Ten Days That Shook the World Part 19

"In the important centres of Petrograd and Moscow, where the Soviets were best organised, they did not take in all the democratic elements.... The majority of the intellectuals did not partic.i.p.ate, and many workers also; some of the workers because they were politically backward, others because the centre of gravity for them was in their Unns.... We cannot deny that these organisations are firmly united with the ma.s.ses, whose everyday needs are better served by them....

"That the local democratic administrations are being energetically organised is highly important. The City Dumas are elected by universal suffrage, and in purely local matters have more authority than the Soviets. Not a single democrat will see anything wrong in this....

"... Elections to the Munic.i.p.alities are being conduct in a better and more democratic way than the elections to the Soviets... All cla.s.ses are represented in the Munic.i.p.alities.... And as soon as the local Self-Governments begin to organise life in the Munic.i.p.alities, the role of the local Soviets naturally ends....

"... There are two factors in the falling off of interest in the Soviets. The first we may attribute to the lowering of political interest in the ma.s.ses; the second, to the growing effort of provincial and local governing bodies to organise the building of new Russia.... The more the tendency lies in this latter direction, the sooner disappears the significance of the Soviets....

"We ourselves are being called the 'undertakers' of our own organisation. In reality, we ourselves are the hardest workers in constructing the new Russia....

"When autocracy and the whole bureaucratic regimeell, we set up the Soviets as a barracks in which all the democracy cod find temporary shelter. Now, instead of barracks, we are building the permanent edifice of a new system, and naturally the people will gradually leave the barracks for more comfortable quarters."

4.

TROTZKY'S SPEECH AT THE COUNCIL OF THE RUSSIN REPUBLIC.

"The purpose of the Democratic Conference, which was called by the Tsay-ee-kah, was to do away with the irresponsible personal government which produced Kornilov, and to establish a responsible government which would be capable of finishing the war, and ensure the calling of the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly at the given time. In the meanwhile behind the back of the Democratic Conference, by trickery, by deals between Citizen Kerensky, the Cadets, and the leaders of the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary parties, we received the opposite result from the officially announced purpose. A power was created around which and in which we have open and secret Kornilovs playing leading parts. The irresponsibility of the Government is offically proclaimed, when it is announced that the Council of the Russian Republic is to be a consultative and not legislative body. In the eighth month of the Revolution, the irresponsible Government creates a cover for itself in this new edition of Bieligen's Duma.

"The propertied cla.s.ses have entered this Provision Council in a proportion which clearly shows, from elections all over the country, that many of them have no right here whatever. In spite of that the Cadet party, which until yesterday wanted the Provisional Government to be responsible to the State Duma-this same Cadet party secured the independence a.s.sembly the propertied cla.s.ses will no doubt have as favourable position than they have in this Council, and they will not be able to be irresponsible to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly.

"If the propertied cla.s.ses were really getting ready for the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly six weeks from now, there could be no reason for establishing the irresponsibility of the Government at this time. The whole truth is that the bourgeoisie, which directs the policies of the Provisional Government, has for its aim to break the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly. At present this is the main purpose of the propertied cla.s.ses, which control our entire national policy-external and internal. In the industrial, agrarian and supply departments the politics of the propertied cla.s.ses, acting with the Government, increases the natural disorganisation caused by the war. The propertied cla.s.ses, which are provoking a peasants' revolt! The propertied cla.s.ses, which are provoking civil war, and openly hold their course on the bony hand of hunger, with which they intend to overthrow the Revolution and finish with the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly!

"No less criminal also is the international policy of the bourgeoisie and its Government. After forty months of war, the capital is threatened with mortal danger. In reply to this arises a plan to move the Government to Moscow. The idea of abandoning the capital does not stir the indignation of the bourgeoisie. Just the opposite. It is accepted as a natural part of the general policy designed to promote counter-revolutionary conspiracy. ... Instead of recognising that the salvation of the country lies in concluding peace, instead of throwing openly the idea of immediate peace to all the worn-out peoples, over the heads of diplomats and imperialists, and making the continuation of the war impossible,-the Provisional Government, by order of the Cadets, the Counter-Revolutionists and the Allied Imperialists, without sense, without purpose and without a plan, continues to drag on the murderous war, sentencing to useless death new hundreds of thousands of soldiers and sailors, and preparing to give up Petrograd, and to wreck the Revolution. At a time when Bolshevik soldiers and sailors are dying with other soldiers and sailors as a result of the mistakes and crimes of others, the so-called Supreme Commander (Kerensky) continues to suppress the Bolshevik press. The leading parties of the Council are acting as a voluntary cover for these policies.

