The Classical World Part 10

Austere Tiberius soon had the ban reinstated, but it did not last. It was so much more thrilling for young bloods to compete with a net, a sword or a trident in the arena than to uphold ancient morality in a heavy white toga. In due course, there were emperors who agreed. Caligula liked playing the gladiator, while Nero appeared on stage and drove a chariot at the races. In the 180s the ultimate shock was Commodus. Once, after fighting ostriches in the arena, he cut off their necks and advanced on the senators in their special seats, brandishing a sword in one hand and the bloodied head of a bird in the other. He gesticulated at the Senate as if their necks might be the next ones for his attention. And yet when he died there were senators who bought up his gladiatorial equipment.17

42.

The Roman Army

Total absentees including 5 centurions 456.

Remainder, present including I centurion 296.

From those:

Sick

15.

Wounded

6.

Suffering from inflammation of the eyes

10.

Total of these

31.

Remainder, fit for active service including I centurion.

265.

Strength report of the First Cohort of Tungrians on 18 May (probably in the early 90s AD) at Vindolanda in north Britain (Tabulae Vindolandenses 1.154) 1.154) For nearly sixty years Augustus' most important relationship was not with theatre crowds: it was with the army. The soldiers had lived through profound changes during the fall of the Republic which were crucial to the real 'Roman revolution'. Since the days of Sulla, there were so many more of them under arms. After Julius Caesar's murder there had been more than forty legions (each legion numbered about 5,000); the settlement of veterans remained a ma.s.sive operation, inside and outside Italy. Under Augustus, the legions reduced at first to twenty-six, but in ad 23, when we are given clear figures, there were still reckoned to be 150,000 citizen-soldiers in the legions (now numbering twenty-five) and another 150,000 auxiliarysoldiers in the important supporting units, almost all of whom were non-Romans and would receive citizenship only on discharge. As the Empire's frontiers moved forward, these troops were being stationed ever further afield, but the sum total was still enormous.

Service, also, had been greatly increased. The age of 'triumvirs' had been characterized by long periods under arms, but after Actium those periods became official. Legionaries now had to serve for sixteen years (increased in AD 5 to twenty years) and in 13 BC BC a further four years 'under the standards' were added for men who had served their span. During this extra time, they were supposed to be called on only for combat with an enemy. In fact, service could drag on for up to thirty years without full discharge; in the Republic, the maximum length had been six years. Under Augustus, therefore, there was a real standing army. It was quite different from the citizen-armies which had been briefly called up in the Greek city-states, and it was far bigger than the core armies of h.e.l.lenistic kings, which were enlarged in wartime by hiring mercenaries and calling up military colonists from land-settlements. There were even localized fleets in naval bases, forming a small standing navy. a further four years 'under the standards' were added for men who had served their span. During this extra time, they were supposed to be called on only for combat with an enemy. In fact, service could drag on for up to thirty years without full discharge; in the Republic, the maximum length had been six years. Under Augustus, therefore, there was a real standing army. It was quite different from the citizen-armies which had been briefly called up in the Greek city-states, and it was far bigger than the core armies of h.e.l.lenistic kings, which were enlarged in wartime by hiring mercenaries and calling up military colonists from land-settlements. There were even localized fleets in naval bases, forming a small standing navy.

Like every emperor, Hadrian recognized the importance of this army, especially as he had to preside over its withdrawal from his predecessor's disastrous ventures in the East. Not a fighting emperor, he became a touring emperor. He gave off a militaryaura byaddressing the troops in each province, and even sharing their diet of bread and cheese. By then (c. 120) their numbers were still bigger, as the auxiliaries and fleets had increased: up to 500,000 people were under arms, perhaps one in every 120 inhabitants of the Empire. Not until the seventeenth century, in France, would such proportions be matched again in a kingdom.

Since Augustus, each emperor was the acknowledged Commander (Imperator). Statues, therefore, often show emperors in militarydress, and defeat of the barbarians was a major part of their image in art and poetry. They wore a wreath of laurel (signifying Victory) and at festivals, the special robe of a 'triumphing' commander. We can well see whyAugustus' poor track record in combat was such a weakness. For as emperor, it was he who dealt with the army in general. It was he who fixed the pay-scales, allowances and lengths of service for each rank.1 Until ad 6 he paid their rewards on discharge and gave the 'diplomas' for each retiring auxiliary. It was on his authority only that colonies were settled for veterans: the details of each colony's 'map' and property rights would be deposited, dulysigned, in the emperor's own record office. Until ad 6 he paid their rewards on discharge and gave the 'diplomas' for each retiring auxiliary. It was on his authority only that colonies were settled for veterans: the details of each colony's 'map' and property rights would be deposited, dulysigned, in the emperor's own record office.2 If the land for the colony was bought (sometimes it was not), it was Augustus who paid for it, a point which he emphasizes in his record of his achievements, because n.o.bodyhad ever paid for so much land before. Most of the legions were in provinces which were the emperor's, not the 'public ones', and in them, his agents saw to the troops' pay. If the land for the colony was bought (sometimes it was not), it was Augustus who paid for it, a point which he emphasizes in his record of his achievements, because n.o.bodyhad ever paid for so much land before. Most of the legions were in provinces which were the emperor's, not the 'public ones', and in them, his agents saw to the troops' pay.3 In them, he alone gave out military decorations, but all veterans every where were 'his'. When he disbanded veterans after Actium, he gave them the full rights of Roman citizenship, the right to vote at Rome in whatever tribe they chose, exemption from all civic obligations in their local towns if they so wished, and a valuable immunity from tribute. However, veterans who settled in a colony in Spain would hardly bother about voting in Rome, while their local townsmen could no doubt make them hold local office with offers which they could not refuse. The privileges had to be a.s.serted by their recipients, but they were not curtailed until the late second century (when they dropped to four years) and were not abolished until the third century. In them, he alone gave out military decorations, but all veterans every where were 'his'. When he disbanded veterans after Actium, he gave them the full rights of Roman citizenship, the right to vote at Rome in whatever tribe they chose, exemption from all civic obligations in their local towns if they so wished, and a valuable immunity from tribute. However, veterans who settled in a colony in Spain would hardly bother about voting in Rome, while their local townsmen could no doubt make them hold local office with offers which they could not refuse. The privileges had to be a.s.serted by their recipients, but they were not curtailed until the late second century (when they dropped to four years) and were not abolished until the third century.

