Shakespearean Playhouses Part 30

to "newly erect, build, and set up" a "playhouse, fit and convenient in all things both for players to play in, and for the game of bears and bulls to be baited in."

2. "To build the same of such large compa.s.s, form, wideness, and height as the playhouse called the Swan."

3. To provide for the building "a good sure, and sufficient foundation of bricks ... thirteen inches at the least above the ground."

4. To make three galleries: "the inner princ.i.p.al posts of the first story to be twelve feet in height, and ten inches square; in the middle story ... eight inches square; in the upper story ... seven inches square."[545]

5. To "make two boxes in the lowermost story, fit and decent for gentlemen to sit in," and in the rest of the galleries "part.i.tions between the rooms as they are in the said playhouse called the Swan."

6. To construct "a stage, to be carried and taken away, and to stand upon tressels, good, substantial, and sufficient for the carrying and bearing of such a stage."

7. To "build the heavens all over the said stage, to be borne or carried without any posts or supporters to be fixed or set upon the said stage."

8. To equip the stage with "a fit and convenient tyre-house."

9. To "build two staircases without and adjoining to the said playhouse ... of such largeness and height as the staircases of the said playhouse called the Swan."

10. "To new build, erect, and set up the said bull-house and stable ... of that largeness and fitness as shall be sufficient to keep and hold six bulls and three horses."

11. "To new tyle with English tyles all the upper roof of the said playhouse ... and stable."

12. To have the playhouse finished "upon or before the last day of November," 1613.

[Footnote 544: The contract is printed in full in Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 19.]

[Footnote 545: The height is given for the first story only. We may a.s.sume that the middle and uppermost stories were of diminishing heights, as in the case of the Fortune Playhouse, in which the galleries were respectively twelve, eleven, and nine feet in height.]

For all this Katherens was to receive the sum of 360; but since Henslowe and Meade supplied a large share of the lumber and other materials, the total cost of the building may be estimated as not less than 600.

When completed, the new playhouse was appropriately christened "The Hope."

It has been generally a.s.sumed that a picture of the Hope is given in Visscher's _View of London_, published in 1616; but this, I think, is exceedingly doubtful. In drawing the Bankside, Visscher rather slavishly copied the Agas map of 1560, inserting a few new buildings,--notably the playhouses,--and it is virtually certain that he represented the "Bear Garden" (so he distinctly calls it) and the Globe as they were before their reconstruction.[546] The first representation of the Hope is to be found in Hollar's splendid _View of London_ published in 1647 (see page 326). At this time the building, which had for many years been devoted wholly to the royal sports of bull- and bear-baiting, was still standing. It is hard to believe that an artist who so carefully represented the famous edifices of the city should have greatly erred in drawing the "Bear Baiting House,"--a structure more curious than they, and quite as famous.

[Footnote 546: The Merian _View of London_, published in 1638 at Frankfort-am-Main, is merely a copy of the Visscher view with the addition of certain details from another and earlier view not yet identified. It has no independent value. The _View of London_ printed in Howell's _Londinopolis_ (1657), is merely a slavish copy of the Merian view. Visscher's representation of the Bear Garden does not differ in any essential way from the representation in Hondius's _View_ of 1610. For a fuller discussion see pages 126, 146, 248.]

Hollar represents the Hope as circular. According to the contract Katherens was "to build the same of such large compa.s.s, form, wideness, and height as the playhouse called the Swan." Whether the word "form" was intended to apply to the exterior of the building we do not know. The Swan was decahedral; Visscher represents the "Bear Garden" as octagonal (which is correct for the Bear Garden that preceded the Hope). But since the exterior was of lime and plaster, and a decahedral form had no advantage, Katherens may well have constructed a circular building as Hollar indicates. Perhaps it is significant in this connection that John Taylor, the Water-Poet, in his _Bull, Bear, and Horse_, refers to the Hope as a "sweet, _rotuntious_ college." Significant also, perhaps, is the clause in the contract by which Katherens was required to "build the heavens all over the stage," for this exactly describes the heavens as drawn by Hollar. I see no reason to doubt that in the _View_ of 1647 we have a reasonably faithful representation of the Hope.

[Ill.u.s.tration: THE HOPE PLAYHOUSE, OR SECOND BEAR GARDEN

The upper view is from Hollar's Post-conflagration map in the Crace Collection of the British Museum; the lower view is from Faithorne's Map of London (1658).]