"We, the faction of Social Democrats Bolsheviki, announce that with this Government of Treason to the People we have nothing in common. We have nothing in common with the work of these Murderers of the People which goes on behind official curtains. We refuse either directly or indirectly to cover up one day of this work. While Wilhelm's troops are threatening Petrograd, the Government of Kerensky and Kornilov is preparing to run away from Petrograd and turn Moscow into a base of counter-revolution!

"We warn the Moscow workers and soldiers to be on their guard. Leaving this Council, we appeal to the manhood and wisdom of the workers, peasants and soldiers of all Russia. Petrograd is in danger! The Revolution is in danger! The Government has increased the danger-the ruling cla.s.ses intensify it. Only the people themselves can save themselves and the country.

"We appeal to the people. Long live immediate, honest, democratic peace! All power to the Soviets! All land to the people! Long live the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly!"

5.

THE "NAKAZ" TO SKOBELIEV Resume.

(Pa.s.sed by the Tsay-ee-kah and given to Skobeliev as an instruction for the representative of the Russian Revolutionary democracy at the Paris Conference.) The peace treaty must be based on the principle, "No annexations, no indemnities, the right of self-determination of peoples."

Territorial Problems.

(1) Evacuation of German troops from invaded Russia. Full right of self-determination to Poland, Lithuania and Livonia.

(2) For Turkish Armenia autonomy, and later complete self-determination, as soon as local Governments are established.

(3) The question of Alsace-Lorraine to be solved by a plebiscite, after the withdrawal of all foreign troops.

(4) Belgium to be restored. Compensation for damages from an international fund.

(5) Serbia and Montenegro to be restored, and aided by an international relief fund. Serbia to have an outlet on the Adriatic. Bosnia and Herzegovina to be autonomous.

(6) The disputed provinces in the Balkans to have provisional autonomy, followed by a plebiscite.

(7) Rumania to be restored, but forced to give complete self-determination to the Dobrudja.... Rumania must be forced to execute the clauses of the Berlin Treaty concerning the Jews, and recognise them as Rumanian citizens.

(8) In Italia Irridenta a provisional autonomy, followed by a plebiscite to determine state dependence.

(9) The German colonies to be returned.

(10) Greece and Persia to be restored.

Freedom of the Seas.

All straits opening into inland seas, as well as the Suez and Panama Ca.n.a.ls, are to be neutralised. Commercial shipping to be free. The right of privateering to be abolished. The torpedoing of commercial ships to be forbidden.

Indemnities.

All combatants to renounce demands for any indemnities, either direct or indirect-as, for instance, charges for the maintenance of prisoners. Indemnities and contributions collected during the war must be refunded.

Economic Terms.

Commercial treaties are not to be a part of the peace terms. Every country must be independent in its commercial relations, and must not be obliged to, or prevented from, concluding an economic treaty, by the Treaty of Peace. Nevertheless, all nations should bind themselves, by the Peace Treaty, not to practise an economic blockade after the war, nor to form separate tariff agreements. The right of most favoured nation must be given to all countries without distinction.

Guarantees of Peace.

Peace is to be concluded at the Peace Conference by delegates elected by the national representative inst.i.tutions of each country. The peace terms are to be confirmed by these parliaments.

Secret diplomacy is to be abolished; all parties are to bind themselves not to conclude any secret treaties. Such treaties are declared in contradiction to international law, and void. All treaties, until confirmed by the parliaments of the different nations, are to be considered void.

Gradual disarmament both on land and sea, and the establishment of a militia system. The "League of Nations" advanced by President Wilson may become a valuable aid to international law, provided that (a), all nations are to be obliged to partic.i.p.ate in it with equal rights, and (b), international politics are to be democratised.

Ways to Peace.

The Allies are to announce immediately that they are willing to open peace negotiations as soon as the enemy powers declare their consent to the renunciation of all forcible annexations.

The Allies must bind themselves not to begin any peace negotiations, nor to conclude peace, except in a general Peace Conference with the partic.i.p.ation of delegates from all the neutral countries.

All obstacles to the Stockholm Socialist Conference are to be removed, and pa.s.sports are to be given immediately to all delegates of parties and organisations who wish to partic.i.p.ate.

(The Executive Committee of the Peasants' Soviets also issued a nakaz, which differs little from the above.) 6.

PEACE AT RUSSIA'S EXPENSE.

