The Condition of Catholics Under James I. Part 22

(M6) "My Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation, therefore I would advise you, as you tender your life, to devise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament, for G.o.d and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time. And think not slightly of this advertis.e.m.e.nt, but retire yourself into your country, where you may expect the event in safety. For though there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurts them. This counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm, for the danger is past so soon as you have burnt the letter. And I hope G.o.d will give you the grace to make use of it, to Whose holy protection I commend you."

This was the letter which the Lord Mounteagle having considered, and seeing so dangerous matter contained in it, he presently went to the Lord of Salisbury, who is Chief Secretary to His Majesty, and delivered the letter unto him, with relation of all circ.u.mstances in the receipt and reading of the letter. The Lord of Salisbury seemed not at the first to make any great account of it, yet said he would acquaint some other Lords of the Council with the same, and commended the Lord Mounteagle for his fidelity and care of His Majesty's safety, and of the State, and presently showed the letter to the Lord Chamberlain, and then both of them thought the letter might have some relation with other informations the Lord of Salisbury had received from beyond seas, concerning some business intended by the Papists; and they seemed to think there might be some perilous attempt intended. And therefore they two concluded to join with them three other of the Council, to wit, the Lord Admiral, the Earl of Worcester and Northampton, to be acquainted with this matter; who having all of them concurred together to the examination of the contents of the said letter, they did conclude (saith the book written of the discovery of this treason) that how slight soever a matter it might at the first appear, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoved them to have of the preservation of His Majesty's person. Yet they resolved, for two reasons, first to acquaint the King himself with the same, before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, as well (saith the book) for the expectation and experience they had of His Majesty's fortunate judgment in clearing and solving of obscure riddles and doubtful mysteries, as also because the more time would in the meanwhile be given for the practice to ripen (if any was) whereby the discovery might be the more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easy. And so according to their determination the said Earl of Salisbury did repair to the King upon the Friday after, being All-Hallow-day, which was the day after His Majesty's arrival from Royston, where he had been at his hunting exercise, and was come up to London to be present at the beginning of the Parliament. The Earl therefore finding the King alone in his gallery, without any other speech or judgment giving of the letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he presented it to His Highness. The King no sooner read the letter, but after a little pause, and then reading it over again, he delivered his judgment of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be contemned; for that the style of it seemed to be more quick and pithy than is usual to be in any pasquil or libel, the superfluities of idle brains. But the Earl of Salisbury perceiving the King to apprehend it deeplier than he looked for, knowing his nature, told him that he thought by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some fool or madman, reading to him that sentence in it, "For the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the letter," which he said was likely to be the saying of a fool; for if the danger was past so soon as the letter was burnt, then the warning behoved to be of little avail, when the burning of the letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King by the contrary, considering the former sentence in the letter, "That they should receive a terrible blow at this Parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them;" joining it to the sentence immediately following already alleged, did thereupon conjecture that the danger mentioned should be some sudden danger by blowing up of powder. For no other insurrection, rebellion, or whatsoever other private and desperate attempt could be committed or attempted in time of Parliament and the authors thereof unseen except only if it were by a blowing up of powder, which might be performed by one base knave in a dark corner: whereupon he was moved to interpret and construe the later sentence in the letter (alleged by the Earl of Salisbury against all ordinary sense and construction in grammar) as if by these words, "For the danger is past as soon as you have burned the letter," should be closely understood the suddenty and quickness of the danger, which should be as quickly performed and at an end, as that paper should be of blazing up in the fire, turning the word of "as soon"

to the sense of "as quickly;" and therefore His Majesty wished that before his going to the Parliament, the under rooms to the Parliament House might be well and narrowly searched. The Earl of Salisbury wondering at this His Majesty's commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to his ordinary and natural disposition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side, in not apprehending nor trusting the advertis.e.m.e.nts of practices and perils when he was freely informed of them, and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole State more than of his own person, yet he thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there was any just cause of such apprehension, and ended the present talk with some merry jest as his custom is. But though he seemed to neglect it to His Majesty, yet he could not be at rest till with the Lord Chamberlain he came again unto His Majesty, at which time it was agreed that the said Lord Chamberlain should according to his custom and office view all the Parliament Houses both above and below, and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might be gathered: but yet this was deferred until the afternoon before the sitting down of the Parliament, which was upon the Monday following: at what time, he according to this conclusion went to the Parliament House accompanied with the Lord Mounteagle, where having viewed all the lower rooms, he found in the vault under the Upper House great store and provision of billets, f.a.ggots, and coals: and inquiring of Whyneyard, keeper of the wardrobe, to what use he had put the lower rooms and cellars, he told him that Mr. Thomas Percy had hired both the house and part of the cellar or vault under the same and that the wood and coal therein was the said gentleman's own provision. Whereupon the Lord Chamberlain looking into the room perceived a fellow standing in a corner, who called himself the said Percy his man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Faulks, the man that should have acted that monstrous tragedy.

The Lord Chamberlain looking upon all things with a heedful eye, though in outward show he seemed careless, presently addressed himself to the King, and in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, he made his report what he had seen and observed there, affirming that he did wonder not a little at the extraordinary great provision of wood and coal in that house where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain, as likewise it gave him in his mind, that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow. This could not but increase the King's former apprehension, whereupon he willed that those billets and coals should be searched to the bottom: and of the same opinion were the Lords there present, although they thought it fit to have it done in the night, and by a Justice of Peace only under pretence of searching for some of the King's stuff that was missing; and this for two reasons; one was lest if nothing were found, it should seem the King and State were too suspicious of every light toy; also for that they said it would lay an ill-favoured imputation upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of His Majesty's greatest subjects and Councillors: this Thomas Percy being his kinsman and most confident familiar.

