The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War after the Conquest of Canada Part 20

"Detroit, Aug. 8th, 1763.

"On the 31st, Captain Dalyell Requested, as a particular favor, that I would give him the Command of a Party, in order to Attempt the Surprizal of Pontiac's Camp, under cover of the Night, to which I answered that I was of opinion he was too much on his Guard to Effect it; he then said he thought I had it in my power to give him a Stroke, and that if I did not Attempt it now, he would Run off, and I should never have another Opportunity; this induced me to give in to the Scheme, contrary to my Judgement."]

[Footnote 248: Penn. Gaz. No. 1811.]

[Footnote 249: Detail of the Action of the 31st of July. See Gent. Mag. x.x.xIII. 486.]

[Footnote 250: Penn. Gaz. No. 1811.]

[Footnote 251: Many particulars of the fight at the house of Campau were related to me, on the spot, by John R. Williams, Esq., of Detroit, a connection of the Campau family.]

[Footnote 252: MS. Letters--MacDonald to Dr. Campbell, Aug. 8. Gage to Lord Halifax, Oct. 12. Amherst to Lord Egremont, Sept. 3. Meloche's Account, MS. Gouin's Account, MS. St. Aubin's Account, MS. Peltier's Account, MS. Maxwell's Account, MS., etc. In the Diary of the Siege is the following, under date of August 1st: "Young Mr. Campo (Campau) brought in the Body of poor Capt. Dalyel (Dalzell) about three o'clock to-day, which was mangled in such a horrid Manner that it was shocking to human nature; the Indians wip'd his Heart about the Faces of our Prisoners."]

[Footnote 253: MS. Letter--Gladwyn to Amherst, Sept. 9. Carver, 164. Relation of the Gallant Defence of the Schooner near Detroit, published by order of General Amherst, in the New York papers. Penn. Gaz. No. 1816. MS. Letter--Amherst to Lord Egremont, Oct. 13. St. Aubin's Account, MS. Peltier's Account, MS. Relation of some Transactions at the Detroit in Sept. and Oct. 1763, MS.

The Commander-in-chief ordered a medal to be struck and presented to each of the men. Jacobs, the mate of the schooner, appears to have been as rash as he was brave; for Captain Carver says, that several years after, when in command of the same vessel, he was lost, with all his crew, in a storm on Lake Erie, in consequence of having obstinately refused to take in ballast enough.

As this affair savors somewhat of the marvellous, the following evidence is given touching the most remarkable features of the story. The doc.u.ment was copied from the archives of London.

Extract from "A Relation of the Gallant Defence made by the Crew of the Schooner on Lake Erie, when Attacked by a Large Body of Indians; as Published by Order of Sir Jeffrey Amherst in the New York Papers."

"The Schooner Sailed from Niagara, loaded with Provisions, some time in August last: Her Crew consisted of the Master and Eleven Men, with Six Mohawk Indians, who were Intended for a particular Service. She entered the Detroit River, on the 3^{d} September; And on the 4^{th} in the Morning, the Mohawks seemed very Desirous of being put on Sh.o.r.e, which the Master, very Inconsiderately, agreed to. The Wind proved contrary all that Day; and in the Evening, the Vessell being at Anchor, about Nine o'clock, the Boatswain discovered a Number of Canoes coming down the River, with about Three Hundred and Fifty Indians; Upon which the Bow Gun was Immediately Fired; but before the other Guns could be brought to Bear, the Enemy got under the Bow and Stern, in Spite of the Swivels & Small Arms, and Attempted to Board the Vessell; Whereupon the Men Abandoned their Small Arms, and took to their Spears, with which they were provided; And, with Amazing Resolution and Bravery, knocked the Savages in the Head; Killed many; and saved the Vessell.... It is certain Seven of the Savages were Killed on the Spot, and Eight had Died of those that were Wounded, when the Accounts came away. The Master and One Man were Killed, and four Wounded, on Board the Schooner, and the other Six brought her Safe to the Detroit."

It is somewhat singular that no mention is here made of the command to blow up the vessel. The most explicit authorities on this point are Carver, who obtained his account at Detroit, three years after the war, and a letter published in the Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 1816. This letter is dated at Detroit, five days after the attack. The circ.u.mstance is also mentioned in several traditional accounts of the Canadians.]