Looking up to their emperor as Commander, the troops observed a calendar of Roman religious festivals and sacrifices. Probably, its form went back to Augustus' reign, although we only encounter evidence for it later, when the number of sacrifices to deified emperors and empresses had expanded. In the centre of a legionary camp, a shrine contained the legion's standards and images of the emperor and the Roman divinities (the soldiers' savings were also deposited here). Roman rituals of purification and of omen-taking were practised: we have the calendar of an auxiliaryunit, of non-citizens, which included vows on 3 January for the well-being of the emperor, the eternity of the Roman Empire and sacrifices to the three great G.o.ds of the Roman Capitol.4 Under the Republic, refusal to serve when called had been punished by the death penalty. In the new age that sanction receded. Hencefor-ward, service in the legions was almost always voluntary and forcible conscription was exceptional. At two moments of 'crisis', in AD 5 and 9, Augustus did resort to it; in the 60s, however, the Emperor Nero found that he could not even hold a forcible levy when he wished.5 When levies are attested locally in the Empire, they are either levies of volunteers or levies for the non-citizen auxiliaryunits. Even so, the recruiting officers who conducted them were the emperor's men. About 6,000 recruits are the army's estimated yearly need, after the usual deaths and retirements, in order to maintain the legions at full strength each year. Surviving figures for the Roman census suggest that the rising citizen-population could have met that need very comfortably. It would therefore take a sudden very heavy demand for troops to make forcible enlistment a necessity. Otherwise, the emperor and his men simplysaw to it. Already in ad 23 it was quite exceptional that the Emperor Tiberius discussed army recruitment in the Senate. When levies are attested locally in the Empire, they are either levies of volunteers or levies for the non-citizen auxiliaryunits. Even so, the recruiting officers who conducted them were the emperor's men. About 6,000 recruits are the army's estimated yearly need, after the usual deaths and retirements, in order to maintain the legions at full strength each year. Surviving figures for the Roman census suggest that the rising citizen-population could have met that need very comfortably. It would therefore take a sudden very heavy demand for troops to make forcible enlistment a necessity. Otherwise, the emperor and his men simplysaw to it. Already in ad 23 it was quite exceptional that the Emperor Tiberius discussed army recruitment in the Senate.6 Even the appointments to quite minor commands came to be submitted outside the public eye to the emperor's judgement. Quite by chance, we discover (through a poem in the 80s) that one of the emperor's secretaries had to receive letters about cavalry commanders, military tribunes and other subordinate officers, either so as to approve their appointments or to a.s.sist the emperor if he wished to appoint them himself from on high. Even the appointments to quite minor commands came to be submitted outside the public eye to the emperor's judgement. Quite by chance, we discover (through a poem in the 80s) that one of the emperor's secretaries had to receive letters about cavalry commanders, military tribunes and other subordinate officers, either so as to approve their appointments or to a.s.sist the emperor if he wished to appoint them himself from on high.7 The soldiers' tactics had become more varied during the Republic's fall, but the basic legionary had not changed: he was still armed with a javelin (pilum) to be thrown at close quarters, backed up byeffective use of the sword. He still wore open sandals with heavy nailed soles ('militaryboots'), a shirt of chain mail (later replaced bya breastplate of jointed iron strips), a solid metal helmet and an oval shield or, by ad 100, one which was rectangular. In full armour, he could not swim, although swimming was one of his skills and a recommended part of his training. In close formation, his line of shields could stand firm against missiles; by opening out, it could let through the scythed chariots which were launched at it without much effect by Britons and Gauls. There were also stone- and arrow-shooting catapults, powered by torsion (one type, from its 'kick', was called the wild a.s.s). Romans copied these from the Greek world, and stationed up to sixty machines behind each legion so that they could begin battle with a powered barrage, shot over the legionaries' heads.

The main tactical development was the increasing use of local non-Roman auxiliaries. By the late first century ad light-armed provincial troops would be put in front of the traditional legionary line and would take most of the initial battering. On the wings, squadrons of non-Roman cavalry would shoot arrows or javelins, while riding rapidly at a diagonal or circling on their enemy's flank. The angled cavalry charge towards the centre, the hallmark of Alexander's great victories, was not now in fashion. Opposing cavalry tended to be skirmishers, especially in the Near East where the Parthian hors.e.m.e.n would shoot scores of arrows as they retreated.

There had always been Roman citizen cavalrytoo, but they had last been used effectively in 109 BC BC: back in Augustan Rome, cavalrymen with 'public horses' now included people like the poet Ovid. Rome's cavalry strength, therefore, had to be provincial and auxiliary. In the 50s and 40s BC BC Julius Caesar had discovered and recruited the exceptional skill of German and Gallic cavalry. In Spain, too, Augustus was amazed by the fast Spanish hors.e.m.e.n and their skill with throwing javelins on horseback, which he described in his autobiography. After observing such troops in Germany, Pliny the Elder wrote a manual on the art, some of which survives: it is noticeable that technical Latin cavalry-terms are often based on Spanish or Gallic words. We can still read the Emperor Hadrian's speech in north Africa, remarking on his mounted troops' fine display of this art. There were still no stirrups to hold the riders steady, but the Romans adopted a saddle, a Celtic speciality: they gave it two 'horns', or pommels, which wedged the cavalryman firmly. Julius Caesar had discovered and recruited the exceptional skill of German and Gallic cavalry. In Spain, too, Augustus was amazed by the fast Spanish hors.e.m.e.n and their skill with throwing javelins on horseback, which he described in his autobiography. After observing such troops in Germany, Pliny the Elder wrote a manual on the art, some of which survives: it is noticeable that technical Latin cavalry-terms are often based on Spanish or Gallic words. We can still read the Emperor Hadrian's speech in north Africa, remarking on his mounted troops' fine display of this art. There were still no stirrups to hold the riders steady, but the Romans adopted a saddle, a Celtic speciality: they gave it two 'horns', or pommels, which wedged the cavalryman firmly.

One particular body of cavalrymen reached the highest honour: German hors.e.m.e.n, huge strapping characters whose 'amazing bodies' were first admired and recruited by Julius Caesar as his personal horseguards. On his death, these guards split between Antony and the new 'Caesar'. After victory, Augustus kept them on as his tall, magnificent bodyguards and stationed them in Rome, tactfully north of the Tiber. In 118, under Hadrian, a poem describes how one such German horseguard swam 'the wide waters of the deep Danube in full armour... I shot an arrow from my bow which I hit and broke with another while it hung in the air and fell back... Let anyone see if after me they can match my deeds.'8 They could not, nowadays, and yet these German guards continued on and off for centuries: Augustus' successors sometimes put them under the command of a proven gladiator. They were a crucial support for the 'First Citizen'. They could not, nowadays, and yet these German guards continued on and off for centuries: Augustus' successors sometimes put them under the command of a proven gladiator. They were a crucial support for the 'First Citizen'.