Thus far the book of the discovery of this treason discourseth of the manner how the same did come to light. And because the same was set forth by authority, with desire that men all should conceive this to be the manner how it came to light, it may be thought that so it was. Yet there want not many others of great judgment, that think His Majesty and divers of those Councillors also, who had the scanning of the letter, to be well able in shorter time and with fewer doubts to decipher a darker riddle and find out a greater secret than that matter was, after so plain a letter was delivered, importing in so plain terms an intended punishment both by G.o.d and man, and so terrible a blow to be given at that very time and yet the actors invisible. And those that be of this opinion do persuade themselves the matter came out by some other means, and that this letter was but framed and sent of purpose to give another show of casual discovery both to hide the true means and to make the especial preservation of the King and State to be better discerned to come from G.o.d Himself. Unto which opinion they were the rather inclined by the circ.u.mstance of the matter. First, in that the Lord Mounteagle did that night wherein the letter was to be delivered, appoint a supper to be made for him at his own house a mile or two out of London, where he had not supped or lain of a twelve-month and more before that time, and therefore strange that party should seek him there. Then the manner of delivery seemed strange, to be so weakly handled by any that had judgment as to be delivered to a page and to be read by his Lord in the time of supper, when he could not with safety have concealed the matter, if he would. Again it was so written, as that my Lord of Salisbury might well say it was like to be the writing of a fool or a madman. For no other a.s.suredly would have committed so great a secret to ink and paper in so plain manner and that so long before the time; especially there being many other means likely enough to be effectual for the staying of my Lord Mounteagle from the Parliament that one day, and that without his danger of concealing any practice against the State. For if some special friend had seemed to be in extremity and sent for him in the instant, he would not have failed him.

Besides many sudden occasions would have sufficed, as a certain and present opportunity of some commodious bargain for provision of money or jewels or such like, which courtiers often have want of, if another, time would not have served, would have been more likely to call him that very morning than this letter so delivered to stay him ten days before.

But although many were of opinion that this was not the first means of this discovery, yet none that ever I could hear of, was able to give a certain judgment, which way indeed it was discovered. It seems the gentlemen themselves did most fear Mr. Francis Tresham to be the man that should send this letter unto the Lord Mounteagle, which Lord had married Mr. Tresham his sister. But that was nothing likely, for he was very witty; and surely the sending of such a letter in such a manner was nothing wittingly contrived, if it were done _bona fide_; neither would Mr. Tresham have adventured his life and estate (which was great) for his brother-in-law, if he had not thought him worthy of further trust. For if he did not think the letter would persuade, why should he write it so plainly to the overthrow of the business and so also of himself, which if the Lord followed not his counsel, must needs follow. And if he did believe it would persuade, why did he not rather do it by word of mouth the very morning it should have been done, which for divers reasons had been most likely to be effectual; whereas on the other side he might well think the Lord Mounteagle could not discern by the letter, whether it came from friend or foe, being without name and in an unknown hand: and from a friend he could not think it being sent in so simple and yet so public manner. If from a foe, he were undone, if he did conceal it. No, Mr.

Tresham had too much wit to deal so sillily in a thing of such importance.

More did doubt want of fidelity than of wit in Mr. Tresham, and therefore it was rather supposed, by most that doubted him to be the man, that he first opened the matter unto the Council, as thinking thereby to be raised to some place of credit, which then he might think himself with wit and living able to bear out with the best. This opinion was the rather believed afterwards, when it was evident that none of the rest had done it, who were privy unto the matter; but that every one of them either died in the field because they would not be taken, or being taken were all executed and so left not the least suspicion of having opened the matter.

Again, this opinion was increased when the matter being discovered, all the gentlemen fled into Warwickshire and then according to their former designments, rose in arms, thinking to have made a head. But Mr. Tresham staid still in London and never stirred foot, though as far in as the best. And thirdly, the opinion was yet more confirmed when afterwards Mr.

Tresham was also taken and kept close prisoner, at which time the general bruit was, that he confessed all he knew; but none of his confessions were published, neither did himself ever come to light afterwards, but died in the Tower; so that it is not known what he had discovered first or last, or what he would have confirmed, or repented, if he had come unto his trial and execution as the rest did.

But whosoever was the discoverer of this matter or by what means soever it came to light, we are much to thank G.o.d that it was discovered, from whom we must acknowledge the benefit received as from the chief cause, "a quo omne donum optimum et omne bonum procedit,"(305) and these especially which most concern the public good.

The letter therefore being so understood as before I declared, and the place itself being viewed by the Lord Chamberlain giving such cause of suspicion, as is already noted, that night following being Monday night (when the Parliament should have begun _and ended also_ the next day) Sir Thomas Knevet, a gentleman of His Majesty's Privy Chamber, was sent to search the place at midnight under pretence of looking for some other things as was before devised. When he came to the Parliament House before his entry into Mr. Percy his lodging, he found the foresaid man that had the keeping of the house for Mr. Percy standing without the house and seeing him with his clothes on and booted at so dead a time of the night, the Justice apprehended him: and after went forward to the searching of the house, where after he had caused to be overturned some of the billets and coals, he first found one of the small barrels of powder, and after, all the rest, to the number of thirty-six barrels great and small. And thereafter searching the fellow whom he had taken, found three matches and all other instruments fit for blowing up of the powder ready upon him: which made him instantly to confess what his intent was, affirming withal that if he had happened to have been within the house when he was taken, as he was immediately before at the ending of his work, he would not have failed to have blown up the Justice, house and all, belike imagining that some part of the danger might have lit upon the Court and done some harm to those, to whom he most desired it. For otherwise I know not what meaning he should have, unless by his own sudden death also, which would have followed, he meant to escape the extremity of torture which he might well expect: but this we did not hear that he attempted afterwards to himself nor seemed to desire it.

This done, the prisoner was carried fast bound unto the Court and the news of all particulars presently carried unto the King by those of the Council who lay in the house, although it were but four hours after midnight.

