The Chronicle of the Norman Conquest Part 9

_Benoit de Sainte-More.]

[Footnote 12: Part of this pa.s.sage is obscure in the original:

Li conte de Flandres requist, K'en sa busuigne _a li_ venist, _c.u.m od_ serorge et _od_ ami.

The meaning _may_ be that the reigning count of Flanders was requested to come to William _with_ the latter's brother-in-law, i.e. bringing with him his, the then count's, son. But the succeeding speech of the varlet directly addresses the count as himself the brother-in-law; and most likely the sentence is elliptic, and what is meant is, that the count should come _to_ him, and go on the expedition _with_ him, as with a brother-in-law and friend. If this, however, be Wace's meaning, he is historically wrong; as Baldwin V. William's father-in-law, did not die till the succeeding year; and the application, therefore, must have been to him, not to the brother-in-law, afterwards Baldwin VI. Wace's account of the count's feelings and conduct is at variance with the received historical opinion, that he a.s.sisted William zealously; particularly by using his influence in restraining any opposition from the young French king his ward. According to Sismondi, however, Baldwin did not interfere in French affairs; and the course pursued by the king does not appear to have been friendly, but as hostile as the weakness attendant on a minority allowed. As to the policy of the court of Flanders, a variance in the accounts may possibly have arisen from confusion between the different counts, who succeeded each other quickly, and perhaps had opposite views: so that what is said by historians as to William's transactions with Baldwin V. may apply to a later period and another person. Though there were many adventurers from Flanders in William's service, we are not aware of any decisive proof that the count avowedly sent a force to aid the expedition in 1066. Gilbert de Gant is not heard of before 1069. He and such captains as Gherbod of Chester, Walter Flandrensis and Drogo de Bevrere may have been only volunteers, a.s.sisting for personal rewards. It may be added that Wace's account of the course pursued by France and Flanders is at any rate consistent; and it is probable, as being dictated by motives of obvious policy.]

[Footnote 13: Or page.]

[Footnote 14: See Wace's account of the gonfanons, devices, shields, &c.

at the battle of Valdesdunes.]

[Footnote 15: Another MS. reads 'une des _denz_ Saint Pierre.' _Benoit de Sainte-More_ says of the pope,

A Rome ert done Pape Alixandre Jusz hoem, saintismes e verais.

See his report concerning the apostolic grant in our appendix.]

[Footnote 16: Wace's words, of which we believe we give the meaning, are,

Asez vi homes ki la virent, Ki ainz e poiz lunges veskirent.]

[Footnote 17: The original pa.s.sage, and the parallel accounts in _Benoit de Sainte-More_ and _Gaimar_, will be found in our appendix.]

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CHAPTER XI.

HOW THE NORMAN HOST MET AT ST. VALERY, AND SAILED THENCE.

The duke rejoiced greatly at receiving the gonfanon, and the license which the apostle gave him. He got together carpenters smiths and other workmen, so that great stir was seen at all the ports of Normandy, in the collecting of wood and materials, cutting of planks, framing of ships and boats, stretching sails, and rearing masts, with great pains and at great cost. They spent all one summer and autumn in fitting up the fleet and collecting the forces; and there was no knight in the land, no good Serjeant, archer, nor peasant of stout heart, and of age for battle, that the duke did not summon to go with him to England: promising rents to the vava.s.sors, and honors to the barons.

When the ships were ready, they were moored in the Somme at St Valeri, and there delivered to the barons. Many were the ships and boats in the river there, which is called the Somme, and separates Ponthieu and Vimou. Vimou extends as far as Ou, which separates Normandy from Vimou, a country under different government. Ou is a river, and Ou is also a fair castle[1] situate upon that river.

The duke had men from many and various parts. Haimon, the viscount of Toarz[2] came thither, a man of very great power, who could bring much people. Alain Felgan also came to the crossing, and brought with him great baronage from among the Bretons[3]; and Fitz Bertran de Peleit, and the Sire de Dinan came also; and Raol de Gael, and many Bretons from many castles, and from about Brecheliant, concerning which the Bretons tell many fables. It is a forest long and broad, much famed throughout Brittany. The fountain of Berenton rises from beneath a stone there.

Thither the hunters are used to repair in sultry weather; and drawing up water with their horns, they sprinkle the stone for the purpose of having rain, which is then wont to fall, they say, throughout the whole forest around; but why I know not. There, too, fairies are to be seen (if the Bretons tell truth) and many other wonders happen. The ground is broken and precipitous, and deer in plenty roam there, but the husbandmen have deserted it. I went thither on purpose to see these marvels. I saw the forest and the land, and I sought for the marvels, but I found none[4]. I went like a fool, and so I came back; I sought after folly, and hold myself a fool for my pains.

The fame of the Norman duke soon went forth through many lands; how he meant to cross the sea against Harold, who had taken England from him.