Even more prominent were the Commander's guards, or Praetorians. These infantry troops had first developed during the final stages of the Civil War when they had served each of the two main leaders. Highly paid and carefullyselected, the Praetorians were amalgamated by the victor and numbered up to 9,000; Augustus' Praetorians came overwhelmingly from Italy. From the ad 20s they were concentrated in barracks in Rome, a most unrepublican presence, and their command, which had begun with low-key equestrians, went to some of the early Empire's most influential schemers, Seja.n.u.s under Tiberius or the odious Tigellinus who did nothing to improve the Emperor Nero's morals. They became a crucial element in every emperor's succession and survival.

The main legions were always manned with Roman citizens. However, local volunteers could quickly be given the Roman citizenship before being enrolled. Auxiliaries, by contrast, served always as non-citizens, with the prospect of citizenship only when they retired. Their units bore ethnic names, but they soon included people of mixed nationalities, a real melting pot. Wild and untamed people very seldom served in their own homeland. Britons, therefore, were sent off to serve in central Europe, while strapping Germans paraded near Scotland on Hadrian's Wall. Legionary pay was not particularly lavish and under Augustus the costs of weapons, tents and clothing were deducted. Inevitably, there were back-hand payments, too, required by centurion-soldiers to 'a.s.sure' a fellow soldier's leave. Not until ad 69 were 'back-handers' abolished (at least officially), and in due course the deductions did dwindle; the sums which were held back for tents and armour became treated as a deposit, to be released to the soldier on discharge.9 The Praetorian guards were much more highly paid, whereas auxiliaries received less but on varying scales which sometimes amounted to as much as a legionary's wages (the exact rates are still disputed). Soldiering, as always, was the most widespread salaried career in antiquity. The Praetorian guards were much more highly paid, whereas auxiliaries received less but on varying scales which sometimes amounted to as much as a legionary's wages (the exact rates are still disputed). Soldiering, as always, was the most widespread salaried career in antiquity.

The prize was the reward on discharge. Antony and Octavian had begun by trying to find plots of land of about 30 acres for each veteran soldier in Italy: after Actium, a great wave of settlement took veteran soldiers mostly into the provinces. From ad 6 a cash payment was offered instead, financed by the newly established military treasury: nonetheless, the payment was less than two-thirds as big as the ones first offered in the wars of the late 40s BC BC. It did not help that this treasury was partly financed by the introduction of the hated inheritance tax on Roman citizens. Bits of land continued to be offered, too (Nero even reverted to trying to offer them in Italy), but in ad 14 soldiers were complaining they were being fobbed off with bits of marshland or rough mountain.

Despite the new treasury, Augustus's reign ended with low military morale, a repeated need for levies and major mutinies on the northern frontier. The basic culprit was the old man's personal drive for wars in the north from ad 5 onwards. Hard fighting here advanced Rome to the rivers Elbe and Weser; the princ.i.p.al remaining enemy, Maroboduus, was cla.s.sed as the 'worst since Hannibal',10 but the attack on him required forced levies elsewhere, and these levies provoked revolts in the Balkans, especially in Illyric.u.m. In the end, negotiations had to begin with Maroboduus. In ad 9 a German counter-attack caught the legions dispersed and off guard and inflicted a truly frightful disaster on their commander, Varus: the German hero was Arminius (whence 'Herman the German'). The reprisals were led by the future Emperor Tiberius, who revived outdated modes of discipline and imposed the harshest orders. They did not bode well for his years as emperor. but the attack on him required forced levies elsewhere, and these levies provoked revolts in the Balkans, especially in Illyric.u.m. In the end, negotiations had to begin with Maroboduus. In ad 9 a German counter-attack caught the legions dispersed and off guard and inflicted a truly frightful disaster on their commander, Varus: the German hero was Arminius (whence 'Herman the German'). The reprisals were led by the future Emperor Tiberius, who revived outdated modes of discipline and imposed the harshest orders. They did not bode well for his years as emperor.

To man these campaigns, soldiers had been retained for far too long, sometimes for thirty years: the practice of 'extra time' was still widespread and resented. There had also been conscription at Rome which had brought riff-raff into the front line. The affair was all a blot on Augustus' militarymanagement, which was any way tarnished. The old-fashioned discipline of Tiberius and his contemporaries did not help morale, either, when they came out to pull things round after some very much softer commanders.

With such specific causes, the mutinies of ad 14 were curable. Conspicuously, they did not recur, not even in the year 69 when four emperors marched against one another in succession. In 69 army pay did not even have to be increased to urge on the troops (it stayed constant until the reign of Domitian). In many provinces, meanwhile, army life settled down to peacetime routine. From military manuals and dailyregisters which are preserved on papyrus, we can see that it was certainly not boring.11 There were regular exercises and an important array of civilian duties, including road-building, quarrying, mining and bridge-building. Soldiers became involved in surrounding life, even in seeing off plagues of locusts. Their commanders, inevitably, were called on to arbitrate and settle disputes, and not only disputes between soldiers. So much of what we see as 'Romanization' was the work of troops on long alert (including the aqueducts built in north Africa). Legionary camps became pools of experienced architects and engineers who could also advise on civilian projects. There was a huge volume of paperwork, to keep daily lists and details of pay: manuals urged that soldiers should, if possible, be literate, and army service was certainly an agent for promoting literacy. There were regular exercises and an important array of civilian duties, including road-building, quarrying, mining and bridge-building. Soldiers became involved in surrounding life, even in seeing off plagues of locusts. Their commanders, inevitably, were called on to arbitrate and settle disputes, and not only disputes between soldiers. So much of what we see as 'Romanization' was the work of troops on long alert (including the aqueducts built in north Africa). Legionary camps became pools of experienced architects and engineers who could also advise on civilian projects. There was a huge volume of paperwork, to keep daily lists and details of pay: manuals urged that soldiers should, if possible, be literate, and army service was certainly an agent for promoting literacy.

Commanders of legions were senators (outside Egypt) and in a province with several legions, they were men in their mid-thirties who had already been a praetor in Rome. The linchpins of support for these amateurs were the long-serving centurions who were usually as tough as nails. The experienced 'prefects of the camp' were also particularlyimportant here. Each legion had five experienced tribunes of equestrian rank too: the sixth tribune was a young man of senatorial birth, eighteen or nineteen years old. By comparison, he was very raw, though the commanding legate might enjoy his company. It was exceptional, the historian Tacitus noted, for these favoured young men not to lounge around and waste their posting.12 Even the ordinary men's diet was surprisingly varied, including quite a range of meat (much of it caught by hunting). The army, therefore, spread hunting ever further down the social ladder. The camps, meanwhile, manufactured the troops' armour and weapons, while their basic supplies were taken from the provincials, sometimes transported across long distances. It is not clear how often they were properly paid for. A legion has been estimated to eat '2,000 tonnes' of grain a year, while the horses of a single cavalry unit needed another '635': it would have taken a very high demand by soldiers for paid local services to compensate provincials for this burden. For soldiers, however, a particular advantage of military life over civilian life was care for the sick. Hospitals are an invention of the Roman army.