Afterwards all the rest of the Council being sent for into the town, they examined the prisoner, who both to the Council and to all the rest that spake with him that day, appeared so constant and settled upon his grounds, as all the Council said they thought they had found another Mutius Scaevola born in England. For notwithstanding the horror of the fact, his sudden surprising, the terror which might have been stricken into him by coming into such a presence and the restless and confused questions that every man all that day did vex him with, yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, as he often smiled in scornful manner, not only avowing the fact, but repenting only with the said Scaevola his failing in the execution thereof, whereof, he said, the devil and not G.o.d was the discoverer: answering quickly to every man's objection, scoffing at many idle questions that were propounded unto him and jesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him. All that day the Council could get nothing out of him concerning his complices, refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discover the plot and laying all the blame upon himself, whereunto he said he was moved only for religion and conscience sake, denying the King to be his lawful sovereign or the anointed of G.o.d, in respect he was an heretic; and would acknowledge no other name to himself but John Johnson, servant to Thomas Percy. But after he had been three or four days in the Tower and was threatened the rack only, as the printed book saith (though the common voice was, that he was extremely racked the first days), then, whether to avoid torments, or for that he might understand that the gentlemen had discovered themselves by rising up in arms in the country, he _then_ named some of his complices, with his own name also, and how the matter was broken unto him, and how begun and prosecuted, as I have before declared; yet I cannot find by his confession which is published in print, that he named above six of those who had wrought in the mine and provision of the powder and who then were all known to be up in arms. And here we must leave this prisoner, who now was known to be Guido Faulks, close kept in the Tower; and will let you see what course the rest of the conspirators took, when they understood the matter was plainly discovered.

First, upon the knowledge that such a letter was delivered to the Lord Mounteagle ten days before, they grew very doubtful of the matter, and fearing only Mr. Tresham in that kind, had divers meetings with him to examine and try him how far he had proceeded. But he forswearing all and that he knew nothing how it came about, they had divers consultations what were best to do; but (as Mr. Thomas Winter saith in his confession) first that Mr. Catesby resolved, he would not fly his country, he would see further yet. And then they sent Mr. Faulks to see if all were well in the cellar, who adventured to go notwithstanding the doubt and returned to them at night and told them all was yet well, which it seems gave them some hope, yet afterwards when they heard what conference had pa.s.sed between my Lord of Salisbury and His Majesty about the letter, they gave it lost the second time, and then Mr. Catesby would not go until Mr. Percy were come up, who came the next day and he would needs abide the uttermost trial. But upon Tuesday morning (which was the day appointed for the fact) Mr. Faulks being taken in the search that night as is declared, they heard and saw so many and so plain circ.u.mstances, that they must needs know the whole matter was discovered and no hope at all that way to be left them.

Then they, being all excellently well horsed, rode into the country keeping the highway; but so fast a pace and with such a resolution, that it was very hard to overtake them and would not have been easy to have stayed them. They rode two and three together; and they did ride that day notwithstanding the foulness of the winter ways to Dunchurch (which I take it, is almost eighty(306) miles), where Sir Everard Digby stayed in readiness to have surprised the person of the King's daughter in case they had brought other news. But they bringing such news as was little expected and less welcome, as it may well be supposed, they all entered into consultation what was best to be done, and it was much marvelled at by divers of Sir Everard Digby his friends, who were there with him in company for his match of hunting, to see so many gallant gentlemen come in of sudden so late in the evening and so well appointed. And seeing them enter into serious consultation in a chamber apart, they knew not what to make of it; but soon after they might perceive, when they all came out, as men resolved upon some enterprise. And Sir Everard caused all his men and horses presently to be ready and departed with them. Mr. Catesby also and other of the gentlemen had prepared their horses and furniture ready in that place beforehand, although they thought they should have used it with more advantage. For now when the matter was known and bruited in the country, that such an act should have been performed in London, which had failed and that all was safe there, and that it was apparent these were the conspirators by the course they took, none would come to a.s.sist them;(307) nor had they any with them, but such servants and followers as themselves had provided beforehand under other pretences, which therefore for danger of giving suspicion could not be many. Neither do I think they were ever above eighty in the whole company, although the fame in other countries went first that they were 150, then 300, and some said they were 1,000 strong. But if that had been so, it is like the matter had not been so soon ended, as it proved to be.(308) But these conspirators, as it seems, hoped the matter would prove otherwise than it did, and that many would have joined with them, when once they saw them gathered to a head.

And to make their rising the more bruited and withal to furnish themselves of some horses for the great saddle, they went presently to Warwick and there out of a house which is adjoining to the Castle, they seized upon certain great horse belonging to some n.o.blemen and gentlemen which were kept there by a rider to be taught. From thence they went and took all my Lord Winsor's armour, which by report was able to furnish a much greater company then ever they had with them. From thence they went forward through Worcestershire towards Staffordshire, offering no violence or hurt to any.(309)

The country in the meantime began to rise on every side, yet none did as yet set upon them, nor until Friday following;(310) and on Thursday night they came to one Mr. Stephen Littleton's house in Staffordshire, who had adjoined himself unto them. And being there it pleased G.o.d to send them such a fortune as seemed very much to alter their resolutions, and made them resolve neither to fight nor fly, but to give up themselves willingly unto death. For in the morning early when some were gone abroad to discover what companies were coming, and others were preparing their shot and powder in a readiness, because there was some of the powder that they thought to be somewhat dankish which they set before the fire and were busy about it, whilst behold, a spark falling out of the fire took hold of the powder, and that blowing up, hurt divers of them, especially Mr.

Catesby, Mr. Rookewood, but most of all Mr. Grant, whose face was much disfigured, and his eyes almost burnt out. This loe(311) made them see it was not best for them to proceed in their commenced course; and, as it seems, they took it for a sign of G.o.d's will that He would not have them prepare to resist, but rather to prepare themselves to suffer, which they did. For, as Mr. Thomas Winter said in his confession, when himself (with Mr. Littleton being abroad in the fields to discover) had understood of this heavy chance, and the matter being told him by his man in worse sort than indeed it was (to wit, that Mr. Catesby, Mr. Rookewood, and Mr. Grant were burnt up with powder, and the rest of the company dispersed upon sight thereof), he resolving not to fly, as Mr. Littleton advised him, but first to see and bury the body of his friend Mr. Catesby, so returned back to the house, and there found the gentlemen reasonable well in respect of what he had heard, and asked them what they resolved to do. They answered, "We mean here to die." Then said Mr. Thomas Winter, "I will take such part as you do." Then they all fell earnestly to their prayers, the Litanies and such like (as since some of the company affirmed that escaped taking, being none of the conspirators, but such as joined with them in the country); they also spent an hour in meditation, and divers of their company departed to shift for themselves, the house being not yet beset.