The Ribot revelations of Austria's peace-offer to France; the so-called "Peace Conference" at Berne, Switzerland, during the summer of 1917, in which delegates partic.i.p.ated from all belligerent countries, representing large financial interests in all these countries; and the attempted negotiations of an English agent with a Bulgarian church dignitary; all pointed to the fact that there were strong currents, on both sides, favourable to patching up a peace at the expense of Russia. In my next book, "Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk," I intend to treat this matter at some length, publishing several secret doc.u.ments discovered in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Petrograd.

7.

RUSSIAN SOLDIERS IN FRANCE.

Official Report of the Provisional Government.

"From the time the news of the Russian Revolution reached Paris, Russian newspapers of extreme tendencies immediately began to appear; and these newspapers, as well as individuals, freely circulated among the soldier ma.s.ses and began a Bolshevik propaganda, often spreading false news which appeared in the French journals. In the absence of all official news, and of precise details, this campaign provoked discontent among the soldiers. The result was a desire to return to Russia, and a hatred toward the officers.

"Finally it all turned into rebellion. In one of their meetings, the soldiers issued an appeal to refuse to drill, since they had decided to fight no more. It was decided to isolate the rebels, and General Zankievitch ordered all soldiers loyal to the Provisional Government to leave the camp of Courtine, and to carry with them all ammunition. On June 25th the order was executed; there remained at the camp only the soldiers who said they would submit 'conditionally' to the Provisional Government. The soldiers at the camp of Courtine received several times the visit of the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Armies abroad, of Rapp, the Commissar of the Ministry of War, and of several distinguished former exiles who wished to influence them, but these attempts were unsuccessful, and finally Commissar Rapp insisted that the rebels lay down their arms, and, in sign of submission, march in good order to a place called Clairvaux. The order was only partially obeyed; first 500 men went out, of whom 22 were arrested; 24 hours later about 6,000 followed.... About 2,000 remained....

"It was decided to increase the pressure; their rations were diminished, their pay was cut off, and the roads toward the village of Courtine were guarded by French soldiers. General Zankievitch, having discovered that a Russian artillery brigade was pa.s.sing through France, decided to form a mixed detachment of infantry and artillery to reduce the rebels. A deputation was sent to the rebels; the deputation returned several hours later, convinced of the futility of the negotiations. On September 1st General Zankievitch sent an ultimatum to the rebels demanding that they lay down their arms, and menacing in case of refusal to open fire with artillery if the order was not obeyed by September 3d at 10 o'clock.

"The order not being executed, a light fire of artillery was opened on the place at the hour agreed upon. Eighteen sh.e.l.ls were fired, and the rebels were warned that the bombardment would become more intense. In the night of September 3d 160 men surrendered. September 4th the artillery bombardment recommenced, and at 11 o'clock, after 36 sh.e.l.ls had been fired, the rebels raised two white flags and began to leave the camp without arms. By evening 8,300 men had surrendered. 150 soldiers who remained in the camp opened fire with machine-guns that night. The 5th of September, to make an end of the affair, a heavy barrage was laid on the camp, and our soldiers occupied it little by little. The rebels kept up a heavy fire with their machine-guns. September 6th, at 9 o'clock, the camp was entirely occupied.... After the disarmament of the rebels, 81 arrests were made...."

Thus the report. From secret doc.u.ments discovered in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, however, we know that the account is not strictly accurate. The first trouble arose when the soldiers tried to form Committees, as their comrades in Russia were doing. They demanded to be sent back to Russia, which was refused; and then, being considered a dangerous influence in France, they were ordered to Salonika. They refused to go, and the battle followed.... It was discovered that they had been left in camp without officers for about two months, and badly treated, before they became rebellious. All attempts to find out the name of the "Russian artillery brigade" which had fired on them were futile; the telegrams discovered in the Ministry left it to be inferred that French artillery was used....

After their surrender, more than two hundred of the mutineers were shot in cold blood.

8.

TERESTCHENKO'S SPEECH (Resume).

"... The questions of foreign policy are closely related to those of national defence.... And so, if in questions of national defence you think it is necessary to hold session in secret, also in our foreign policy we are sometimes forced to observe the same secrecy....

"German diplomacy attempts to influence public opinion.... Therefore the declarations of directors of great democratic organisations who talk loudly of a revolutionary Congress, and the impossibility of another winter campaign, are dangerous.... All these declarations cost human lives....