In long intervals of peace, troops in these camps would inevitably 'soften', and here the Romans' long-running fear of 'luxury' came into play. A new commander or a visiting emperor would sometimes decide to tighten things up: in 121/2, Hadrian set about the troops in Germany. Beds were banned (Hadrian slept in camp on straw) and fancy dining rooms and colonnades were demolished. No doubt they had been the creations of soft officers: there was even a most interesting need to uproot their ornamental gardens. Hadrian himself undertook the hard marches, up to twenty miles in armour, which he reimposed on the legions. His 'discipline' was remembered for centuries by the authors of militarymanuals.13 As a general practice, units were anyway moved around quite widely beyond their bases: by Hadrian's time, watchtowers had become common and out lying forts could be more than a hundred miles distant from the main camp. Military minds, meanwhile, did not forget that Hannibal's men were said to have been sapped by that winter spent among the 'luxury' of Capua, and Sulla's by the 'luxury' of Asia. So in due course, a legionary camp would be moved on and, behind it, a township would develop on its former site. Fear of luxury thus helped indirectly to urbanize Rome's subjects. The towns which grew up on former camp-sites helped to 'soften' the provincials whom the hardy soldiers had been supposed to be guarding. In Britain, towns like Gloucester and Lincoln began in this way. As a general practice, units were anyway moved around quite widely beyond their bases: by Hadrian's time, watchtowers had become common and out lying forts could be more than a hundred miles distant from the main camp. Military minds, meanwhile, did not forget that Hannibal's men were said to have been sapped by that winter spent among the 'luxury' of Capua, and Sulla's by the 'luxury' of Asia. So in due course, a legionary camp would be moved on and, behind it, a township would develop on its former site. Fear of luxury thus helped indirectly to urbanize Rome's subjects. The towns which grew up on former camp-sites helped to 'soften' the provincials whom the hardy soldiers had been supposed to be guarding. In Britain, towns like Gloucester and Lincoln began in this way.

If soldiers had to be separated from towns, they also had to be kept away from wives. From Augustus until the third century legionaries were not allowed to marry. Existing marriages, even, were ended at the moment of recruitment. Of course men could not be kept away from women. Liaisons flourished (soldiers even wrote of their 'girl-friends' and 'darlings'), and brothels were also kept busy, though one army-unit on the northern coast of the Black Sea can be found to have been collecting the local tax from the prost.i.tutes. Legionaries' offspring, however, were illegitimate. In inscriptions, we find 'sons of Spurius' (soldier-b.a.s.t.a.r.ds) and in the papyri of Roman Egypt, a conspicuous cla.s.s of 'the fatherless' appear.14 They are not orphans: they are children of legally prohibited unions, whether between Romans and Egyptians, or Roman legionaries and locals. Long before the celibate prize-fighters of the Christian monasteries, the military minds of Rome were already opposed to marriage. One advantage was that, in the case of a military disaster, nothing would need to be paid to dead soldiers' wives or families. They are not orphans: they are children of legally prohibited unions, whether between Romans and Egyptians, or Roman legionaries and locals. Long before the celibate prize-fighters of the Christian monasteries, the military minds of Rome were already opposed to marriage. One advantage was that, in the case of a military disaster, nothing would need to be paid to dead soldiers' wives or families.

43.

The New Age This is the oath taken by the inhabitants of Paphlagonia and the Romans who do business among them. 'I swear by Zeus, Earth, Sun, all the G.o.ds and G.o.ddesses and Augustus himself that I will be favourably disposed to [Cae]sar Augustus and his children and descendants all the time of my [life] in word and deed and thought... Whatever I may see or hear being said or plotted or done against them, I will report it and I will be the enemy of the person who says or plots or does these things... If I do anything contrary to this [oath]... I pray that there may come on me, my body and soul and life, my children and all my family and whatever is of use to us, destruction, total destruction until the end of all my line and of all my descendants...' In these same words this oath was sworn by all the [inhabitants of the land] in the temples of Augustus throughout the local districts [of Paphlagonia] by the altars [of Augustus]. Oath sworn in Paphlagonia, 6 March 3 BC Augustus' first moral legislation was the prelude to his celebration of a 'new age' in Rome. An 'ancient' oracle was conveniently cited to support it and, on highly questionable grounds, it was calculated to fall due in 17 BC BC. For three days and nights, beginning on 31 May, animal sacrifices were offered to Greek and Roman divinities under the general direction of the traditional priesthood for this occasion. The traditional items for purification were given to the people, but it was Augustus and his heir, the obscurelyborn Agrippa, who now led the proceedings. The daytime rites were an innovation: the grim G.o.ds of the underworld were replaced by the G.o.ddess of childbirth, mother Earth and such G.o.ds as Apollo, Diana and Jupiter. Like so much of Augustus' professed conservatism, the apparently traditional occasion was reshaped in a new way.

On the final day, a specially commissioned hymn was sung by two fine choruses, one of twenty-seven boys, one of twenty-seven girls, all of whose parents were still living. The hymn was performed twice by these trusting young patriots, once to Apollo at the recently built temple on the Palatine hill, once to Jupiter on the Capitol, the 'father' G.o.d of the Romans. The hymn was written by the poet Horace and we can see how it goes beyond the rituals which had preceded it. It prays for the success of the recent marriage legislation (the 'decrees of the fathers on the yoking of women'); it evokes Rome's Trojan past which Virgil's great Aeneid Aeneid had made so famous only two years before; it praises Augustus and asks for his every prayer to be heard; he is the descendant of Venus, the one (echoing Virgil) who is 'superior to the one who wages war, gentle to the fallen enemy'. had made so famous only two years before; it praises Augustus and asks for his every prayer to be heard; he is the descendant of Venus, the one (echoing Virgil) who is 'superior to the one who wages war, gentle to the fallen enemy'.1 He rules far to the east, even being pet.i.tioned by 'proud Indians' (an Indian emba.s.sy had come to Augustus in 25 He rules far to the east, even being pet.i.tioned by 'proud Indians' (an Indian emba.s.sy had come to Augustus in 25 BC BC and agreed 'friendship' in 20). and agreed 'friendship' in 20).

Horace's hymn evokes the birthrate, conquest and moral values (Honour and ancient Modesty). It refers to Augustus' legendary family, the fertility of the land and Rome's future. Such a poem was quite new for this sort of occasion. It was followed by theatrical shows, chariot racing and 'hunts' of wild animals which would delight the people for another week. Among the fun, n.o.body, least of all Horace, could have guessed that Augustus, 'the glorious blood of Anchises and Venus', would rule for so many more years. Horace would continue to link these themes together in his Odes Odes, but his praises were no truer at the end of Augustus' life than at the beginning. Prominent themes of Augustus' dominance were to be foreign campaigns (but not always conquest), organized attention to Rome and its people (but riots and natural crises still occurred) and attempts to promote his own family and a.s.sure a successor (the one coup which repeatedly eluded him). These concerns were to be the concerns of every subsequent Roman emperor.