About an hour before mid-day the High Sheriff came with the forces of the country and beset the house. Mr. Thomas Winter going into the court of the house was shot into the shoulder with which he lost the use of his arm.

The next shot was the elder Wright, who was stricken dead. After him the younger Wright, and fourthly Mr. Rookewood, but he was only wounded in four or five places, and so taken and afterwards put to death at London.

So were also Mr. Thomas Winter and Mr. Grant and all the rest but Mr.

Catesby and Mr. Percy, who resolved they would not be taken, but rather suffer death at that time in the field. Wherefore Mr. Catesby took from his neck a cross of gold which he always used to wear about him, and blessing himself with it and kissing it, showed it unto the people, protesting there solemnly before them all, it was only for the honour of the Cross, and the exaltation of that Faith which honoured the Cross, and for the saving of their souls in the same Faith, that had moved him to undertake the business; and sith he saw it was not G.o.d's will it should succeed in that manner they intended or at that time, he was willing and ready to give his life for the same cause, only he would not be taken by any, and against that only he would defend himself with his sword.(312) This done, Mr. Catesby and Mr. Percy turned back to back, resolving to yield themselves to no man, but to death as to the messenger of G.o.d. None of their adversaries did come near them; but one fellow standing behind a tree with a musket shot them both with one bullet, and Mr. Catesby was shot almost dead, the other lived three or four days.(313) Mr. Catesby being fallen to the ground, as they say, went upon his knees into the house, and there got a picture of our Blessed Lady in his arms (unto whom he was accustomed to be very devout), and so embracing and kissing the same he died.

Some of the chiefest of them did think to have escaped, as Sir Everard Digby, Mr. Robert Winter, and Mr. Stephen Littleton; and these two last knowing the country better than the other, did indeed escape for the time.(314) Sir Everard Digby thinking also to take that course, offered all his servants that they might take their horses and money and shift for themselves. But his page and one other said they would never leave him but against their will. Therefore being well mounted, they three went together, but they found the country so up on every side, and all drawing towards the place where the voice was the conspirators were beset, that it was not possible for them to pa.s.s or go unknown, especially Sir Everard Digby, being so noted a man for his stature and personage, and withal so well appointed as he was. Whereupon he did rather choose (after he had gained a little ground) to strike into a wood, and thought there in a dry pit to have staid with his horses until the company had been pa.s.sed. But they tracked his horses unto the very pit side, and then cried out, "Here he is, here he is." Sir Everard being altogether undaunted, answered, "Here he is indeed, what then?" and advanced his horse in the manner of curvetting (which he was expert in) and thought to have borne them over, and so to break from them, esteeming them to be but ten or twelve persons, whom he saw about the pit, and though he made them easily give way, yet then he saw above a hundred people hard by and coming upon him: so that seeing it in vain to resist, he willingly yielded himself to the likeliest man of the company, upon a desire he had to have some time before his death for his better preparation, and withal out of a desire (as it afterwards appeared) to have done some service to the Catholic cause by word, sith he saw he could not do it by the sword. For being then taken and carried up to London prisoner and to the Court, he made earnest request to have spoken with His Majesty if it might have been admitted, intending to lay down the causes so plainly which had moved them to this attempt, and withal how dangerous it was for His Majesty to take the course he did, as that he hoped to persuade at least some mitigation, if not toleration, for Catholics.

But the Council knowing well how judicial a man he was, and how well able to work his intent with sound reasons, would not a.s.sent unto his desire, but sent him presently prisoner unto the Tower, where also all the rest of the conspirators that were taken at Mr. Littleton's in Staffordshire were presently lodged upon their bringing up, which was as soon as their hurts would give them leave to travel. So that only four were slain in the country, Mr. Robert Catesby, Mr. Thomas Percy, Mr. John Wright, and his brother, Christopher Wright. The rest were all put into the Tower for further trial according to law, which were these: Sir Everard Digby, Mr.

Ambrose Rookewood, Mr. Thomas Winter, Mr. John Grant, Mr. Robert Keyes, Mr. Francis Tresham, and Mr. Guido Faulks, who were there before; unto them also were adjoined afterwards, Mr. Robert Winter and Mr. Stephen Littleton, who being discovered(315) in one place where they had been at least a month, they went into a house of the Widow Littleton's a woman of great estate, and there were kept in a chamber by Humphrey Littleton, her alliance, she being then at London; but their being in that house was found out by the cook of the house, in the provision of meal, and so by him they were discovered, and taken by the next Justices and so carried up to London and laid with the rest in the Tower. All(316) these prisoners were divers times examined, but only two of their examinations published in print, which were of Mr. Guido Faulks and Mr. Thomas Winter, both which agreed in one, only Mr. Winter's was the larger, and contained much of the matter which I have before expressed, concerning their first intention, the names and number of the conspirators, the course they took to keep it secret, their manner of proceeding in the whole, and their intention afterwards to set up one of the King's children, and with them the Catholic religion. And both in all their examinations and the whole process of the matter it appeared plainly they were all and the only conspirators. The rest of the Catholics were free, as shall more appear in the chapter following.(317)

Chapter VIII. How Upon Examination Of The Prisoners It Was Apparent That No Other Catholics Could Be Touched With The Conspiracy. The Same Also Confirmed By His Majesty's Own Words, To The Great Comfort Of Catholics.

When all these conspirators were brought to the Tower (which is the ordinary prison for such as are found guilty or suspected of high treason, and especially for persons of account, or in causes of great moment), they were all severally and several times examined by the Lords of the Council, and then it was in vain for them either to hide the matter, which was apparently known in the great preparation of powder which had been found, or to conceal the persons or qualities of the conspirators, who had all published themselves in prosecuting their first intended treason with a second attempt of public rebellion. Therefore all did acknowledge the fact, though none would directly yield it to be an offence to G.o.d, though they said it was so unto their Prince and the present State of the country. Their examinations did all agree in all material points, and therefore two only were published in print, containing the substance of the rest. And indeed the sum of that which I have been able to say in this narration touching either their first intentions or the names or number of the conspirators, or concerning the course they took to keep the matter so absolutely secret, or, finally, touching the manner of their beginning and proceeding in the whole matter; for that (as I noted before) it being kept as such a vowed secret in the heads and hearts of so few, and those also afterwards apprehended before they could have means to declare the particulars in any private manner, therefore no more can be known of the matter or manner of this tragedy than is found or gathered out of their examinations. The effect whereof I have set down before, in prosecution of the story, and shall not need here to repeat.