[Footnote 254: This description is drawn from traditional accounts aided by a personal examination of the spot, where the stumps of the pickets and the foundations of the houses may still be traced.]

[Footnote 255: MS. Journal of Lieutenant Gorell, commanding at Green Bay, 1761-63.]

[Footnote 256: Carver, Travels, 29.]

[Footnote 257: Many of these particulars are derived from memoranda furnished by Henry R. Schoolcraft, Esq.]

[Footnote 258: Henry, Travels, 45.]

[Footnote 259: This appears from the letters of Captain Etherington. Henry states the number at ninety. It is not unlikely that he meant to include all the inhabitants of the fort, both soldiers and Canadians, in his enumeration.]

[Footnote 260: The above is Henry's date. Etherington says, the second.]

[Footnote 261: MS. Letter--Etherington to Gladwyn, June 12. See Appendix, C.]

[Footnote 262: CHARLES LANGLADE, who is praised by Etherington, though spoken of in equivocal terms by Henry, was the son of a Frenchman of good family and an Ottawa squaw. He was born at Mackinaw in 1724, and served with great reputation as a partisan officer in the old French war. He and his father, Augustin Langlade, were the first permanent settlers within the present State of Wisconsin. He is said to have saved Etherington and Leslie from the torture. See the Recollections of Augustin Grignon, his grandson, in Collections of the Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, III. 197.]

[Footnote 263: This name is commonly written p.a.w.nee. The tribe who bore it lived west of the Mississippi. They were at war with many surrounding nations, and, among the rest, with the Sacs and Foxes, who often brought their prisoners to the French settlements for sale. It thus happened that p.a.w.nee slaves were to be found in the princ.i.p.al families of Detroit and Michillimackinac.]

[Footnote 264: MS. Letter--Etherington to Gladwyn, June 28.]

[Footnote 265: Henry, Travels, 102. The authenticity of this very interesting book has never been questioned. Henry was living at Montreal as late as the year 1809. In 1797 he, with others, claimed, in virtue of Indian grants, a large tract of land west of the River Cuyahoga, in the present State of Ohio. A letter from him is extant, dated in April of that year, in which he offers this land to the Connecticut Land Company, at one-sixth of a dollar an acre.]

[Footnote 266: Tradition, preserved by Henry Conner. See also Schoolcraft, Algic Researches, II. 159.

"Their tradition concerning the name of this little island is curious. They say that Michapous, the chief of spirits, sojourned long in that vicinity. They believed that a mountain on the border of the lake was the place of his abode, and they called it by his name. It was here, say they, that he first instructed man to fabricate nets for taking fish, and where he has collected the greatest quant.i.ty of these finny inhabitants of the waters. On the island he left spirits, named Imakinakos; and from these aerial possessors it has received the appellation of Michillimakinac.

"When the savages, in those quarters, make a feast of fish, they invoke the spirits of the island, thank them for their bounty, and entreat them to continue their protection to their families. They demand of them to preserve their nets and canoes from the swelling and destructive billows, when the lakes are agitated by storms. All who a.s.sist in the ceremony lengthen their voices together, which is an act of grat.i.tude. In the observance of this duty of their religion, they were formerly very punctual and scrupulous; but the French rallied them so much upon the subject, that they became ashamed to practise it openly."--Heriot, Travels in Canada, 185.]

[Footnote 267: The following description of Minavavana, or the Grand Sauteur, who was the leader of the Ojibwas at the ma.s.sacre of Michillimackinac, is drawn from Carver's Travels:-- "The first I accosted were Chipeways, inhabiting near the Ottowaw lakes; who received me with great cordiality, and shook me by the hand, in token of friendship. At some little distance behind these stood a chief remarkably tall and well made, but of so stern an aspect that the most undaunted person could not behold him without feeling some degree of terror. He seemed to have pa.s.sed the meridian of life, and by the mode in which he was painted and tatowed, I discovered that he was of high rank. However, I approached him in a courteous manner, and expected to have met with the same reception I had done from the others; but, to my great surprise, he withheld his hand, and looking fiercely at me, said, in the Chipeway tongue, 'Cawin nishishin saganosh,' that is, 'The English are no good.' As he had his tomahawk in his hand, I expected that this laconick sentence would have been followed by a blow; to prevent which I drew a pistol from my belt, and, holding it in a careless position, pa.s.sed close by him, to let him see I was not afraid of him.... Since I came to England, I have been informed, that the Grand Sautor, having rendered himself more and more disgustful to the English by his inveterate enmity towards them, was at length stabbed in his tent, as he encamped near Michillimackinac, by a trader."--Carver, 96.]