Before celebrating the 'new age', Augustus had adopted his two grandsons, the children of his one daughter Julia and the loyal Agrippa. For once, he was surrounded bya cl.u.s.ter of family members, a sister, a wife and heirs. Importantly, the boys added the magic name of Caesar to their own. At the festival in 17 Augustus prayed for 'me, my house and household'2 and over the next fifteen years, he set about marking out his two obvious successors. At a very early age, the grandsons were given magistracies; they were designated as consul years in advance (Gaius Caesar would be only twenty-one when holding this top job, usually held when about forty-two); they were tact-fully presented to the armies; they were advertised on the coinage in provincial cities. In 5 and over the next fifteen years, he set about marking out his two obvious successors. At a very early age, the grandsons were given magistracies; they were designated as consul years in advance (Gaius Caesar would be only twenty-one when holding this top job, usually held when about forty-two); they were tact-fully presented to the armies; they were advertised on the coinage in provincial cities. In 5 BC BC Gaius was made 'head of the youth', a special t.i.tle which allowed him to preside over the order of Roman knights. Outside Rome, they and other family members received divine honours in provincial cities. Far inland, in western Asia, we find people in Gaius was made 'head of the youth', a special t.i.tle which allowed him to preside over the order of Roman knights. Outside Rome, they and other family members received divine honours in provincial cities. Far inland, in western Asia, we find people in c. c. 3 3 BC BC swearing an oath of loyalty to Augustus, 'his children and his descendants'. swearing an oath of loyalty to Augustus, 'his children and his descendants'.3 There was a large unanswered question here. The troops would like to have a family successor, another 'Caesar' from the line of Julius Caesar. If the heir was adopted, as in Augustus' case, adoption did not matter to them. Such, too, was the wish of the common people of Rome, who also responded to youth and beauty. They would have loved our modern magazines and pictures of princes and princesses. But in the eyes of any thoughtful senator, the Republic was not a family affair, to be pa.s.sed on by inheritance. In due course, senators would prefer to be able to elect a successor from their own number.

Between 18 and 12 BC BC Augustus had a junior partner whom he himself had chosen: the loyal Agrippa. It was only a sop to traditionalist opinion that his powers were formally renewable, like Augustus' own. When Agrippa inconveniently died in 12 Augustus had a junior partner whom he himself had chosen: the loyal Agrippa. It was only a sop to traditionalist opinion that his powers were formally renewable, like Augustus' own. When Agrippa inconveniently died in 12 BC BC Augustus p.r.o.nounced a funerary eulogy over him and the speech was circulated to provincial governors: no doubt they circulated it locally in translations. There were two branches to the emerging 'dynasty': Augustus' descendants through his first wife Scribonia and their daughter Julia (the Julians), and his stepsons and descendants through his able second wife Livia (the Claudians). From these two branches, the dynasty of the next eight decades is known as the Julio-Claudians (to Augustus p.r.o.nounced a funerary eulogy over him and the speech was circulated to provincial governors: no doubt they circulated it locally in translations. There were two branches to the emerging 'dynasty': Augustus' descendants through his first wife Scribonia and their daughter Julia (the Julians), and his stepsons and descendants through his able second wife Livia (the Claudians). From these two branches, the dynasty of the next eight decades is known as the Julio-Claudians (to AD AD 68). 68).

The Claudian branch began by being older and proved itself much abler. Up in the Alps, Augustus' two Claudian stepsons turned out to be far better soldiers than he could ever be. In 9 BC BC the younger of the two, Drusus, died; we have recently learned that his funeral was splendid and his eulogy by Augustus was circulated through the provinces too. Probably it was accompanied by moral 'encouragement' to the public: when Drusus' equally popular son died in October 19, the emperor's testimony to him was also circulated for the benefit of 'the youth of our children and descendants'. the younger of the two, Drusus, died; we have recently learned that his funeral was splendid and his eulogy by Augustus was circulated through the provinces too. Probably it was accompanied by moral 'encouragement' to the public: when Drusus' equally popular son died in October 19, the emperor's testimony to him was also circulated for the benefit of 'the youth of our children and descendants'.4 'Improvement' of the young was a part of Augustus' gratuitous programme. It impinged on the sons of senators who dressed formally and attended their fathers' meetings, or the young knights who processed on horseback. They were parts of a vision which we still recognize: set the young examples, give them public functions and try to smother independent thought. 'Improvement' of the young was a part of Augustus' gratuitous programme. It impinged on the sons of senators who dressed formally and attended their fathers' meetings, or the young knights who processed on horseback. They were parts of a vision which we still recognize: set the young examples, give them public functions and try to smother independent thought.

There was also, we realize increasingly, Augustus' second wife, the redoubtable Livia: if only we had a memoir by her (she lived right on to AD AD 29). Wicked gossip claimed that she poisoned rivals and procured young girls for the moral Augustus and had them smuggled secretly into the house on the Palatine. Her public image was quite different, but these rumours show that it was not the Romans' only perception of her. Back in 36 29). Wicked gossip claimed that she poisoned rivals and procured young girls for the moral Augustus and had them smuggled secretly into the house on the Palatine. Her public image was quite different, but these rumours show that it was not the Romans' only perception of her. Back in 36 BC BC Livia had shared the 'sacrosanct.i.ty' of a tribune with her husband: it was a most unrepublican honour for a female, but it marked her off from Antony's Eastern women. She then received other small honours and she helped to restore temples in Rome for cults which were a.s.sociated with respectable women. In 7 Livia had shared the 'sacrosanct.i.ty' of a tribune with her husband: it was a most unrepublican honour for a female, but it marked her off from Antony's Eastern women. She then received other small honours and she helped to restore temples in Rome for cults which were a.s.sociated with respectable women. In 7 BC BC she gave her name to a splendid public Portico in Rome which included colonnades with she gave her name to a splendid public Portico in Rome which included colonnades with trompe l'il trompe l'il landscape paintings and a public display of works of art (Agrippa was already said to have wanted to confiscate all private works of art and display them publicly, one reason why the Roman n.o.bles boycotted the vulgar man's funeral). The site of Livia's Portico was significant. Previously, it had housed the enormous private mansion of the disreputable Vedius Pollio who had served Augustus in the East. He was denounced for his excessive luxury, including the bad example (men said) of throwing slaves into his pond of man-eating fish. His palace was demolished on its site and Livia publicized sober Concord (a matrimonial virtue) and a 'people's walk' where looted Greek statues were displayed. How differently she was presenting herself from the bad women of Cicero's rhetoric, from people like Antony's Fulvia whose personal greed and cruelty had been alleged so as to emphasize her husband's 'tyrannical' character. landscape paintings and a public display of works of art (Agrippa was already said to have wanted to confiscate all private works of art and display them publicly, one reason why the Roman n.o.bles boycotted the vulgar man's funeral). The site of Livia's Portico was significant. Previously, it had housed the enormous private mansion of the disreputable Vedius Pollio who had served Augustus in the East. He was denounced for his excessive luxury, including the bad example (men said) of throwing slaves into his pond of man-eating fish. His palace was demolished on its site and Livia publicized sober Concord (a matrimonial virtue) and a 'people's walk' where looted Greek statues were displayed. How differently she was presenting herself from the bad women of Cicero's rhetoric, from people like Antony's Fulvia whose personal greed and cruelty had been alleged so as to emphasize her husband's 'tyrannical' character.