But this they all agreed in, that no other Catholics were to be touched with the matter, nor had any ways a.s.sisted them therein, but those who were now well known to the whole realm by their public rising in arms, of which also the greatest part did but join with them in the second, and had not any knowledge at all of the first attempt. Hereupon it followed, that whereas at the first breaking out of this monstrous Plot most men according to their humour and aversion from Catholics and their religion, would give their censure, that sure many Papists would be touched with this matter, and especially the Priests no doubt were the devisers and incentors of this intended fiery treason. Now after all these prisoners had been often and seriously examined, their general voice was turned and their conceit changed, and it was as general a report both in London and through England, that not one Priest could be touched with the Plot, nor any other Catholics but those that were already taken, and some few others that were well known by their public rebellion, and were in chace in the country and much watch laid for them everywhere, with public proclamation and description of their persons, as is usual in such cases. This, you must think, was a great comfort unto Catholics in so great a distress; and this comfort was much increased also, when Catholics did see that His Majesty did free most of his Catholic subjects from imputation of this crime in his proclamation about this matter, dated the 7th of November, which was after the examination and confessions of Faulks; wherein naming eight princ.i.p.al heads or contrivers of this conspiracy, who had published themselves in the country.

For in that proclamation, though at the beginning out of his persuasion of a contrary religion, he do say that they were persons known to be so utterly corrupted with the superst.i.tion of the Romish religion, as seduced with the blindness thereof; yet afterwards in the body of the same proclamation he doth prudently and more equally distinguish between them and other Catholics, affirming that by good experience he was so well persuaded of the loyalty of divers of his said Catholic subjects, that he held himself a.s.sured they do as much abhor this detestable conspiracy as himself, and would be ready to do their best endeavours (though with expense of their blood) to suppress all attempts against his safety and the quiet of his State, and to discover whomsoever they should suspect to be of rebellious and traitorous disposition, &c. Which equanimity of His Majesty distinguishing between the guilty and the guiltless, did much edify and content all wise and grave men of what religion soever, who cannot but greatly detest and condemn the attempt, under what pretence, cause or intention soever, it were conceived.

And as the whole mult.i.tude of Catholics were free from all consent or knowledge thereof, and could not in justice be touched therewith, so much less the religion which they profess, which in her doctrine doth no ways allow or avow any such attempt, whatsoever the enemies thereof, and namely the Puritans, may persuade His Majesty to the contrary; as it appeared they began not long after to labour His Highness upon this occasion, to be so conceited of Catholics (if they were perfect Catholics indeed) and so much more of their religion; seeming to think it more likely in them that were better grounded and more exact professors of the same religion. To which effect were His Majesty's words in his public speech in the Parliament House not long after, in the hearing of all the Puritans,(318) seeming desirous to give contentment to all parties. For first after all the conspirators had been thoroughly tried and examined in the Tower (as I have declared), and that it was now apparent by all the success of the matter, and by all their examinations, that not only the mult.i.tude of Catholics were clear, but also that there were no more to be touched than were already discovered, insomuch that the general voice and opinion of all men was changed, as is said before, then did His Majesty in his public speech confirm again his good opinion of his Catholic subjects in that behalf; but withal seemed to believe the Puritans further in their malicious reports of us and our minds, than upon due trial His Majesty will find to be true. For in the said speech after he had first given due thanks to G.o.d for his happy delivery from so great a danger, then he declared whom he took to be the practisers and plotters of this treason, and seeming to point as it were to the conspirators already discovered, those he showed to be men unto which he had not given any cause of disgust. "If, (saith he) these conspirators had only been bankrupt persons, or discontented upon occasion of any disgrace done unto them, this might have seemed to be but a work of revenge. But for my own part, as I scarcely ever knew any of them, so cannot they allege so much as a pretended cause of grief.(319) And the wretch himself in hands doth confess that there was no cause moving him or them but merely and only religion." Where by the way we may observe both out of the reason which His Majesty allegeth, and out of their own protestations, wherein they all agreed, that no particular grudge or respect to themselves was their motive to this action, but their zeal to the common cause, though not "secundum scientiam."

Then His Majesty proceedeth in his speech, admiring "that Christian men and Englishmen, and one of them his sworn servant in an honourable place, should enter into such a practice, wherein, saith he, their following obstinacy is so joined to their former malice, as the fellow himself that is in hand cannot be moved to discover any signs or notes of repentance, except only that he doth not yet stand to avow that he repents for not being able to perform his intent" A great testimony being spoken by the King himself, both of the man's great courage, which could not be brought down with so great torments as he had then sustained, and besides of the great opinion he had in his deceived conscience that the thing was lawful, sith he would not even then repent that he had intended it, but only seemed no more to desire the thing itself, which he might also see G.o.d would not have go forward. And truly this testimony of His Majesty's words doth make me the rather to believe that of him which was reported by divers of credit, to wit, that at his apprehension he had a shirt of hair found upon his back when he was first searched.

(M7) It followeth then in the King's speech (after the rehearsing more at large the wonderful manner of his deliverance by his strange interpretation of the letter, as I set down before), then he cometh to declare that he doth not condemn his other Catholic subjects for the fault of those few, and laboureth to restrain the Puritans from that conceit; whereby it appears they had laboured also to put that opinion into His Majesty's head and heart against all Catholics, if his wisdom and upright judgment had not been the greater. "It resteth now (saith he) that I should shortly inform you what is to be done hereafter upon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithful and loving subjects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt up with zeal in this errant, and your tongues so ready to utter your dutiful affections, and your hands and feet so bent to concur in the execution thereof (for which, as I need not to spur you, so can I not but praise you for the same), as it may very well be possible that the zeal of your hearts shall make some of you in your speeches rashly to blame such as may be innocent of this attempt; but upon the other part I wish you to consider, that I would be sorry that any being innocent of this practice, either domestical or foreign, should receive blame or harm for the same.

