The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution Volume IV Part 42

You will be pleased to make my most respectful compliments to the members of Congress, and believe me, with great esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Braintree, October 17th, 1779.

My Dear Sir,

What shall I say to your favors of the 27th and 28th of September, which came by the last post? The unanimity of my election surprises me, as much as the delicacy, importance, and danger of the trust distress me. The appointment of Mr Dana to be Secretary pleases me more than my own to be Minister, Commissioner, Negotiator, call it what you will. I have communicated to him your letters in confidence, and all other material intelligence I had, and hope he will not decline, but you know the peculiarities of his situation, and if he should refuse, I hope you will not force your name out of nomination again. I did not suppose that such characters would be willing to go as Secretaries, because I did not know your plan, otherwise I should not have mentioned Mr Jennings to Mr Gerry for one to Dr Franklin.

Your mastery of the language, and your indefatigability, would make you infinitely useful in any of these departments.

I rejoice that you produced my letter to the Count de Vergennes and his answer before the choice, because it contained a testimony in favor of Mr Lee, which was his due.[49] I am very much affected at his recall, because I know his merit, and, therefore, I am glad I was not placed in his stead, for suspicions would have arisen, and reflections would have been cast upon me, as having favored his removal in order to make room, which I certainly did not. I am infinitely obliged to you for those letters, and for that received the post before last, but I really tremble for your health. Let me entreat you, for the sake of our country, to take care of it. If I was to apply myself as you do, I should soon go to study politics in another sphere. Yet I am so selfish as to beg the continuance of your favors to me, and I pledge myself to you, I will not be in debt any more than may be made by the intrinsic difference in the value of the letters, which will be unavoidable.

I thank you for the extract from Mr Izard's letter. I am not a little surprised at its contents. It was written, I see, to his friend, and I suppose intended in confidence. I am fully persuaded he did not intend, that the whole should have been laid before Congress.[50] I utterly deny that I ever used to him any such language, as the indecent paragraph that closes what he says about me. Indeed, that is manifestly his own inference, and in his own words, from what he says he had heard me say, and he draws the same from what Dr Franklin and Mr Deane had said upon the same subject. I further deny that I ever _threatened_ him with the displeasure of Congress, for writing his opinion concerning these articles to Congress, or for suggesting them to the Commissioners. But to enter into all the conversations that have pa.s.sed between Mr Izard and me respecting those articles, and many other points in order to give a full and fair representation of those conversations, would fill a small volume. Yet there never was any angry or rude conversation between him and me, that I can recollect. I lived with him on good terms, visited him and he me, dined with his family, and his family with me, and I ever told him, and repeated it often, that I should be always obliged to him for his advice, opinions, and sentiments upon any American subject, and that I should always give it its due weight, although I did not think myself bound to follow it any further than it seemed to me to be just. As Congress have declined giving me the charges against me by their authority, and have, upon the whole, acquitted me with so much splendor, it would look like a littleness of soul in me to make myself anxious, or give them any further trouble about it. And as I have in general so good an opinion of Mr Izard's attachment to his country, and of his honor, I shall not think myself bound to take any further notice of this fruit of his inexperience in public life, this peevish ebullition of the rashness of his temper. I have written a few other observations to Mr Gerry on the same subject. You and he will compare these with them for your private satisfaction, but be sure that they are not exposed where they will do harm to the public, to Mr Izard, or me, unnecessarily.

If I should go abroad, cannot you lend me twenty or thirty complete sets of the journals? They are much wanted in Europe. A set of them is a genteel present, and perhaps would do me and the public more service than you are aware of. If Congress, or some Committee would order it, I should be very glad.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[49] See these letters in Arthur Lee's Correspondence, Vol. II. pp.

224, 227.

[50] See Izard's Correspondence, Vol. II. p. 434.

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 19th, 1779.

Sir,

I had in Paris an opportunity of procuring information concerning the British whale fishery on the coast of Brazil, which it is proper to communicate to Congress, that if any advantage can be made of it the opportunity may not be lost.

The last year and the year before the English carried on this fishery to very great advantage, off the river Plate in South America, in the lat.i.tude of 35 south, and from thence to 40, just on the edge of soundings, off and on, as the sailors express it, and about longitude 65 from London. They had about seventeen vessels in this fishery, which all sailed from London in the months of September and October.

All the officers and men Americans from Nantucket and Cape Cod, two or three from Rhode Island, and one from Long Island. Four or five of these vessels went to Greenland, to which place they sail yearly, the last of February or the beginning of March.