[Footnote 268: Carver, Travels, 47.]

[Footnote 269: Gorell, Journal, MS. The original ma.n.u.script is preserved in the library of the Maryland Historical Society, to which it was presented by Robert Gilmor, Esq.]

[Footnote 270: Gorell, Journal, MS.]

[Footnote 271: There was a cl.u.s.ter of log houses even around Fort Ligonier, and a trader named Byerly had a station at Bushy Run.]

[Footnote 272: The authorities for the foregoing topographical sketch are drawn from the Pennsylvania Historical Collections, and the Olden Time, an excellent antiquarian work, published at Pittsburg; together with various maps, plans, and contemporary papers.]

[Footnote 273: Gordon, Hist. Pa. 622. MS. Letter--Ecuyer to Bouquet, 29 May, 1763.]

[Footnote 274: MS. Letter--Bouquet to Amherst, June 5.

Extract from a letter--Fort Pitt, May 31 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1798).

"We have most melancholy Accounts here--The Indians have broke out in several Places, and murdered Colonel Clapham and his Family; also two of our Soldiers at the Saw-mill, near the Fort, and two Scalps are taken from each man. An Indian has brought a War-Belt to Tuscarora, and says Detroit is invested; and that St. Dusky is cut off, and Ensign Pawley made Prisoner--Levy's Goods are stopt at Tuscarora by the Indians--Last Night Eleven men were attacked at Beaver Creek, eight or nine of whom, it is said, were killed--And Twenty-five of Macrae's and Alison's Horses, loaded with Skins, are all taken."

Extract from a MS. Letter--Ecuyer to Bouquet.

"Fort Pitt, 29th May, 1763.

"Just as I had finished my Letter, Three men came in from Clapham's, with the Melancholy News, that Yesterday, at three O'clock in the Afternoon, the Indians Murdered Clapham, and Every Body in his House: These three men were out at work, & Escaped through the Woods. I Immediately Armed them, and sent them to a.s.sist our People at Bushy Run. The Indians have told Byerly (at Bushy Run) to Leave his Place in Four Days, or he and his Family would all be murdered: I am Uneasy for the little Posts--As for this, I will answer for it."

The above is a contemporary translation. The original, which is before me, is in French, like all Ecuyer's letters to Bouquet.]

[Footnote 275: Copy of intelligence brought to Fort Pitt by Mr. Calhoun, MS.]

[Footnote 276: M'Cullough gives the following account of the murder of another of the traders, named Green:-- "About sunrise, Mussoughwhese (an Indian, my adopted brother's nephew, known by the name of Ben d.i.c.kson, among the white people), came to our house; he had a pistol and a large scalping-knife, concealed under his blanket, belted round his body. He informed Kettoohhalend (for that was my adopted brother's name), that he came to kill Tom Green; but Kettoohhalend endeavoured to persuade him off it. They walked out together, and Green followed them, endeavouring, as I suppose, to discover the cause of the alarm the night before; in a short time they returned to the house, and immediately went out again. Green asked me to bring him his horse, as we heard the bell a short distance off; he then went after the Indians again, and I went for the horse. As I was returning, I observed them coming out of a house about two hundred yards from ours; Kettoohhalend was foremost, Green in the middle; I took but slight notice of them, until I heard the report of a pistol; I cast my eyes towards them, and observed the smoke, and saw Green standing on the side of the path, with his hands across his breast; I thought it had been him that shot; he stood a few minutes, then fell on his face across the path. I instantly got off the horse, and held him by the bridle,--Kettoohhalend sunk his pipe tomahawk into his skull; Mussoughwhese stabbed him under the armpit with his scalping-knife; he had shot him between the shoulders with his pistol. The squaws gathered about him and stripped him naked, trailed him down the bank, and plunged him into the creek; there was a freshet in the creek at the time, which carried him off. Mussoughwhese then came to me (where I was holding the horse, as I had not moved from the spot where I was when Green was shot), with the b.l.o.o.d.y knife in his hand; he told me that he was coming to kill me next; he reached out his hand and took hold of the bridle, telling me that that was his horse; I was glad to parley with him on the terms, and delivered the horse to him. All the Indians in the town immediately collected together, and started off to the Salt Licks, where the rest of the traders were, and murdered the whole of them, and divided their goods amongst them, and likewise their horses."]