For although it cannot be denied, that it was the only blind superst.i.tion of their errors in religion that led them to this desperate device; yet doth it not follow that all professing that Romish religion were guilty of the same. For as it is true that no other sect of heretics, not excepting Turk, Jew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicut (who adore the devil), did ever maintain by the grounds of their religion that it was lawful or rather meritorious, as the Romish Catholic call it, to murder Princes or people, for quarrel of religion, &c.; yet it is true on the other side, that many honest men blinded peradventure with some opinions of Popery (as if they be not sound in the questions of the Real Presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such School question), yet do they either not know, or at least not believe all the true grounds of Popery, which is indeed the Mystery of Iniquity. And therefore do we justly confess that many Papists, especially our forefathers, laying their only trust upon Christ His merits at their last breath, may be and oftentimes are saved; detesting in that point and thinking the cruelty of Puritans worthy of fire, that will admit no salvation to any Papist. I therefore thus do conclude this point, that as upon the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery may yet remain good and faithful subjects; so upon the other part, none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds and School conclusions of their doctrine, can ever prove either good Christians or good subjects," &c.

(M8) These be the words of His Majesty's speech in Parliament,(320) wherein we may observe two things. First, that the Puritans had laboured and in some sort prevailed with His Majesty to make him believe, that it is holden by the doctrine of Catholics lawful to kill and murder Princes, &c, wherein that they might the better persuade and work His Highness'

mind to their opinion, or rather his opinion to their desire, they did set forth two pestilent books full of subtle falsehood, one of the which I had occasion before to write of, which was directed to that unlawful end to prove all Catholics traitors by the laws of the realm. The other was yet a more impudent and malicious book, ent.i.tled _The Popish Positions_, wherein by a number of Canons and sayings of Popes and Doctors, falsely alleged and sophistically inferred, the Puritans labour to prove that it is by the Catholic doctrine holden and approved for lawful to kill and murder Princes, &c., and therefore not possible they should be good subjects but traitors, and so to be esteemed and used. In which case I leave it to the reader's judgment what was the mark they shot at. But I may not leave him in that error (if by chance he be one that know not our opinions) that we either hold or teach so erroneous and wicked doctrine, as they would infer out of many places which themselves understand not, and others which they falsely allege. I will not stand to answer any particular of the book, which is not for this place, and shall be no doubt much better and more at large performed by others. But this I desire the reader to remember, that out of this very story, wherein yet there is a sorer proof against us in this point, so far as concerneth the only practice of a few, than can be equalled in the examples of many ages; yet doth it plainly appear that Catholics do hold and teach the very contrary, as if it please him to turn back unto the answer which Father Garnett gave unto Mr. Catesby in questions of the like kind but of far less moment, he shall plainly see.

For although he was not demanded any such barbarous question as whether it were lawful to murder Kings (unto which his answer would have been quick and sharp no doubt, as becometh a Religious man, whose ears must be hedged about with thorns against any such traitorous tongues), but the demand being only this: "For whom it was lawful to make war and how far to proceed therein," he showed that no war was lawful without authority, nor any authority able to give leave but from those that had the government of the commonwealth. His answer therefore was much contrary to this malicious inference of his untrue reporting enemies, although he then spoke unto a confident friend, where he feared no rehearsal of the matter; and to one also that he feared to be too forward in those causes, and therefore if he had been desirous to set him more forward in that mind, and had been of that opinion himself, or that opinion true and lawful to be practised, which our enemies slander us withal, surely he would then have delivered his mind plainly to that effect. But the truth is so far on the contrary side, that all Catholics received strict commandment from the See Apostolic, that in no case they should stir or attempt anything against His Majesty or the State, and this both from Pope Clement VIII. of pious memory, and from Paulus Vtus. that now sitteth in the Chair, who both before and since his a.s.sumption to that supreme dignity of governing the Church of Christ, hath showed himself most earnest to procure the quiet, safety, and security of our Sovereign, both by liking and allowing of the leagues that other Catholic Princes have made with him, as also by often intimation and signification into England both by letters and message, that no Catholic people should go about to interrupt or trouble the same by their impatient proceedings. This likewise was the commandment sent from the General of the Society and Father Persons to Father Garnett, as hath been showed before. This was also Father Garnett his practice and earnest endeavour, as may plainly be seen in his own letters before set down; and may be seen also in the proof and sequel of this business, sith it may plainly appear he prevailed much with all the best sort of Catholics in England, as his letters do also import that he hoped he should, whereas these conspirators rising in arms, and with protestation that they rise only for cause of religion, unto the which they were well known to be fervently addicted, and no light-headed or hare-brained persons, but men known to be full of valour and of wit, and esteemed also before this action by all that knew them well, to be full of virtue. Yea, although divers of them were much befriended and allied in those countries where they took arms, and the countries also very well stored with many Catholics of worth, yet for all this, so far had Father Garnett prevailed with them, or rather the commandment of His Holiness delivered by him, that none would or did come to help them, or offer to stand for the cause in that kind or course of forcible attempt. No, neither friends to their persons nor friends to their religion would either by themselves or their forces give them any help at all. And yet they sought it earnestly, insomuch that they sent Mr. Thomas Winter to one Catholic gentleman of a n.o.ble house and great account, and whose daughter also his brother, Mr.

Robert Winter, had married, and yet this gentleman being a known and constant Catholic, and a man otherwise very stout and withal of great power in those parts, he was so far from helping or a.s.sisting them in any sort, that he would not so much as hear Mr. Winter speak, but caused his gates to be shut against him. And yet the said n.o.ble gentleman was afterwards in great trouble and had like to have lost all his estate, which is very great, upon presumption that he did bear some good will unto them. So that hereby it is most apparent, how contrary the doctrine and practice also both of Superiors and subjects in Catholic religion is from that which the Puritans did labour by their books to persuade, and it seems His Majesty was in part wrought to believe.