The year before last, there was published in the English newspapers, a letter from the Lords of the Admiralty to Dennis de Bredt, in Coleman Street, informing him, that a convoy should be appointed to the Brazil fleet. But this I had certain information was a forgery, calculated merely to deceive American privateers, and no convoy actually went or was appointed, either last year or the year before, although the imposture was repeated both times, and will no doubt be renewed this.

For the capture or destruction of a fishery so wholly defenceless, not one of the vessels having any arms, a single frigate, or indeed a privateer of four and twenty guns, would be sufficient. The beginning of December would be the best time to proceed from Boston or Philadelphia, because the frigate would then find the whaling vessels nearly loaded. The cargoes of bone and oil are very valuable, and at least four hundred and fifty of the best kind of seamen would be taken out of the hands of the English, and might be gained into the American service. Most of the officers and men wish well to this country, and would gladly be in its service, if they could be delivered from that they are engaged in. Whenever the English men of war or privateers, have taken an American vessel, they have given to all the whalemen found among the crew, by order of government, their choice, either to go on board a man of war and fight against their country, or into the whale fishery. Such numbers have chosen the latter, as have made up the crews of seventeen vessels.

I thought it my duty to communicate this, that if so profitable a branch of commerce, and so valuable a nursery of seamen, can be taken from the English, it may be done. I prevailed with my colleagues last year to represent these facts to his Excellency, M. de Sartine, but it appears that his Majesty's service would not admit of any enterprise from France in consequence of it. Since my return I have represented them to the Council of this State, but whether anything can be done by them, after the disaster at Pen.o.bscot, I doubt. If Congress should not deem it consistent with the public service to send a frigate upon this service, nothing will be lost but the trouble of this letter.

I have the honor to congratulate your Excellency on your advancement to the chair, and to subscribe myself with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 20th, 1779.

Sir,

M. Schweighauser of Nantes, who is a native of Switzerland, observing me as I was one day at his house looking with some attention upon a stamp of the heroic deed of William Tell, asked me to take a few of them to America, as a present from him, which I agreed to do with pleasure. He accordingly sent on board the frigate a box containing, as he told me, one stamp for each State, neatly framed and glazed, which he desired me to present to Congress, as a small token of his respect. The box has never been opened, but I hope the pictures are safe, and with permission of Congress I will deliver it to the Navy Board in Boston, to be by them transmitted to the delegates from the several States, or to their order.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, October 21st, 1779.

Sir,

So many advantages might be derived to the United States in the conduct of the war, in furnishing the army and navy, in augmenting the value, or at least in preventing the further depreciation of their currency, in lowering the prices of goods, in supplying the wants of the people, and in preventing murmurs and discontents, that I have ever thought it of very great importance, in some way or other, to procure convoys to their trade, to and from the West India Islands, and Europe.

France and Spain have such advantages of England in carrying on the war in the American seas, and would receive such a.s.sistance from our commerce, privateers, and growing navy, that I have ever thought it a main principle of their policy to maintain a constant and decided superiority of naval power in the West Indies, and upon the coasts of this continent. I would, therefore, with due deference to the superior wisdom of Congress, beg leave to submit to their consideration, whether it would not be expedient for them, either by a direct representation from themselves to the French and Spanish Courts, or by instructions to their Plenipotentiary Ministers, to convince those Courts, that their true interest lies in adopting this plan. It is certainly their interest, reasoning upon French and Spanish principles simply, to conduct this war in such a manner as has a tendency in the shortest time, and with the least expense, to diminish the power of their enemies, and increase their own. Now I would submit it to Congress whether it may not be easily demonstrated, that these ends may be obtained the most easily in this way. A representation from Congress, either directly or by instructions to their Ministers, showing what a.s.sistance in provisions, artists, materials, vessels of war, privateers, land armies, or in any other way, France and Spain might depend upon receiving from these States, either for money or as the exertions of an ally, would have great weight.

Much has been already said to the French Ministry upon these subjects, and not wholly without effect; yet much more may be said to greater advantage, and perhaps to better purpose, for they are extremely well disposed to do what can be made to appear to them for the advantage of the common cause.

I have the honor to enclose some papers on this subject. One is a letter from the Commissioners to his Excellency the Count de Vergennes, which he received the beginning of January last,[51] the other is a letter from me to the Marquis de Lafayette[52] in February, with his answer.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

FOOTNOTES:

[51] See the Correspondence of the Commissioners in France, Vol. I. p.

500.

[52] See above, p. 295. The answer of M. de Lafayette is missing.

TO HENRY LAURENS.