[Footnote 277: Gent. Mag. x.x.xIII. 413. The loss is here stated at the greatly exaggerated amount of 500,000.]

[Footnote 278: Loskiel, 99.]

[Footnote 279: Heckewelder, Hist. Ind. Nat. 250.]

[Footnote 280: Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 1799. I shall frequently refer to the columns of this journal, which are filled with letters, and extracts from letters, written at different parts of the frontier, and containing very minute and authentic details of the events which daily occurred.]

[Footnote 281: Extract from a Letter--Fort Pitt, June 16, 1763 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1801).

"We have Alarms from, and Skirmishes with, the Indians every Day; but they have done us little Harm as yet. Yesterday I was out with a Party of Men, when we were fired upon, and one of the Serjeants was killed; but we beat off the Indians, and brought the Man in with his Scalp on. Last Night the Bullock Guard was fired upon, when one Cow was killed. We are obliged to be on Duty Night and Day. The Indians have cut off above 100 of our Traders in the Woods, besides all our little Posts. We have Plenty of Provisions; and the Fort is in such a good Posture of Defence, that, with G.o.d's a.s.sistance, we can defend it against 1000 Indians."]

[Footnote 282: MS. Letter--Ecuyer to Bouquet, June 5. Ibid. June 26.]

[Footnote 283: MS. Letter--Ecuyer to Bouquet, June 16 (Translation).]

[Footnote 284: MS. Report of Alexander M'Kee, deputy agent for Indian affairs at Fort Pitt.]

[Footnote 285: MS. Letter--Ecuyer to Bouquet, June 26.]

[Footnote 286: Extract from a Letter--Fort Pitt, June 26 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1802).

"This Morning, Ensign Price, of the Royal Americans, with Part of his Garrison, arrived here, being separated from the rest in the night.--The Enemy attacked his Post, and set it on Fire, and while they watched the Door of the House, he got out on the other side, and the Indians continued firing a long Time afterwards, imagining that the Garrison was in it, and that they were consumed with the House.--He touched at Venango, found the Fort burnt to the Ground, and saw one of our Expresses lying killed on the Road.

"Four o'clock in the Afternoon. Just now came in one of the Soldiers from Presque Isle, who says, Mr. Christie fought two Days; that the Enemy Fifty times set Fire to the Blockhouse, but that they as often put it out: That they then undermined the House, and was ready to blow it up, when they offered Mr. Christie Terms, who accepted them, viz., That he, and his Garrison, was to be conducted to this Place.--The Soldier also says, he suspected they intended to put them all to Death; and that on hearing a Woman scream out, he supposed they were murdering her; upon which he and another Soldier came immediately off, but knows nothing of the rest: That the Vessel from Niagara was in Sight, but believes she had no Provisions, as the Indian told them they had cut off Little Niagara, and destroyed 800 Barrels: And that he thinks, by what he saw, Venango had capitulated."

The soldier here spoken of was no doubt Gray, who was mentioned above, though his story is somewhat differently given in the letter of Captain Ecuyer, just cited.]

[Footnote 287: Record of Court of Inquiry, Evidence of Corporal Fisher. The statement is supported by all the rest of the men examined.]

[Footnote 288: On the 27th of June, Price wrote to Colonel Bouquet from Fort Pitt, announcing his escape; and again on the 28th, giving an account of the affair. Both letters are before me; but the most satisfactory evidence is furnished by the record of the court of inquiry held at Fort Pitt on the 12th of September, to ascertain the circ.u.mstances of the loss of Presqu' Isle and Le B[oe]uf. This embraces the testimony of most of the survivors; namely, Ensign George Price, Corporals Jacob Fisher and John Nash, and privates John Dogood, John Nigley, John Dortinger, and Uriah Trunk. All the men bear witness to the resolution of their officer. One of them declared that it was with the utmost difficulty that they could persuade him to leave the blockhouse with them.]