But whatsoever the Catholics do herein, it is well known that the Puritans do both hold it for sound doctrine, and are not ashamed to teach it as lawful and necessary, and to practise it also (not as these few Catholics did, out of their own opinion ill-applied, and blamed for it by all of their own side), but as proceeding out of their doctrine, yea and warranted by the same, or rather urged upon the people by the preachers of the said doctrine, for which they say they bring the Word in great plenty.

I will not here cite Luther and Calvin, who are very copious in this kind, and will be fittest for those to bring that answer the foresaid books. It sufficeth here to consider our home examples and that of the chief apostles and pillars of the religion now professed under His Majesty's name and authority in Scotland, to wit, John Knox, the first broacher and preacher thereof, and Buchanan's chief a.s.sistant therein, and master also and bringer up of His Majesty's person. Both which in their public writings do not only place the restraint, coaction, punishment, arraignment, condemnation, deposition, yea and execution also of Princes in the people's hands when they govern not well (according to their judgment), but further also do wish that public rewards should be appointed by the same people for such as kill tyrants, as commonly there are, say they, for those that kill wolves or bears or take their whelps.

So they. Whereunto if we add these authors' own inference in the same places here quoted, which is, that when the people are negligent in punishing evil Princes, their particular ministers may cite them; yea, and by excommunication cast them into h.e.l.l, and make them unworthy to enjoy life upon earth, as their own words are. By this doctrine, and by their practice according to the same (whereof His Majesty is best able to bear witness out of his own trial), the reader may judge how different the state of Princes' safety is under the one and the other doctrine and discipline, and from the one and the other sort of subjects. And by this I leave him to discern whether the Catholics or the Puritans deserve better to be compared with Turk, Jew, or Pagan, or the inhabitants of Calicut, in respect of cruelty or disobedience growing out of their doctrine.

And surely His Majesty was not ignorant of the mind and doctrine and manner of proceeding of the Puritans in this point; but out of his wisdom, he thought it best rather to please them for the time in seeming to believe what they had written of us than to rehea.r.s.e their own doctrine, whereof he had tasted too much, knowing right well that their patience was not able to bear to be rubbed upon the back, which indeed was much galled in that kind of doctrine about government. So that herein we may think it pleased His Highness to practise(321) that in this his grave and princely speech in the Parliament House, which sometimes before he had used to say in mirth, when he would show the difference between the Papists and Puritans, in matter of patient sufferance. For His Majesty would often affirm that he had in his realm two a.s.ses, an old a.s.s and a young a.s.s. The old a.s.s, which was the Papist, would willingly and patiently bear what loads soever he laid upon his back; but the young a.s.s, which was the Puritan, was so unruly, that if he laid the least burden upon his back, he would never leave wincing and flinging until he had gotten it off, and perhaps would do much harm in the meantime with his heels. And we must for this time bear with so much the more patience this imputation as a punishment for the ill desert of these few gentlemen, although it be most apparent that our doctrine and our general practice deserve much the contrary, which also His Majesty in the same speech doth seem to allow as true in the minds and manners of most of his Catholic subjects; and in that regard doth wisely and graciously restrain the too great forwardness and fury of the Puritans, which, he saith, he counteth worthy of fire, allowing the Catholics neither for saved souls in Heaven, nor good subjects in earth.

(M9) But yet whereas His Majesty doth distinguish between the learned and unlearned Papists, and seemeth to think those which know the less, and believe and follow the fewer of our grounds and points of doctrine, to be the better sort of Catholics, and more likely to be the better subjects and more obedient both to G.o.d in Heaven and to their Kings and Princes on earth: this is the second point I touched before, which I must grant I do not well understand. For being granted that some of our religion be good, and G.o.d's servants, and go to heaven, I do not see how it is possible that those who know and practise more of that with which the others were good, can thereby become the worse.

For as it is most a.s.sured, that none can have grace in this life, nor glory in the next without faith-"sine qua impossible est placere Deo:"(322) so no faith but the true faith which Christ delivered to His Church, and the Apostles planted in His Church, can be this necessary foundation to this good estate of a soul either in grace or glory.

"Fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est."(323) Therefore these simpler Catholics being saved must needs both have had faith, and that the true faith of Christ. Now I suppose the true faith of Christ can teach none to be disloyal. Again this faith of Christ, being but one (as there is but one Lord and one baptism), cannot be divided, or in part believed and followed and in part refused, "quam nisi quisque fideliter firmiterque crediderit, salvus esse non poterit, eamque nisi quis integram inviolatamque servaverit, absque dubio in aeternum peribit."(324) So that the most simple Catholics both do and must believe and profess the same faith in all points which the learned do, although they are not bound explicite to know all particulars more than the articles of their Creed and the Sacraments and other needful helps to salvation which they are to use; for the rest it sufficeth they believe the Church in all things as being "Columna et firmamentum veritatis,"(325) and the same also one article of their Creed, which all are bound both to believe and know; and so consequently the simpler sort believe implicite and virtually all that is generally taught and believed by School Doctors for matter of faith: and so their faith and the grounds of their faith being all one, can work no different effect. And if there should be any difference, methinks the better lot should not light to the share of the more simple, for then it would be good to be unskilful in the law and in the grounds of faith, contrary to that which G.o.d saith by His Prophet, "Conticuit populus meus, eo quod non habuerit scientiam: quia tu scientiam repulisti, repellam et ego,"(326) &c. And this was the ordinary cavil against us in the late alteration of religion (though unjustly imposed), as though we had willingly kept the people in ignorance, and therefore would not permit them the Scriptures in English. But as reason did then, so since experience hath proved that was not the cause; but as nurses that feed their children, as St. Paul did his, first with milk and then with solid meat, so we. And this to prevent their danger, which since we see hath followed, that rule being neglected under pretence, forsooth, of remedying the ignorance which Papists were kept in. But if then the case of the ignorant had been the better, we had the more wrong to be blamed for doing the best. Finally, this faith which may and often hath saved some of the ignorant Papists; as it is but one, and must be entirely believed and professed, so it is also holy, as being the faith of Christ (as before I proved), and the foundation of that Church which is "una et sancta," &c.: and being holy it cannot follow that the greater measure should hurt, where the less doth good; for as we see, if a little fire give warmth, a greater will give a greater heat, and the sun which giveth light being under a cloud, will shine more brightly when it is fully seen: so that the more virtue is in the agent, and the more the same is applied, the more is the same effect brought forth in the patient, unless it be "propter debilitatem organi," as in our eye against the light of the sun when we gaze upon it, which defect is not in our soul, the same being made for G.o.d Himself as for the final end of man, and therefore capable still of more and more increase of grace, as we see in the Apostles, &c.; and as G.o.d saith by His Prophet, "Dilata os tuum et implebo illud."(327) Therefore it must needs follow that the more and more perfectly and exactly the rules and grounds of this holy faith are known, the more holy it doth make the knowers and believers and followers of the same. Neither can it possibly be otherwise; for as our Lord Himself saith, "Non potest arbor bona fructus malos facere."

