The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the XVII Century Part 6

[Footnote 122: _Cf._ the "Commission of the Commissioners for the West Indian Expedition." (Narrative of Gen. Venables, p. 109.)]

[Footnote 123: _Cf._ American Hist. Review, vol. iv. p. 228; "Instructions unto Gen. Robt. Venables." (Narrative of Gen. Venables, p.

111.)]

[Footnote 124: _Cf._ Narrative of Gen. Venables, pp. 3, 90; "Instructions unto Generall Penn," etc., _ibid._, p. 107.

After the outbreak of the Spanish war, Cromwell was anxious to clear his government of the charges of treachery and violation of international duties. The task was entrusted to the Latin Secretary, John Milton, who on 26th October 1655 published a manifesto defending the actions of the Commonwealth. He gave two princ.i.p.al reasons for the attempt upon the West Indies:--(1) the cruelties of the Spaniards toward the English in America and their depredations on English colonies and trade; (2) the outrageous treatment and extermination of the Indians. He denied the Spanish claims to all of America, either as a papal gift, or by right of discovery alone, or even by right of settlement, and insisted upon both the natural and treaty rights of Englishmen to trade in Spanish seas.]

[Footnote 125: The memory of the exploits of Drake and his contemporaries was not allowed to die in the first half of the seventeenth century. Books like "Sir Francis Drake Revived," and "The World encompa.s.sed by Sir Francis Drake," were printed time and time again. The former was published in 1626 and again two years later; "The World Encompa.s.sed" first appeared in 1628 and was reprinted in 1635 and 1653. A quotation from the t.i.tle-page of the latter may serve to ill.u.s.trate the temper of the times:--

Drake, Sir Francis. The world encompa.s.sed. Being his next voyage to that to Nombre de Dios, formerly imprinted ... offered ... especially for the stirring up of heroick spirits, to benefit their country and eternize their names by like bold attempts. Lon. 1628.

_Cf._ also Gardiner, _op. cit._, iii. pp. 343-44.]

[Footnote 126: Gardiner, _op. cit._, iii. p. 346; _cf._ also "Present State of Jamaica, 1683."]

[Footnote 127: Long: "History of Jamaica," i. p. 260; C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, No. 274.]

[Footnote 128: Long, _op. cit._, i. p. 272 _ff._]

[Footnote 129: Ibid.; Thurloe Papers, VI. p. 540; vii. p. 260; "Present State of Jamaica, 1683"; C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 303-308.]

[Footnote 130: Long, _op. cit._, i. p. 245; C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76.

Addenda, Nos. 236, 261, 276, etc.

The conditions in Jamaica directly after its capture are in remarkable contrast to what might have been expected after reading the enthusiastic descriptions of the island, its climate, soil and products, left us by Englishmen who visited it. Jackson in 1643 compared it with the Arcadian plains and Thessalien Tempe, and many of his men wanted to remain and live with the Spaniards. See also the description of Jamaica contained in the Rawlinson MSS. and written just after the arrival of the English army:--"As for the country ... more than this." (Narrative of Gen.

Venables, pp. 138-9.)]

[Footnote 131: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 229, 232; Lucas: Historical Geography of the British Colonies, ii. p. 101, and note.]

[Footnote 132: Lucas, _op. cit._, ii. p. 109.]

[Footnote 133: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 230, 231. Fortescue was Gen. Venables' successor in Jamaica.]

[Footnote 134: Ibid., No. 218; Long, _op. cit._, i. p. 262.]

[Footnote 135: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, Nos. 218, 252; Thurloe Papers, IV. pp. 451, 457.]

[Footnote 136: Thurloe Papers, IV. pp. 152, 493.]

[Footnote 137: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda, No. 236.]

[Footnote 138: Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 604.]

[Footnote 139: Ibid., pp. 454-5, 604.]

[Footnote 140: Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 452.]

[Footnote 141: Ibid., v. pp. 96, 151.]

[Footnote 142: This was the treasure fleet which Captain Stayner's ship and two other frigates captured off Cadiz on 9th September. Six galleons were captured, sunk or burnt, with no less than 600,000 of gold and silver. The galleons which Blake burnt in the harbour of Santa Cruz, on 20th April 1657, were doubtless the Mexican fleet for which Admiral Goodson vainly waited before Havana in the previous summer.]

[Footnote 143: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 260, 263, 266, 270, 275; Thurloe Papers, V. p. 340.]

[Footnote 144: _Cf._ Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 12,430: Journal of Col.

Beeston. Col. Beeston seems to have harboured a peculiar spite against Doyley. For the contrary view of Doyley, _cf._ Long, _op. cit._, i. p.

284.]

[Footnote 145: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76. Addenda., Nos. 309, 310. In these letters the towns are called "Tralo" and "St. Mark." _Cf._ also Thurloe Papers, VII. p. 340.]

[Footnote 146: Captain Christopher Myngs had been appointed to the "Marston Moor," a frigate of fifty-four guns, in October 1654, and had seen two years' service in the West Indies under Goodson in 1656 and 1657. In May 1656 he took part in the sack of Rio de la Hacha. In July 1657 the "Marston Moor" returned to England and was ordered to be refitted, but by 20th February 1658 Myngs and his frigate were again at Port Royal (C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 295, 297). After Admiral Goodson's return to England (Ibid., No. 1202) Myngs seems to have been the chief naval officer in the West Indies, and greatly distinguished himself in his naval actions against the Spaniards.]

[Footnote 147: Tanner MSS., LI. 82.]

[Footnote 148: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 315, 316. Some figures put it as high as 500,000.]

[Footnote 149: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, Nos. 315, 318. Captain Wm. Dalyson wrote home, on 23rd January 1659/60, that he verily believed if the General (Doyley) were at home to answer for himself, Captain Myngs would be found no better than he is, a proud-speaking vain fool, and a knave in cheating the State and robbing merchants. Ibid., No.

328.]

[Footnote 150: Ibid., Nos. 327, 331.]

[Footnote 151: C.S.P. Colon., 1675-76, Addenda, No. 326.]

[Footnote 152: S.P. Spain, vol. 44, f. 318.]

[Footnote 153: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, Nos. 17, 61.]

[Footnote 154: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 20.]

[Footnote 155: Ibid., No. 145.]

[Footnote 156: Ibid., Nos. 259, 278. In Lord Windsor's original instructions of 21st March 1662 he was empowered to search ships suspected of trading with the Spaniards and to adjudicate the same in the Admiralty Court. A fortnight later, however, the King and Council seem to have completely changed their point of view, and this too in spite of the Navigation Laws which prohibited the colonies from trading with any but the mother-country.]

[Footnote 157: Art. ix. of the treaty. _Cf._ Dumont: Corps diplomatique, T.V., pt. ii. p. 625. _Cf._ also C.S.P. Venetian, 1604, p. 189:--"I wished to hear from His Majesty's own lips" (wrote the Venetian amba.s.sador in November 1604), "how he read the clause about the India navigation, and I said, 'Sire, your subjects may trade with Spain and Flanders but not with the Indies.' 'Why not?' said the King. 'Because,'

I replied, 'the clause is read in that sense.' 'They are making a great error, whoever they are that hold this view,' said His Majesty; 'the meaning is quite clear.'"]

[Footnote 158: S.P. Spain, vol. 35.]

[Footnote 159: C.S.P. Colon., 1661-68, No. 61.]

[Footnote 160: Ibid., No. 259.]

[Footnote 161: Ibid., No. 355.]

[Footnote 162: Ibid., No. 364.]

[Footnote 163: Thurloe Papers, IV. p. 154.]