have had a part in it in any other manner, may fall into the hands of justice, and may be convicted of the fact; and in case that the informer was an accomplice in it, we declare by these presents, that we will pardon him for whatever upon this occasion he may have done amiss against his sovereign; moreover, he shall also enjoy the reward in question, and his name shall not be pointed out, but kept secret.

"Forbidding, consequently, in the most solemn manner by these presents, every one of what estate, quality or condition soever he may be, to reprint in any manner the said seditious and slanderous libel, to distribute, scatter, or spread it, upon pain of the confiscation of the copies, and a fine of six thousand florins, besides at least, an everlasting banishment from the Province of Holland and West Friesland, which fine shall go, one third to the officer who shall make the seizure; another third to the informer; and the remaining third to the use of the poor of the place where the seizure shall be made. And whereas, some persons, to keep their unlawful practices concealed, may be tempted to pretend, that the libel in question had been addressed to them under a simple cover, they know not by whom, nor from what place, we ordain and decree, that all printers, booksellers, and moreover all and every one, to whom the said seditious and slanderous libel, ent.i.tled _Aan het Volk van Nederland_, may be sent, whether to be sold, given as a present, distributed, lent or read, shall be held to carry it forthwith; and deliver it to the officer or the magistrate of the place of their residence, or of the place where they may receive it, under penalty of being held for disseminators of it, and as such punished in the manner before pointed out. Ordaining most expressly to our Attorney-General, and to all our other officers, to execute strictly and exactly the present placard, according to the form and contents of it, without dissimulation or connivance, under pain of being deprived of their employments. And to the end, that no one may pretend cause of ignorance, but that every one may know how he ought to conduct himself in this regard, we order that these presents be published, and posted up everywhere, where it belongs, and where it is customary to do it.

"Done at the Hague, under the small seal of the country, the 19th of October, 1781. By order of the States.

C. CLOTTERBOOKE."

Such are the severe measures, which this government think themselves bound to take to suppress this libel. They will have, however, a contrary effect, and will make a pamphlet, which otherwise perhaps would have been known in a small circle, familiar to all Europe. The press cannot be restrained; all attempts of that kind in France and Holland are every day found to be ineffectual.

I consider the disputes in the city of Geneva as arising from the progress of democratical principles in Europe. I consider this libel as a demonstration that there is a party here, and a very numerous one, too, who are proselytes to democratical principles. Who and what has given rise to the a.s.suming pride of the people, as it is called in Europe, in every part of which they have been so thoroughly abased?

The American revolution. The precepts, the reasonings, and example of the United States of America, disseminated by the press through every part of the world, have convinced the understanding, and have touched the heart. When I say democratical principles, I do not mean that the world is about adopting simple democracies, for these are impracticable, but mult.i.tudes are convinced that the people should have a voice, a share, and be made an integral part; and that the government should be such a mixture, and such a combination of the powers of one, the few and the many, as is best calculated to check and control each other, and oblige all to co-operate in this one democratical principle, that the end of all government is the happiness of the people; and in this other, that the greatest happiness of the greatest number is the point to be obtained. These principles are now so widely spread, that despotisms, monarchies, and aristocracies must conform to them in some degree in practice, or hazard a total revolution in religion and government throughout all Europe. The longer the American war lasts, the more the spirit of American government will spread in Europe, because the attention of the world will be fixed there, while the war lasts. I have often wondered that the Sovereigns of Europe have not seen the danger to their authority, which arises from a continuance of this war. It is their interest to get it finished, that their subjects may no longer be employed in speculating about the principles of government.

The people of the Seven United Provinces appear to me of such a character, that they would make wild steerage at the first admission to any share in government; and whether any intimations of a desire of change at this time will not divide and weaken the nation, is a problem. I believe rather it will have a good effect, by convincing the government that they must exert themselves for the good of the people, to prevent them from exerting themselves in innovations.

I have the honor to be, &c.