Well may it happen, and doth often (as His Majesty did wisely and truly note), that "particular men of all professions and religions have been, some thieves, some murderers, some traitors," &c., but this then is contrary to their doctrine, if their doctrine be that good Tree of which our Saviour speaketh, and which He planted in His Church. For that being "Arbor bona non potest malos fructus facere," where we must understand, "quatenus talis arbor." The best tree that is hath some fruit that doth miscarry. Some are blasted in the bud, some shaken off with the wind, some pecked with birds, some with one mischance and some with another miscarrieth before it come to ripeness or perfection; but by these we never measure the goodness of the tree. But if we see an apple or apric.o.c.k hang upon the tree of perfect colour, of just bigness and shape, so that we may see it is come to that perfection which the tree can naturally bring it unto, then according to the taste of the fruit, we judge the goodness of the tree. If then the fruit be sour, we call the tree a crab-tree; if bitter, so we also term the tree and say it is nought; and justly, being warranted by Him that made them, "Quia non potest arbor bona fructus malos facere, nec arbor mala fructus bonos facere."(328) So that here is the difference: an evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit, that is, neither grace nor glory can grow into a man's soul out of evil doctrine, and so that soul not possible to be saved, unless his branch be cut from his own root and grafted into the stock of the good tree to receive the juice and sap of the same, as St. Paul saith we Gentiles were into the trunk of the Jews' fruitful olive. On the contrary part, a good tree may have some miscarry, but then it is not long of the tree, but of other mischances. And so the Catholic doctrine being holy, and in this very point of obedience holy, as teaching that all subjects are bound to obey, not as Luther teacheth, for policy only, making all men equal and to have no superior but Christ; nor as I showed before out of Knox and Buchanan; but as the truth is, and as St. Paul teacheth, that there is distinction of degrees and the subjects bound to obey, and that not _ad libitum_, or outwardly only, "ad oculum servientes,"(329) but in conscience and of necessity, "et tanquam Domino," and as to our Lord Himself, to Whom we serve in obeying our superiors according to His commandment. This is the doctrine of the Holy Catholic Faith in this point, wherein although some may miscarry and take wrong courses, as these few of late did, following their own conceits and desires against the direction and wills of those who delivered the contrary doctrine (as hath been declared), yet this is no impeachment to the Tree, nor to the rest of the fruit. This act of theirs cannot be laid upon the doctrine which is holy and bringeth forth no disobedient fruit, but the contrary in great measure, and that so much the more in those that know more and are the more perfect in the grounds thereof, as being the fruit which this "Arbor bona" hath brought to best perfection.

And this clearness and innocency touching this late attempt is not only thus apparently proved to be in the whole body of Catholics, but was then the general opinion of all, the Puritans excepted, who are ever ready to impugn "agnitam veritatem." His Majesty, as you have seen, did partly affirm it and granted some other part, out of which you see it is convinced.

The prisoners being all at that time often and carefully examined, they affirmed constantly and jointly (though severally examined) that there were no other conspirators than were taken and publicly known. And as for Priests, they did both then and at their death protest there was none in the action: whereupon His Majesty in the whole course of his speech did only lay the fault upon them that were discovered, and did seem to excuse the rest, as you have heard. So that it was as generally, as justly believed and voiced through England, that other Catholics were all free, and no Priest at all accused or could be touched with the treason, which gave no small satisfaction both to Catholics and others. And so in right it should have continued. But the Puritans did much grieve and envy that those should be free from blame, upon whom they rather wished that all might light. And therefore they began to practise and work the contrary opinion, first in the King, and afterwards in public show unto the country, as shall appear in the next chapter.

Chapter IX. How The Fathers Of The Society Were By Industry Of The Heretics Drawn Into This Matter, To Incense The King Against Them, And For Them Against The Catholic Religion.

The Prophet doth in few words very fully express the desires and endeavours of such as are most guided by that spirit of pride, who is a professed enemy to G.o.d and to all good men. "Superbia eorum (saith he) qui te oderunt, ascendit semper."(330) As if he should say to Almighty G.o.d, not only the apostate Angel himself doth hate Thee, and all those for Thy sake whom he seeth Thee to love; but those also, who are full of his rising and resisting spirit, do still raise themselves against Thee and all Thine, but most against those whom they see Thee most to favour, or most to use and employ in Thy service. "Ascendit semper:" their spirit still fighteth against those whom at least they think the highest; although in this man's judgment often erreth, guessing by outward signs and not being able to search the heart of man, as He doth that is "Scrutator cordis et renum," is therefore not able to judge, or their judgment to be taken for a certain proof, who be most in G.o.d's favour. But this their practice was plainly proved true in this present matter, whereof we have already treated and are as yet further to declare. For although we are to presume that His Majesty and the Council did proceed without pa.s.sion in the matter, His Majesty having in many parts of his speech showed great equanimity and gracious opinion of his faithful Catholic subjects; yea, although His Highness did in the same speech correct the malice of Puritans against all Catholics in general, and did seek to repress their fury, which he saw so ready by word and action to oppress all Catholics upon this occasion offered, and to persecute the innocent mult.i.tude for the fault of a few: yet all this would not suffice to quench or a.s.suage that fire (as the King did wisely observe and so express it in his speech) "with which their hearts were burnt up in this errant." But as they had before determined, so they never lef