Rhetoric then outran the restraint and consideration which these actions projected. After the death of Livia's son Drusus in 9 BC BC, a Roman knight even wrote a poem to console her, obsequiously, as 'the First Lady'. A spectacular recent find of inscriptions in Spain has shown us how the Senate dwelt on her virtues in an effusive response to an imperial family crisis. In AD AD 20 they publicly praised Livia not only for having given birth to the austere Emperor Tiberius but also for 'her many great favours to men of every rank; she could rightly and deservedly have supreme influence in what she asked from the Senate, though she used that influence sparingly'. 20 they publicly praised Livia not only for having given birth to the austere Emperor Tiberius but also for 'her many great favours to men of every rank; she could rightly and deservedly have supreme influence in what she asked from the Senate, though she used that influence sparingly'.5 Republican traditionalists would have been horrified. Once again, this long decree was to be publicly set up for the instruction of posterity. It was to be displayed in conspicuous places in the provinces and even in the army-camps. Republican traditionalists would have been horrified. Once again, this long decree was to be publicly set up for the instruction of posterity. It was to be displayed in conspicuous places in the provinces and even in the army-camps.

The moral purpose of the new age extended to buildings too. Augustus' boast in Rome was that he found the city made of brick and left it marble. Certainly, the Rome of 30 BC BC had had none of the planned grandeur of the great cities of the Greek East. Even its civic centre was a rambling jumble, not fit to be the showpiece of the world. There was to be much Augustan work in the city centre, and in keeping with the new moral order, sculptors and architects tended to favour a restrained cla.s.sicism. The tall marble columns of the public temples were more showy, favouring the Corinthian style of capital, but admirable though the craftsmanship is, the main sculpted monuments with Augustan themes have a controlled range of allusion and form which veer to ghastly good taste. Frequently, they express ideals of his own moral and familyr hetoric. The 30s had had none of the planned grandeur of the great cities of the Greek East. Even its civic centre was a rambling jumble, not fit to be the showpiece of the world. There was to be much Augustan work in the city centre, and in keeping with the new moral order, sculptors and architects tended to favour a restrained cla.s.sicism. The tall marble columns of the public temples were more showy, favouring the Corinthian style of capital, but admirable though the craftsmanship is, the main sculpted monuments with Augustan themes have a controlled range of allusion and form which veer to ghastly good taste. Frequently, they express ideals of his own moral and familyr hetoric. The 30s BC BC had been a great era of political publicityin buildings, coins and literature. Augustan Rome continued its use of sculpture and architecture for a message. had been a great era of political publicityin buildings, coins and literature. Augustan Rome continued its use of sculpture and architecture for a message.

As a result, the new Augustan era has one of its claims to be a 'cla.s.sical' age. It is, in fact, 'cla.s.sicizing', dependent on fifth- and fourth-century Greece: without it, Augustan public art would never have taken this direction. In its Roman context, this style implied dignity, authority and restraint in a way which had never been so in its original setting: 'we see in the political choice of cla.s.sicism an expression of the Roman order of state.' Order, dignity and structure were also the qualities of much early Augustan literature, especially the poems of Horace and Virgil. Here, the 'new age' can claim to be 'cla.s.sic', in the simple sense of first cla.s.s. But its great poets, like the great oratorical prose of Cicero, had matured in the pre-Augustan age of liberty.

Apart from the cla.s.sicism of the new bold stonework and the best of the new poetry, there was still the other Rome, now a teeming city of (probably) a million inhabitants, far the biggest city in the world. Social contrasts had remained amazingly extreme here. The rich lived in grand houses, but the very poor bedded down where they could; the relatively poor were crammed into tall wooden apartment blocks with thin dividing walls, the speculative landlord's dream. Narrow winding streets surrounded these hastily built and overcrowded 'vertical receptacles', while erratic supplies of water went with a total absence of public transport. Most people's Rome was both a wonder and a nightmare. It was also, of course, a slave-society. A single senator, in the 60s, owned no less than 400 slaves in his household: 'the Senate' (good men and true) would thus own about 250,000 of Rome's human beings if this senator was at all typical.6 Perhaps two-fifths of the city's (approximate) million inhabitants were slaves, and many of the rest were ex-slaves, freed but still 'obliged' to their ex-masters. The common citizens were the plebs, but among the plebs those who were attached to the great households were not to be confused with those of the plebs who were not. For there were 'respectable' plebs, and downright 'sordid' plebs, people who begged what they could. The modern cardboard cities of refugees in Egypt or Pakistan are the nearest we can come to imagining this 'other Rome', though they lack Rome's openly accepted slavery. Perhaps two-fifths of the city's (approximate) million inhabitants were slaves, and many of the rest were ex-slaves, freed but still 'obliged' to their ex-masters. The common citizens were the plebs, but among the plebs those who were attached to the great households were not to be confused with those of the plebs who were not. For there were 'respectable' plebs, and downright 'sordid' plebs, people who begged what they could. The modern cardboard cities of refugees in Egypt or Pakistan are the nearest we can come to imagining this 'other Rome', though they lack Rome's openly accepted slavery.

This 'other Rome' had proved beyond the capacity, or concern, of Cicero's beloved Republic. Under Augustus, it took its first few steps towards health and safety. By stages, a much-needed fire brigade was introduced, the Watch or vigiles vigiles, whose name lives on in modern Rome's equivalent. The public water supply was vastly improved by new aqueducts and, in due course, by new overseers and public slaves to maintain it. In reply, rich families moved up to the hills above previously marshy ground and continued to develop new parks and fine palazzi there. A committee was appointed to attend to flooding from the river Tiber. The height of apartment blocks was limited to about seven storeys, no doubt to the speculators' annoyance. The grain-supply acquired a new prefect; the regular gifts of free grain to designated citizens continued (about 250,000 people were now on the list). Like the public shows, the dole did not extend 'bread and circuses' to all the free poor, because they amounted to more than half a million people. But when backed by the grain of Egypt, the general supply of grain on sale became more stable.