[Footnote 289: MS. Johnson Papers. Not many years since, some traces of Fort Venango were yet visible. The following description of them is from the Historical Collections of Pennsylvania:-- "Its ruins plainly indicate its destruction by fire. Burnt stone, melted gla.s.s and iron, leave no doubt of this. All through the groundworks are to be found great quant.i.ties of mouldering bones. Amongst the ruins, knives, gun-barrels, locks, and musket-b.a.l.l.s have been frequently found, and still continue to be found. About the centre of the area are seen the ruins of the magazine, in which, with what truth I cannot vouch, is said to be a well. The same tradition also adds, 'And in that well there is a cannon,' but no examination has been made for it."]

[Footnote 290: Extract from a Letter--Fort Bedford, June 30, 1763 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1802).

"This Morning a Party of the Enemy attacked fifteen Persons, who were mowing in Mr. Croghan's Field, within a Mile of the Garrison; and News is brought in of two Men being killed.--Eight o'clock. Two Men are brought in, alive, tomahawked and scalped more than Half the Head over--Our Parade just now presents a Scene of b.l.o.o.d.y and savage Cruelty; three Men, two of which are in the Bloom of Life, the other an old man, lying scalped (two of them still alive) thereon: Any thing feigned in the most fabulous Romance, cannot parallel the horrid Sight now before me; the Gashes the poor People bear are most terrifying.--Ten o'clock. They are just expired--One of them, after being tomahawked and scalped, ran a little way, and got on a Loft in Mr. Croghan's House, where he lay till found by a Party of the Garrison."]

[Footnote 291: This is a common Indian metaphor. To destroy an enemy is, in their phrase, to eat him.]

[Footnote 292: MS. Report of Conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt, July 26, 1763.]

[Footnote 293: Extract from a MS. Letter--Colonel Bouquet to Sir J. Amherst:-- "Fort Pitt, 11th Aug. 1763.

"Sir: "We Arrived here Yesterday, without further Opposition than Scattered Shots along the Road.

"The Delawares, Shawnese, Wiandots, & Mingoes had closely Beset, and Attacked this Fort from the 27th July, to the First Instant, when they Quitted it to March against us.

"The Boldness of those Savages is hardly Credible; they had taken Post under the Banks of Both Rivers, Close to the Fort, where Digging Holes, they kept an Incessant Fire, and threw Fire Arrows: They are good Marksmen, and though our People were under Cover, they Killed one, & Wounded seven.--Captain Ecuyer is Wounded in the Leg by an Arrow.--I Would not Do Justice to that Officer, should I omit to Inform Your Excellency, that, without Engineer, or any other Artificers than a few Ship Wrights, he has Raised a Parapet of Logs round the Fort, above the Old One, which having not been Finished, was too Low, and Enfiladed; he has Fraised the Whole; Palisadoed the Inside of the Aria, Constructed a Fire Engine; and in short, has taken all Precautions, which Art and Judgment could suggest for the Preservation of this Post, open before on the three sides, which had suffered by the Floods."]

[Footnote 294: Penn. Gaz. No. 1805-1809.]

[Footnote 295: "The next object of the immediate attention of Parliament in this session was the raising of a new regiment of foot in North America, for which purpose the sum of 81,178 16s. was voted. This regiment, which was to consist of four battalions of 1000 men each, was intended to be raised chiefly out of the Germans and Swiss, who, for many years past, had annually transported themselves in great numbers to British plantations in America, where waste lands had been a.s.signed them upon the frontiers of the provinces; but, very injudiciously, no care had been taken to intermix them with the English inhabitants of the place, so that very few of them, even of those who have been born there, have yet learned to speak or understand the English tongue. However, as they were all zealous Protestants, and in general strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate, it was judged that a regiment of good and faithful soldiers might be raised out of them, particularly proper to oppose the French; but to this end it was necessary to appoint some officers, especially subalterns, who understood military discipline and could speak the German language; and as a sufficient number of such could not be found among the English officers, it was necessary to bring over and grant commissions to several German and Swiss officers and engineers. But as this step, by the Act of Settlement, could not be taken without the authority of Parliament, an act was now pa.s.sed for enabling his Majesty to grant commissions to a certain number of foreign Protestants, who had served abroad as officers or engineers, to act and rank as officers or engineers in America only."--Smollett, England, III. 475.

The Royal American Regiment is now the 60th Rifles. Its ranks, at the time of the Pontiac war, were filled by provincials of English as well as of German descent.]

[Footnote 296: There is a sketch of Bouquet's life prefixed to the French translation of the Account of Bouquet's Expedition. See also the reprint in the first volume of Clarke's "Ohio Valley Historical Series."]