"I wish to speak merely of governmental logic, without touching the questions of the honour and dignity of the State. From the point of view of logic, the foreign policy of Russia ought to be based on a real comprehension of the interests of Russia.... These interests mean that it is impossible that our country remain alone, and that the present alignment of forces with us, (the Allies), is satisfactory.... All humanity longs for peace, but in Russia no one will permit a humiliating peace which would violate the State interests of our fatherland!"

The orator pointed out that such a peace would for long years, if not for centuries, r.e.t.a.r.d the triumph of democratic principles in the world, and would inevitably cause new wars.

"All remember the days of May, when the fraternisation on our Front threatened to end the war by a simple cessation of military operations, and lead the country to a shameful separate peace... and what efforts it was necessary to use to make the soldier ma.s.ses at the front understand that it was not by this method that the Russian State must end the war and guarantee its interest...."

He spoke of the miraculous effect of the July offensive, what strength it gave to the words of Russian amba.s.sadors abroad, and the despair in Germany caused by the Russian victories. And also, the disillusionment in Allied countries which followed the Russian defeat....

"As to the Russian Government, it adhered strictly to the formula of May, 'No annexations and no punitive indemnities.' We consider it essential not only to proclaim the self-determination of peoples, but also to renounce imperialist aims...."

Germany is continually trying to make peace. The only talk in Germany is of peace; she knows she cannot win.

"I reject the reproaches aimed at the Government which allege that Russian foreign policy does not speak clearly enough about the aims of the war....

"If the question arises as to what ends the Allies are pursuing, it is indispensable first to demand what aims the Central Powers have agreed upon....

"The desire is often heard that we publish the details of the treaties which bind the Allies; but people forget that, up to now, we do not know the treaties which bind the Central Powers...."

Germany, he said, evidently wants to separate Russia from the West by a series of weak buffer-states.

"This tendency to strike at the vital interests of Russia must be checked....

"And will the Russian democracy, which has inscribed on its banner the rights of nations to dispose of themselves, allow calmly the continuation of oppression upon the most civilised peoples (in Austria-Hungary)?

"Those who fear that the Allies will try to profit by our difficult situation, to make us support more than our share of the burden of war, and to solve the questions of peace at our expense, are entirely mistaken.... Our enemy looks upon Russia as a market for its products. The end of the war will leave us in a feeble condition, and with our frontier open the flood of German products can easily hold back for years our industrial development. Measures must be taken to guard against this....

"I say openly and frankly: the combination of forces which unites us to the Allies is favourable to the interests of Russia.... It is therefore important that our views on the questions of war and peace shall be in accord with the views of the Allies as clearly and precisely as possible.... To avoid all misunderstanding, I must say frankly that Russia must present at the Paris Conference _one point of view...._"

He did not want to comment on the nakaz to Skobeliev, but he referred to the Manifesto of the Dutch-Scandinavian Committee, just published in Stockholm. This Manifesto declared for the autonomy of Lithuania and Livonia; "but that is clearly impossible," said Terestchenko, "for Russia must have free ports on the Baltic all the year round....

"In this question the problems of foreign policy are also closely related to interior politics, for if there existed a strong sentiment of unity of all great Russia, one would not witness the repeated manifestations, everywhere, of a desire of peoples to separate from the Central Government.... Such separations are contrary to the interests of Russia, and the Russian delegates cannot raise the issue...."

9.

THE BRITISH FLEET (etc.).

At the time of the naval battle of the Gulf of Riga, not only the Bolsheviki, but also the Ministers of the Provisional Government, considered that the British Fleet had deliberately abandoned the Baltic, as one indication of the att.i.tude so often expressed publicly by the British press, and semi-publicly by British representatives in Russia, "Russia's finished! No use bothering about Russia!"

See interview with Kerensky (Appendix 13).

GENERAL GURKO was a former Chief of Staff of the Russian armies under the Tsar. He was a prominent figure in the corrupt Imperial Court. After the Revolution, he was one of the very few persons exiled for his political and personal record. The Russian naval defeat in the Gulf of Riga coincided with the public reception, by King George in London, of General Gurko, a man whom the Russian Provisional Government considered dangerously pro-German as well as reactionary!

10.

APPEALS AGAINST INSURRECTION.

To Workers and Soldiers.

"Comrades! The Dark Forces are increasingly trying to call forth in Petrograd and other towns DISORDERS AND Pogroms. Disorder is necessary to the Dark Forces, for disorder will give them an opportunity for crushing the revolutionary movement in blood. Under the pretext of establishing order, and of protecting the inhabitants, they hope to establish the domination of Kornilov, which the revolutionary people succeeded in suppressing not long ago. Woe to the people if these hopes are realised! The triumphant counter-revolution will destroy the Soviets and the Army Committees, will disperse the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, will stop the transfer of the land to the Land Committees, will put an end to all the hopes of the people for a speedy peace, and will fill all the prisons with revolutionary soldiers and workers.