As one reform succeeded another, each social order in Rome began to have defined roles, and these roles were made to seem to be worth having. The Senate continued to be very busy and senators' functions multiplied, and yet ultimate power resided elsewhere, with the emperor. As time pa.s.sed, therefore, it became harder to a.s.sure a quorum for senatorial meetings. Privileged knights had their annual processions; the common people, too, began to be more closely regulated. There were hundreds of thousands of them, after all, potentially a seething ma.s.s, as they had shown briefly after Caesar's murder. Augustus left them with their ancient 'tribes', all thirty-five of them, through which gifts of corn were distributed and a.s.semblies organized. However, he continued Julius Caesar's controls. He strictly regulated their right to form 'clubs', or collegia collegia, those political and social dangers in the republican city. Instead, the plebs had ever more shows to watch, but even here, they were to be regulated in a hierarchy of seating. This orderliness was only possible because the common spectators accepted it and were not rebellious against it. There was still no designated police force, although the fire-watchers did go on patrol. But Augustus had stationed soldiers in or near the city, the Praetorian guards and his German horse guards. They could always intervene in a crisis.

The obvious tactic, meanwhile, was divide and rule. In 7 BC BC Augustus split the city in to fourteen districts under 'ward magistrates' ( Augustus split the city in to fourteen districts under 'ward magistrates' (vico-magistri) who were usually freedmen. These local officials celebrated cults of the Protecting Spirits, or Lares Lares, at each ward's crossroads. Previously, there had been 'august Lares': now, the same Latin words suggested the 'Lares of Augustus' (Lares Augusti). In cults at the crossroads, honours were also paid to the genius genius of Augustus, his 'guiding spirit'. Cults, therefore, of Augustus' own household were neatly transferred to the city's main street corners. The presiding freedmen in these cults had the robes and insignia of real magistrates, while privileged slaves served as their a.s.sistants. One surviving altar for such a cult reflects the themes of high art, showing a scene from the legend of Aeneas the founder and the honorary shield which proclaimed Augustus' 'virtues'. The self-important officials took kindly to their new function and these little local shrines persisted at Rome for centuries. of Augustus, his 'guiding spirit'. Cults, therefore, of Augustus' own household were neatly transferred to the city's main street corners. The presiding freedmen in these cults had the robes and insignia of real magistrates, while privileged slaves served as their a.s.sistants. One surviving altar for such a cult reflects the themes of high art, showing a scene from the legend of Aeneas the founder and the honorary shield which proclaimed Augustus' 'virtues'. The self-important officials took kindly to their new function and these little local shrines persisted at Rome for centuries.

Symptomatically, stone inscriptions in honour of individuals also proliferated in the Augustan city. At the top of society, full triumphs began to be reserved for members of the imperial family only. Instead, individual senators received 'triumphal ornaments', but commemorated themselves with public inscriptions which carefully listed each of the posts in their careers. By contrast, two great monuments commemorated high points for Augustus himself. The first, the delicately sculpted Altar of Peace (Ara Pacis), was voted by the Senate for his return from Gaul in the summer of 13 BC BC. It shows a lush imagery of natural abundance and a fertile mother (probably Earth) with children. Sculpted members of the imperial family accompany figures from Rome's priesthoods, including four chief priests, veiled and preparing to sacrifice. The exact reference of the procession is disputed, but it probably records Augustus' own a.s.sumption in March 12 BC BC of the Supreme Priesthood (as Pontifex Maximus), which he had tactfully left in old Lepidus' hands until Lepidus' recent death. of the Supreme Priesthood (as Pontifex Maximus), which he had tactfully left in old Lepidus' hands until Lepidus' recent death.7 The sculptures' combination of family, religion and formal togas is typically Augustan. The sculptures' combination of family, religion and formal togas is typically Augustan.

In 2 BC BC Augustus' dominance reached its climax. Again, it followed where Julius Caesar had already trod. In February he was hailed in the Senate as 'Father of the Fatherland' (like Julius Caesar), and in May, the long-awaited temple of Mars (the war G.o.d) as Avenger was completed. It overlooked his supreme monument, the 'Forum of Augustus', in the heart of the city. Beginning on 12 May, great shows publicized the opening, with gladiators and the killing of 260 lions. The entertainments were like Julius Caesar's all over again. On a newly flooded lake, mock teams of Athenians and Persians re-enacted a sea-battle fit for the old Persian Wars of 480 Augustus' dominance reached its climax. Again, it followed where Julius Caesar had already trod. In February he was hailed in the Senate as 'Father of the Fatherland' (like Julius Caesar), and in May, the long-awaited temple of Mars (the war G.o.d) as Avenger was completed. It overlooked his supreme monument, the 'Forum of Augustus', in the heart of the city. Beginning on 12 May, great shows publicized the opening, with gladiators and the killing of 260 lions. The entertainments were like Julius Caesar's all over again. On a newly flooded lake, mock teams of Athenians and Persians re-enacted a sea-battle fit for the old Persian Wars of 480 BC BC. It was a heroic prelude to the dispatch of Augustus' young grandson, Gaius, to 'triumph' in the East in his own pseudo-Persian war. Crocodile hunts then followed in the flooded Circus.

Julius Caesar had already commissioned a Forum, but Augustus' Forum of multi-coloured marble is the supreme statement of Augustan spin. Its temple of Mars commemorated the 'avenging' of Julius Caesar and the 'vengeance' (much less b.l.o.o.d.y) on the Parthians (achieved by diplomacy). It was to be the centre-point in Rome for the public giving of honours to commanders and men of military prowess: it became the standard meeting-point, in legal contracts, for people who were granted bail. On the temple, a decently sculpted Venus, G.o.ddess of the Julian family, accompanied Romulus (dressed as a shepherd) and patriotic G.o.ds such as father Tiber. Augustus' own name was carved at a focal point on the blocks directly below the pediment. Ancient Greek statuary, including two masterpieces of Alexander the Great, were displayed around the Forum. The novelties were the Forum's flanking colonnades. Like other monuments and public lists in the Augustan city, they put 'history on parade'.8 On one side, Romulus headed an array of statues of the great triumphing Roman heroes of the past, each of whom was identified with an inscribed eulogy. On the other side stood Aeneas with his Trojan father and ancestors of the Julian family. Augustus even published an edict to announce that 'the life [of these great men] was the standard by which he wished to be weighed by the citizens as long as he lived'. On one side, Romulus headed an array of statues of the great triumphing Roman heroes of the past, each of whom was identified with an inscribed eulogy. On the other side stood Aeneas with his Trojan father and ancestors of the Julian family. Augustus even published an edict to announce that 'the life [of these great men] was the standard by which he wished to be weighed by the citizens as long as he lived'.9 He even hoped that the future 'First Citizens' would be weighed likewise. He even hoped that the future 'First Citizens' would be weighed likewise.