[Footnote 297: An extract from this letter, which is dated May 30, is given on page 280.]

[Footnote 298: The italics and capitals are Sir Jeffrey's.]

[Footnote 299: On the 29th of July following, the fragments of five more regiments arrived from Havana, numbering in all 982 men and officers fit for duty.--Official Returns.]

[Footnote 300: i.e., Cuyler's detachment.]

[Footnote 301: Amherst wrote again on the 16th of July: "My former orders for putting such of the Indians as are or have been in arms against us, and that fall in our power, to death, remain in full force; as the barbarities they have committed on the late commanding officer at Venango" (Gordon, whom they roasted alive during several nights) "and his unfortunate garrison fully prove that no punishment we can inflict is adequate to the crimes of those inhuman villains."]

[Footnote 302: The following is a characteristic example. He is writing to Johnson, 27 Aug. 1763: "I shall only say that it Behoves the Whole Race of Indians to Beware (for I Fear the best of them have in some Measure been privy to, and Concerned in the Late Mischief) of Carrying Matters much farther against the English, or Daring to form Conspiracys; as the Consequence will most Certainly occasion Measures to be taken, that, in the End, will put a most Effectual Stop to their Very Being."

The following is his view of the Indians, in a letter to Bouquet, 7 Aug. 1763:-- "I wish there was not an Indian Settlement within a thousand miles of our Country, for they are only fit to live with the Inhabitants of the woods: (i.e., wild beasts), being more allied to the Brute than the human Creation."]

[Footnote 303: This correspondence is among the ma.n.u.scripts of the British Museum, Bouquet and Haldimand Papers, No. 21, 634. The first postscript by Amherst is on a single leaf of foolscap, written at the top of the page and addressed on the back,-- "On His Majesty's Service. To Colonel BOUQUET, etc."

------------------------- "JEFF. AMHERST." ------------------------- The postscript seems to belong to a letter written on the first leaf of the foolscap sheet, which is lost or destroyed. The other postscript by Amherst has neither indors.e.m.e.nt nor address, but that of Bouquet is appended to a letter dated Carlisle, 13 July, 1763, and addressed to "His Excellency, Sir Jeffrey Amherst." It appears from a letter of Capt. Ecuyer that the small-pox had lately broken out at Fort Pitt, which would have favored the execution of the plan. We hear nothing more of it; but, in the following spring, Gershom Hicks, who had been among the Indians, reported at Fort Pitt that the small-pox had been raging for some time among them, and that sixty or eighty Mingoes and Delawares, besides some Shawanoes, had died of it.

The suggestion of using dogs against the Indians did not originate with Bouquet. Just before he wrote, he received a letter from one John Hughes, dated Lancaster, July 11, in which an elaborate plan is laid down for conquering the Indians with the help of canine allies.

The following is the substance of the proposal, which is set forth under eight distinct heads: 1st, Each soldier to have a dog, which he is to lead on the march by a strap three feet long. 2d, All the dogs to be held fast by the straps, except one or two on each flank and as many in advance, to discover the enemy in ambush. 3d, When you are fired upon, let loose all the dogs, which will rush at the concealed Indians, and force them in self-defence to expose themselves and fire at their a.s.sailants, with so little chance of hitting them, that, in the words of the letter, "if 1000 Indians fired on 300 dogs, there would be at least 200 dogs left, besides all the soldiers' fires, which must put the Indians to flight very soon." 4th, If you come to a swamp, thicket, or the like, "only turn loose 3 or 4 dogs extraordinary, and you are immediately convinced what you have to fear." 5th, "No Indian can well conceal himself in a swamp or thicket as a spy, for y^{r}. dogs will discover him, and may soon be learnt to destroy him too." 6th, "The leading the dogs makes them more fierce, and keeps them from being tired in running after wild beasts or fighting one another." 7th, Expatiates on the advantages of having the leading-straps short. 8th, "The greater the number of dogs, the more fierce they will be by a great deal, and the more terrible to the Indians; and if, when you get to Bedford, a few scouting parties were sent out with dogs, and one or two Indians killed and the dogs put at them to tear them to pieces, you would soon see the good effects of it; and I could almost venture my life that 500 men with 500 dogs would be much more dreadful to 2000 Indians than an army of some thousand of brave men in the regular way.

"J^{N} HUGHES.