Then soldiers came flocking to him, one by one, two by two, and four by four; by fives and sixes, sevens and eights, nines and tens; and he retained them all, giving them much and promising more. Many came by agreement made with them beforehand; many bargained for lands, if they should win England; some required pay, allowances and gifts; and the duke was often obliged to give at once to those who could not wait the result[5].

I shall never put in writing, and would not undertake to set down, what barons, and how many knights, how many vava.s.sors, and how many soldiers the duke had in his company, when he had collected all his navy; but I heard my father say--I remember it well, although I was but a lad--that there were seven hundred ships, less four[6], when they sailed from St.

Valeri; and that there were besides these ships, boats and skiffs for the purpose of carrying the arms and harness. I have found it written (but I know not whether it be true) that there were in all three thousand vessels bearing sails and masts. Any one will know that there must have been a great many men to have furnished out so many vessels.

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They waited long at St. Valeri for a fair wind, and the barons were greatly wearied[7]. Then they prayed the convent to bring out the shrine of St Valeri, and set it on a carpet in the plain; and all came praying the holy reliques, that they might be allowed to pa.s.s over sea. They offered so much money, that the reliques were buried beneath it; and from that day forth, they had good weather and a fair wind. The duke placed a lantern on the mast of his ship, that the other ships might see it, and hold their course after it. At the summit was a vane[8] of bra.s.s, gilt. On the head of the ship, in the front, which mariners call the prow, there was the figure of a child in bra.s.s, bearing an arrow with a bended bow.[9] His face was turned towards England, and thither he looked, as though he was about to shoot; so that whichever way the ship went, he seemed to aim onwards.

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Of so large a fleet with so many people, only two ships were in any peril, and those perhaps from being overloaded. The duke had a great chivalry in his ships; and besides these, he had many archers and Serjeants, many brave men and warriors, carpenters and engineers, good smiths and other handicraftsmen.

[Footnote 1:

Ou est ewe, Ou est chastel Ke seit sor l'ewe d'Ou mult bel.]

[Footnote 2: AIMERI, viscount of THOUARS, the fourth of the name. ALAIN FELGAN and the other chiefs in the expedition will be more conveniently noticed hereafter. The only list which _Benoit_ gives will be found in our appendix.]

[Footnote 3: _Benoit_ goes into much detail concerning William's previous arrangements with the Bretons.]

[Footnote 4:

Fol m'en revins, fol i alai, Fol i alai, fol m'en revins, Folie quis, por fol me tins.]

[Footnote 5: _Benoit de Sainte-More_ thus expresses himself on the subject:

Ci receveront les granz loiers Qu'aveir deivent bons chevaliers; Les terres, les fieus, les honors, Plus c'unc n'orent lor anceisors; Par lor valor, par lor proeces, Auront des or les granz richesces, Les granz tenures e les fieus.]

[Footnote 6: The accounts differ as to the number of vessels, arising princ.i.p.ally from a different principle of computation; some reckoning 'the small craft,' others not. _Benoit de Sainte-More_ says,

Si out treis mile nefs au meins, De ce nos fait l'autor certains.]

[Footnote 7: The fleet sailed on the 29th September, 1066.]

[Footnote 8: 'Wire-wire.']

[Footnote 9: In the Bayeux tapestry, the child will be seen at the p.o.o.p, not at the prow, to which, however, he looks; he holds a trumpet. In Taylor's Anon. MS. (_Littleton_, i. 464) it is stated that William's own ship was called Mora, being the gift of Matilda; and the child is stated to have pointed towards England with his right forefinger, and to have held to his mouth an ivory horn with his left. According to _Ordericus Vitalis_, one Fitz Stephen under Hen. I. claimed to take the king in the unfortunate Blanche-Nef, because his father had carried over the conqueror. _Benoit de Sainte-More's_ short account of the voyage, of the formation of the first fort, which he places at Pevensey, and of the progress thence to Hastings, is as follows:

D'entrer es nefs e de charger Ne sorst esmai ne des...o...b..er, Kar l'aure venta duce e queie Eissi que li mers trop n'ondeie.

Enz l'anuitant furent tuit enz; Od ce que mult fu dreiz li venz, Trastrent les veiles, si siglerent, Au rei des ceus se comanderent Od joie e od tens duz e bel Arrivent a Pevenesel.

Iloc sempres desus le port Ferment un chastel bel e fort.

Chevalers bons des sues genz Laissa li dux a.s.sez dedenz Por tenir le deus anz garniz, Apres, ce conte li escriz, Vint a Hastinges senz demore, Ou maintenant e en poi d'ore En r'a un autre fait fermer.

Tant entendirent al ovrer Que li mur i furent si haut De nule part ne dote a.s.sant.

La remist gardes seguraines E de lui fei porter certaines.]

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CHAPTER XII.

HOW THE DUKE AND HIS HOST LANDED NEAR TO HASTINGS, AND MADE THEMSELVES A FORT.