The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume V Part 36

THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781.

Sir,

You will receive herewith enclosed, a commission as Minister Plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, with instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a plan of a treaty with those States,[11] and likewise a resolve of Congress relative to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.[12]

Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will be forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to delay the present despatches on that account.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.

[11] See this commission, the instructions, and the plan of a treaty, in the _Secret Journals, Vol. II. pp. 376 et. seqq._

[12] The following is the resolve of Congress here alluded to.

"In Congress, October 5th, 1780. Her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, attentive to the freedom of commerce and the rights of nations, in her declaration to the belligerent and neutral powers, having proposed regulations, founded upon principles of justice, equity, and moderation, of which their Most Christian and Catholic Majesties, and most of the neutral maritime powers of Europe, have declared their approbation, Congress, willing to testify their regard to the rights of commerce, and their respect for the sovereign who has proposed, and the powers who have approved the said regulations,

"_Resolved_, That the Board of Admiralty prepare, and report instructions for the commanders of armed vessels, commissioned by the United States, conformable to the principles contained in the declaration of the Empress of all the Russias, on the rights of neutral vessels.

"That the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States, if invited thereto, be, and hereby are, respectively empowered to accede to such regulations conformable to the spirit of the said declaration, as may be agreed upon by the Congress expected to a.s.semble, in pursuance of the invitation of her Imperial Majesty."

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781.

Sir,

The mail from London, arrived this morning, brought us, for a new years' entertainment, the following

MANIFESTO.

"George R.--Through the whole course of our reign, our conduct towards the States-General of the United Provinces, has been that of a sincere friend and faithful ally. Had they adhered to those wise principles, which used to govern the Republic, they must have, shown themselves equally solicitous to maintain the friendship, which has so long subsisted between the two nations, and which is essential to the interests of both; but from the prevalence of a faction devoted to France, and following the dictates of that Court, a very different policy has prevailed. The return made to our friendship, for sometime past, has been an open contempt of the most solemn engagements, and a repeated violation of public faith.

"On the commencement of the defensive war, in which we found ourselves engaged by the aggression of France, we showed a tender regard for the interests of the States-General, and a desire of securing to their subjects every advantage of trade, consistent with the great and just principles of our own defence. Our Amba.s.sador was instructed to offer a friendly negotiation, to obviate everything that might lead to disagreeable discussion; and to this offer, solemnly made by him to the States-General the 2d of November, 1778, no attention was paid.

After the number of our enemies was increased by the aggression of Spain, equally unprovoked with that of France, we found it necessary to call upon the States-General for the performance of their engagements. The 5th article of the perpetual defensive alliance between our Crown and the States-General, concluded at Westminster, the 3d of March, 1678, besides the general engagement for succors, expressly stipulates, 'That that party of the two allies that is not attacked, shall be obliged to break with the aggressor in two months after the party attacked shall require it.' Yet two years have pa.s.sed, without the least a.s.sistance given to us, without a single syllable in answer to our repeated demands. So totally regardless have the States been of their treaties with us, that they readily promised our enemies to observe a neutrality in direct contradiction to those engagements, and whilst they have withheld from us the succors they were bound to furnish, every secret a.s.sistance has been given to the enemy; and inland duties have been taken off, for the sole purpose of facilitating the carriage of naval stores to France.

"In direct and open violation of treaty, they suffered an American pirate to remain several weeks in one of their ports, and even permitted a part of his crew to mount guard in a fort in the Texel.

"In the East Indies, the subjects of the States-General in concert with France, have endeavored to raise up enemies against us. In the West Indies, particularly at St Eustatia, every protection and a.s.sistance has been given to our rebellious subjects. Their privateers are openly received in the Dutch harbors, allowed to refit there, supplied with arms and ammunition, their crews recruited, their prizes brought in and sold; and all this in direct violation of as clear and solemn stipulations as can be made.