"COLONEL BOUQUET."

Probably there is no man who ever had occasion to fight Indians in the woods who would object to a dog as an ally.]

[Footnote 304: This is the letter in which he accepts Amherst's proposal to infect the Indians. His just indignation at the atrocities which had caused so much misery is his best apology.]

[Footnote 305: The blockhouse at Presqu' Isle had been built under the direction of Bouquet. Being of wood, it was not fire-proof; and he urged upon Amherst that it should be rebuilt of brick with a slate roof, thus making it absolutely proof against Indians.]

[Footnote 306: Bouquet had the strongest reasons for wishing that Fort Ligonier should hold out. As the event showed, its capture would probably have entailed the defeat and destruction of his entire command.]

[Footnote 307: Penn. Gaz. No. 1804.]

[Footnote 308: Robison, Narrative. Robison was one of the party, and his brother was mortally wounded at the first fire.]

[Footnote 309: Extract from a Letter--Carlisle, July 13 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1804)-- "Last Night Colonel Armstrong returned. He left the Party, who pursued further, and found several dead, whom they buried in the best manner they could, and are now all returned in.--From what appears, the Indians are travelling from one Place to another, along the Valley, burning the Farms, and destroying all the People they meet with.--This Day gives an Account of six more being killed in the Valley, so that since last Sunday Morning to this Day, Twelve o'clock, we have a pretty authentic Account of the Number slain, being Twenty-five, and four or five wounded.--The Colonel, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Alricks, are now on the Parade, endeavouring to raise another Party, to go out and succour the Sheriff and his Party, consisting of Fifty Men, which marched Yesterday, and hope they will be able to send off immediately Twenty good Men.--The People here, I a.s.sure you, want nothing but a good Leader, and a little Encouragement, to make a very good Defence."]

[Footnote 310: Extract from a Letter--Carlisle, July 5 (Haz. Pa. Reg. IV. 390):-- "Nothing could exceed the terror which prevailed from house to house, from town to town. The road was near covered with women and children, flying to Lancaster and Philadelphia. The Rev. ----, Pastor of the Episcopal Church, went at the head of his congregation, to protect and encourage them on the way. A few retired to the Breast works for safety. The alarm once given could not be appeased. We have done all that men can do to prevent disorder. All our hopes are turned upon Bouquet."]

[Footnote 311: Extract from a Letter--Carlisle, July 12 (Penn. Gaz. No. 1804):-- "I embrace this first Leisure, since Yesterday Morning, to transmit you a brief Account of our present State of Affairs here, which indeed is very distressing; every Day, almost, affording some fresh Object to awaken the Compa.s.sion, alarm the Fears, or kindle into Resentment and Vengeance every sensible Breast, while flying Families, obliged to abandon House and Possession, to save their Lives by an hasty Escape; mourning Widows, bewailing their Husbands surprised and ma.s.sacred by savage Rage; tender Parents, lamenting the Fruits of their own Bodies, cropt in the very Bloom of Life by a barbarous Hand; with Relations and Acquaintances, pouring out Sorrow for murdered Neighbours and Friends, present a varied Scene of mingled Distress.

"To-day a British Vengeance begins to rise in the b.r.e.a.s.t.s of our Men.--One of them that fell from among the 12, as he was just expiring, said to one of his Fellows, Here, take my Gun, and kill the first Indian you see, and all shall be well."]

[Footnote 312: Account of Bouquet's Expedition; Introduction, vi.]

[Footnote 313: "I cannot send a Highlander out of my sight without running the risk of losing the man, which exposes me to surprise from the skulking villains I have to deal with."--MS. Letter--Bouquet to Amherst, 26 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 314: "Our Accounts from the westward are as follows, viz.:-- "On the 25th of July there were in Shippensburg 1384 of our poor distressed Back Inhabitants, viz. Men, 301; Women, 345; Children, 738; Many of whom were obliged to lie in Barns, Stables, Cellars, and under old leaky Sheds, the Dwelling-houses being all crowded."--Penn. Gaz. No. 1806.]

[Footnote 315: "The government of Pennsylvania having repeatedly refused to garrison Fort Lyttleton (a provincial fort), even with the kind of troops they have raised, I have stationed some inhabitants of the neighborhood in it, with some provisions and ammunition, to prevent the savages burning it."--MS. Letter--Bouquet to Amherst, 26 July, 1763.]