"In their calculations, the counter-revolutionists and Black Hundred leaders are counting on the serious discontent of the unenlightened part of the people with the disorganisation of the food-supply, the continuation of the war, and the general difficulties of life. They hope to transform every demonstration of soldiers and workers into a pogrom, which will frighten the peaceful population and throw it into the arms of the Restorers of Law and Order.

"Under such conditions every attempt to organise a demonstration in these days, although for the most laudable object, would be a crime. All conscious workers and soldiers who are displeased with the policy of the Government will only bring injury to themselves and to the Revolution if they indulge in demonstrations.

"THEREFORE THE Tsay-ee-kah ASKS ALL WORKERS NOT TO OBEY ANY CALLS TO DEMONSTRATE.

"WORKERS AND SOLDIERS! DO NOT YIELD TO PROVOCATION! REMEMBER YOUR DUTY TO YOUR COUNTRY AND TO THE REVOLUTION! DO NOT BREAK THE UNITY OF THE REVOLUTIONARY FRONT BY DEMONSTRATIONS WHICH ARE BOUND TO BE UNSUCCESSFUL!"

_The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (Tsay-ee-kah).

Russian Social Democratic Labour Party THE DANGER IS NEAR! To All Workers and Soldiers (Read and Hand to Others).

Comrades Workers and Soldiers!

"Our country is in danger. On account of this danger our freedom and our Revolution are pa.s.sing through difficult days. The enemy is at the gates of Petrograd. The disorganisation is growing with every hours. It becomes more and more difficult to obtain bread for Petrograd. All, of from the smallest to the greatest, must redouble their efforts, must endeavour to arrange things properly.... We must save our country, say freedom.... More arms and provisions for the Army! Bread-for the great cities. Order and organisation in the country....

"And in these terrible critical days rumours creep about that SOMEWHERE a demonstration is being prepared, that SOME ONE is calling on the soldiers and workers to destroy revolutionary peace and order.... Rabotchi Put, the newspaper of the Bolsheviki, is pouring oil on the flames: it flattering, trying to please the unenlightened people, tempting the worker and soldiers, urging them on against the Government, promising them mountains of good things.... The confiding, ignorant men believe, they do not reason.... And from the other side come also rumours-rumours that the Dark Forces, the friends of the Tsar, the German spies, are rubbing their hands with glee. They are ready to join the Bolsheviki, and with them fan the disorders into civil war.

"The Bolsheviki and the ignorant soldiers and workers seduced by them cry senselessly: 'Down with the Government! All power to the Soviets!' And the Dark servants of the Tsar and the spies of Wilhelm will egg the on; 'Beat the Jews, beat the shopkeepers, rob the markets, devastate the shops, pillage the wine stores! Slay, burn, rob!'

"And then will begin a terrible confusion, a war between one part of the people and the other. All will become still more disorganised, and perhaps once more blood will be shed on the streets of the capital. And then what then?

"Then, the road to Petrograd will be open to Wilhelm. Then, no bread will come to Petrograd, the children will die of hunger. Then, the Army as the front will remain without support, our brothers in the trenches will be delivered to the fire of the enemy. Then, Russia will lose all prestige in other countries, our money will lose its value; everything will be so dear as to make life impossible. Then, the long awaited Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly will be postponed-it will be impossible to convene it in time. And then-Death to the Revolution, Death to our Liberty....

"Is it this that you want, workers and soldiers? No! If you do not then go, go to the ignorant people seduced by the betrayers, and tell them the whole truth, which we have told you!

"Let all know that EVERY MAN WHO IN THESE TERRIBLE DAYS CALLS ON YOU TO COME OUT IN THE STREETS AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT, IS EITHER A SECRET SERVANT OF THE TSAR, A PROVOCATOR, OR AN UNWISE a.s.sISTANT OF THE ENEMIES OF THE PEOPLE, OR A PAID SPY OF WILHELM!

"Every conscious worker revolutionist, every conscious peasant, every revolutionary soldier, all who understand what harm a demonstration or a revolt against the Government might cause to the people, must join together and not allow the enemies of the people to destroy our freedom."

The Petrograd Electoral Committee of the Mensheviki-oborontzi.