"This conduct, so inconsistent with all good faith, so repugnant to the sense of the wisest part of the Dutch nation, is chiefly to be ascribed to the prevalence of the leading magistrates of Amsterdam, whose secret correspondence with our rebellious subjects was suspected long before it was made known by the fortunate discovery of a treaty, the first article of which is, 'That there shall be a firm, inviolable, and universal peace and sincere friendship between their High Mightinesses the Estates of the Seven United Provinces of Holland, and the United States of North America, and the subjects and people of the said parties; and between the countries, islands, cities, and towns, situated under the jurisdiction of the said United States of Holland, and the United States of America, and the people and inhabitants thereof, of every degree, without exception of persons or places.[13]

[13] See the whole of this treaty in William Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 313.

"This treaty was signed in September, 1778, by the express order of the Pensionary of Amsterdam, and other princ.i.p.al magistrates of that city. They now not only avow the whole transaction, but glory in it, and expressly say, even to the States-General, that what they did was what their indispensable duty required. In the meantime, the States-General declined to give any answer to the Memorial presented by our Amba.s.sador; and this refusal was aggravated by their proceeding upon other business, nay, upon the consideration of this very subject to internal purposes; and while they found it impossible to approve the conduct of their subjects, they still industriously avoided to give us the satisfaction so manifestly due. We had every right to expect, that such a discovery would have roused them to a just indignation at the insult offered to us and to themselves, and that they would have been eager to give us full and ample satisfaction for the offence, and to inflict the severest punishment upon the offenders. The urgency of the business made an instant answer essential to the honor and safety of this country. The demand was accordingly pressed by our Amba.s.sador, in repeated conferences with the Ministers, and in a second Memorial; it was pressed with all the earnestness, that could proceed from our ancient friendship, and the sense of recent injuries; and the answer now given to a Memorial on such a subject, presented more than five weeks ago, is, that the States have taken it _ad referendum_. Such an answer, upon such an occasion could only be dictated by the fixed purpose of hostility meditated and already resolved by the States, induced by the offensive Councils of Amsterdam, thus to countenance the hostile aggression, which the magistrates of that city have made in the name of the Republic.

"There is an end of the faith of all treaties with them, if Amsterdam may usurp the sovereign power, may violate these treaties with impunity, by pledging the States to engagements directly contrary, and leaguing the Republic with the rebels of a sovereign to whom she is bound by the closest ties. An infraction of the law of nations, by the meanest member of any country, gives the injured State a right to demand satisfaction and punishment; how much more so, when the injury complained of is a flagrant violation of public faith, committed by leading and predominant members of the State? Since then the satisfaction we have demanded is not given, we must, though most reluctantly, do ourselves that justice, which we cannot otherwise obtain.

"We must consider the States-General as parties in the injury, which they will not repair, as sharers in the aggression, which they refuse to punish, and must act accordingly. We have, therefore, ordered our Amba.s.sador to withdraw from the Hague, and shall immediately pursue such vigorous measures as the occasion fully justifies, and our dignity and the essential interest of our people require. From a regard to the Dutch nation at large, we wish it were possible to direct those measures wholly against Amsterdam; but this cannot be, unless the States-General will immediately declare, that Amsterdam shall upon this occasion receive no a.s.sistance from them, but be left to abide the consequences of its aggression.

"Whilst Amsterdam is suffered to prevail in the general councils, and is backed by the strength of the State, it is impossible to resist the aggression of so considerable a part, without contending with the whole. But we are too sensible of the common interests of both countries not to remember, in the midst of such a contest, that the only point to be aimed at by us, is to raise a disposition in the Councils of the Republic to return to our ancient union, by giving us that satisfaction for the past, and security for the future, which we shall be as ready to receive, as they can be to offer, and to the attainment of which we shall direct all our operations. We mean only to provide for our own security by defeating the dangerous designs that have been formed against us. We shall ever be disposed to return to friendship with the States-General, when they sincerely revert to that system, which the wisdom of their ancestors formed, and which has now been subverted by a powerful faction, conspiring with France against the true interests of the Republic, no less than against those of Great Britain.

"St James, December 20th, 1780."

"At the Court at St James, the 20th of December, 1780.

"Present,--The King's most Excellent Majesty in Council.