Herodotus, the first historian, would not have been surprised by the sequel. Catastrophe followed this personal climax. Within months the public adultery of his charming daughter, Julia, was alleged and then punished: did some people wonder if Augustus' adopted grandsons, her two children, were really Agrippa's children as was claimed? When she remarked 'I only invite another pilot', it was perhaps to rebut such rumours. But the cargo, too, proved short-lived. First one then the other of these grandsons died on foreign service. New and complex dynastic arrangements were needed, which ended by giving a main role to a 'Claudian', Livia's austere son Tiberius. Yet Tiberius was rumoured in 9 BC BC to have talked about restoring more of a 'republic' and he had already withdrawn into self-imposed exile in 6 to have talked about restoring more of a 'republic' and he had already withdrawn into self-imposed exile in 6 BC BC, arguably so as to avoid holding the populist tribunician power in public. From AD AD 6 onwards wars on the northern frontier imposed a heavy strain on Rome's finances and on citizen-recruitment. Both were hugely resented, including the new inheritance tax on citizens, which was introduced to help pay the army's costs. There were seditious grumblings among the Roman plebs, a major fire in Rome, and years of famine in Italy. Augustus' last available grandson was banished in 6 onwards wars on the northern frontier imposed a heavy strain on Rome's finances and on citizen-recruitment. Both were hugely resented, including the new inheritance tax on citizens, which was introduced to help pay the army's costs. There were seditious grumblings among the Roman plebs, a major fire in Rome, and years of famine in Italy. Augustus' last available grandson was banished in AD AD 7, and in 8 adultery was prosecuted once again, this time against Augustus' granddaughter, the younger Julia. On top of it all came the severe defeat of the legions in Germany in 7, and in 8 adultery was prosecuted once again, this time against Augustus' granddaughter, the younger Julia. On top of it all came the severe defeat of the legions in Germany in AD AD 9. It was lucky that these crises came after thirty years of domination. By now, there was, it seemed, no alternative. 9. It was lucky that these crises came after thirty years of domination. By now, there was, it seemed, no alternative.

What, then, was the core of the Roman revolution which could endure such continuing turbulence? From ever more parts of Italy, members of local leading families did enter the Senate and appear in the upper orders at Rome. But the revolution did not lie in this mild, ongoing enlargement of Rome's governing cla.s.s. More importantly, the proscriptions and the Civil Wars had cost lives and violently transferred property: here, indeed, there had been revolutionary terror, although the political system in Italy's towns remained unchanged. With victory, there was a military and const.i.tutional revolution of a different sort. In Italy, there were now twenty-eight new colonies of army veterans whom Augustus, like Sulla, had settled in his active lifetime, men loyal to himself on expropriated land. Elsewhere, the remaining army was now a standing army, loyal to Augustus as Commander. Politically, he held a bundle of powers which were detached from elected magistracies: what he wanted could thus be ma.s.saged through the political system at Rome. Freedom of political initiative was killed off: it became extremely hard, historians noted, to penetrate back to the truth of things. A smart new voting hall (Julius Caesar's plan) was built in Rome for the people, but the candidates who were brought before its electoral a.s.sembly were increasingly agreed in advance. Such pre-selection was introduced in AD AD 5, perhaps as a sop to the upper cla.s.s for Augustus' dynastic arrangements of the previous year. In legislative a.s.semblies, meanwhile, the scope for independent popular legislation or veto by a tribune had disappeared. In its place, a sense of 'dynasty' had been promoted. It is summed up by the new voting-centuries which were added to the people's electoral a.s.sembly: they were named after Gaius and Lucius, Augustus' dead grandsons. Down one side of Rome's political s.p.a.ce, the Forum, a smart portico commemorated them too. 5, perhaps as a sop to the upper cla.s.s for Augustus' dynastic arrangements of the previous year. In legislative a.s.semblies, meanwhile, the scope for independent popular legislation or veto by a tribune had disappeared. In its place, a sense of 'dynasty' had been promoted. It is summed up by the new voting-centuries which were added to the people's electoral a.s.sembly: they were named after Gaius and Lucius, Augustus' dead grandsons. Down one side of Rome's political s.p.a.ce, the Forum, a smart portico commemorated them too.

On a long view, the historian Polybius would have claimed that his predictive theory had proved true. The balanced 'oligarchy' of the years of the Hannibalic War had first tipped towards what Polybius, at least, might have seen as 'democracy'. In fact, it had been the use by members of the upper cla.s.s of the scope for 'popular liberty' embedded in Rome's const.i.tution. Then, as the great historian of this crisis, Peter Brunt, well puts it, their 'attempts to "restore" the powers of the people led on to monarchy, and monarchy destroyed popular freedom more completely than senatorial freedom'.10 However, this loss of popular liberty was matched by social gains for the 'urban mob' in the city of Rome. Improved urban amenities went with new avenues of justice. As before, the elected praetors continued to preside over public courts in the city: a fourth 'panel' of jurors was added and there was no longer any concern to separate senators and knights among the jurymen. Senators would put up with this mixing because the Senate, with the consuls also, became a separate court with powers to try its own members for major crimes, including extortion: knights, therefore, were kept out of the most serious senatorial trials, and the hated 'equal liberty' was ended. However, this loss of popular liberty was matched by social gains for the 'urban mob' in the city of Rome. Improved urban amenities went with new avenues of justice. As before, the elected praetors continued to preside over public courts in the city: a fourth 'panel' of jurors was added and there was no longer any concern to separate senators and knights among the jurymen. Senators would put up with this mixing because the Senate, with the consuls also, became a separate court with powers to try its own members for major crimes, including extortion: knights, therefore, were kept out of the most serious senatorial trials, and the hated 'equal liberty' was ended.

The more drastic development was the giving of justice by new office-holders. The newlyappointed Prefect of the Citywas a senator; he dealt with cases, especially those involving the lower cla.s.ses in the city, and he had the power to coerce not only slaves but those free people whose 'audacity' needed force. In due course, the Prefect of the Praetorian guard came to dispense justice too, as cases simply gravitated to such people with the authority to settle them.

The greatest such individual was the First Citizen himself. As the holder of a tribune's power, Augustus could be regarded as legally liable to receive the appeals of all Roman citizens. As early as 30 BC BC he is said to have been given this specific power, and in 18 he is said to have been given this specific power, and in 18 BC BC it was probably made explicit in a law 'on public violence'. As the holder of proconsular power, he could also enquire into cases and pa.s.s sentence after an inquisition by himself. His presence, on top of the pile, was a new