"His Majesty having taken into consideration the many injurious proceedings of the States-General of the United Provinces and their subjects, as set forth in his Royal Manifesto of this date, and being determined to take such measures as are necessary for vindicating the honor of his Crown, and for procuring reparation and satisfaction, is pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the ships, goods, and subjects of the States-General of the United Provinces, so that, as well his Majesty's fleet and ships, as also all other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, shall, and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their subjects, or others, inhabiting within any of the territories of the aforesaid States-General, and bring the same to judgment in any of the Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions. And to that end, his Majesty's Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons by them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, and their va.s.sals and subjects, or any inhabiting within the countries, territories, or dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's said Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and the Lieutenant and judge of said Court, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, to take cognisance of, and judicially proceed upon all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, and reprisals of all ships and goods that are, or shall be taken, and to hear and determine the same; and according to law to judge and condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall belong to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their va.s.sals and subjects, or to any others inhabiting within any of the countries, territories, and dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers and clauses be inserted in said commission as have been usual, and are according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and lay before his Majesty at this Board, a draft of such instructions as may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance herein; as also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be commissioned for the purposes aforementioned."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781.

Sir,

Notwithstanding the influence of the English nation, notwithstanding the influence of old prejudices and habits, notwithstanding the apprehensions that are entertained for immense sums in the English funds, and for the sudden destruction of an innumerable navigation at the commencement of a war; and above all, notwithstanding the authority and influence of the Stadtholder, I am confidently a.s.sured by several gentlemen, that the national opinion and affection is with us. The Baron Van der Capellan, with whom I have the honor of an agreeable acquaintance, is of opinion, that four fifths of the nation wish us success in our enterprise.

The symptoms of popularity in this city are decisive. The Sunday before last, in the Presbyterian meeting, the parson, beginning as usual to pray for the King of England, was absolutely interrupted by a general murmur. On Christmas day, he attempted to repeat his imprudence, and was interrupted by still greater confusion; so that last Sunday he had learned discretion to leave out wholly this offensive clause. On the evening of new year's day, at the theatre, the public were entertained with the national tragedy, as it is called, _Gysbrecht Van Amstel_, after which the actors, as is customary, addressed the audience. There were many strokes in this address, which sufficiently indicated the spirit of the times, particularly a solemn injunction, that "they must not be slaves," and a quotation from a very popular song, with which the streets have rung these ten days, which were deeply and universally applauded.

The presses swarm with pamphlets, handbills, songs, and poems, generally much against the English, and commonly with some favorable hints to Americans. The conversation in private families, and the toasts in jovial circles, indicate a tremendous spirit in the body of this people, which, if once let loose from restraint, and properly directed, would make this nation the worst enemy that England ever had. It is essential to attend to these symptoms of popularity at this time, and in this country, because it is manifest, that the whole system of the English, in concert with their faction in the Republic, is now bent to excite the populace against the burgomasters of Amsterdam. They succeeded in 1748, and accomplished a change in the Regency. If they could succeed in the same manner now, they would change the political system of this nation entirely, and by this means, in the present situation of affairs in Europe and America, it is plain, they would work its entire and irretrievable ruin.

Yet the course is so circuitous, to apply to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, to induce them to join in demanding satisfaction of England, the shocks upon 'Change will be so great, by the sudden capture of so many ships, so many ensurers, merchants, &c. will be ruined, and there will be so many arts to divide and discourage this people, that I cannot pretend to foresee what will happen. The confusion is yet so great, that I have no hopes at present of obtaining money. There must be time for the fermentation to go off; and the quarrel with England must become in the minds of all irreconcilable, before we can try the experiment whether we have any credit or not.

If Congress should think proper to send powers here to treat with the States-General, I beg leave to submit to their consideration the case of M. Dumas. He was early employed in our affairs here, has neglected all other business, has been attentive and industrious, and is a gentleman of extensive learning and amiable character. I believe he is not ambitious or avaricious, but moderate in his expectations. Whoever shall be honored with powers from Congress to reside here would find his a.s.sistance useful, for he is much devoted to the American cause; I hope, therefore, that Congress will pardon me if I venture to recommend him to their attention.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781.

Sir,