The Hope was probably opened shortly after November 30, 1613, the date at which Katherens had bound himself to have the building "fully finished," and it was occupied, of course, by the Henslowe and Rosseter troupe of actors. The arrangement of the movable stage enabled Henslowe and Meade to use the building also for animal-baiting. According to the contract with the actors, the latter were to "lie still one day in fourteen" for the baiting.[547] This may not have been a serious interruption for the players; but the presence of the stable, the bear dens, and the kennels for the dogs must have rendered the playhouse far from pleasant to the audiences. Ben Jonson, in the Induction to his _Bartholomew Fair_, acted at the Hope in October, 1614, remarks: "And though the Fair be not kept in the same region that some here perhaps would have it, yet think that therein the author hath observed a special decorum, the place being as dirty as Smithfield, and as stinking every whit."[548]

[Footnote 547: Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 88; cf. p. 125, where animal-baiting is said to be used "one day of every four days"--a possible error for "fourteen days." In the ma.n.u.script notes to the Phillipps copy of Stow's _Survey_ (1631), we are told that baiting was used at the Hope on Tuesdays and Thursdays; but the anonymous commentator is very inaccurate.]

[Footnote 548: The Rose Playhouse was likewise affected. Dekker, in _Satiromastix_, III, iv, says: "Th'ast a breath as sweet as the Rose that grows by the Bear Garden."]

In March, 1614,--that is, at the completion of one full year under the joint management of Henslowe and Rosseter,--the amalgamated company was "broken," and Rosseter withdrew, selling his interest in the company's apparel to Henslowe and Meade for 63. The latter at once reorganized the actors under the patent of the Lady Elizabeth's Men, and continued them at the Hope.[549] The general excellence of the troupe thus formed is referred to by John Taylor, the Water-Poet, in the lines:

And such a company (I'll boldly say) That better (nor the like) e'er play'd a play.[550]

[Footnote 549: Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 87. The articles of agreement between Henslowe and Meade and the company, are printed by Greg on page 23.]

[Footnote 550: _Works_, Folio of 1630; The Spenser Society's reprint, p. 307.]

But this encomium may have been in large measure due to grat.i.tude, for the company had just saved the Water-Poet from a very embarra.s.sing situation. The amusing episode which gave occasion to this deserves to be chronicled in some detail.

With "a thousand bills posted over the city" Taylor had advertised to the public that at the Hope Playhouse on October 7, 1614, he would engage in a contest of wit with one William Fennor, who proudly styled himself "The King's Majesty's Riming Poet."[551] On the appointed day the house was "fill'd with a great audience" that had paid extra money to hear the contest between two such well-known extemporal wits. But Fennor did not appear. The result may best be told by Taylor himself:

I then stept out, their angers to appease; But they all raging, like tempestuous seas, Cry'd out, their expectations were defeated, And how they all were cony-catch'd and cheated.

Some laught, some swore, some star'd and stamp'd and curst, And in confused humors all out burst.

I (as I could) did stand the desp'rate shock, And bid the brunt of many dang'rous knock.

For now the stinkards, in their ireful wraths, Bepelted me with lome, with stones, with laths.

One madly sits like bottle-ale and hisses; Another throws a stone, and 'cause he misses, He yawnes and bawles, ...

Some run to th' door to get again their coin ...

One valiantly stepped upon the stage, And would tear down the hangings in his rage ...

What I endur'd upon that earthly h.e.l.l My tongue or pen cannot describe it well.[552]

[Footnote 551: Fennor is not to be confused (as is commonly done) with Vennar (see p. 177). Such wit-contests were popular; Fennor had recently challenged Kendall, on the Fortune Stage.]

[Footnote 552: John Taylor's _Works_, Folio of 1630, p. 142; The Spenser Society's reprint, p. 304.]

At this point the actors came to his rescue and presented a play that mollified the audience. Taylor had to content himself with a printed justification. The bitter invective of Taylor against Fennor, Fennor's reply, and Taylor's several answers are to be found in the folio edition of the Water-Poet's works. The episode doubtless furnished much amus.e.m.e.nt to the city.

Some three weeks after this event, on October 31, 1614, the Lady Elizabeth's Men produced with great success Jonson's _Bartholomew Fair_; and on November 1 they were called upon to give the play at Court. But the career of the company was in the main unhappy. Henslowe managed their affairs on the theory that "should these fellows come out of my debt, I should have no rule with them."[553] Accordingly in three years he "broke" and again reorganized them no fewer than five times.

[Footnote 553: Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 89.]

At last, in February, 1615, he not only "broke" the company, but severed his connection with them for ever. He turned the hired men over to other troupes, and sold the stock of apparel "to strangers"

for 400. The indignant actors, in June, 1615, drew up "Articles of Grievance" in which they charged Henslowe with having extorted from the company by unjust means the sum of 567; and also "Articles of Oppression" in which they accused him of various dishonorable practices in his dealings with them.[554]

[Footnote 554: _Ibid._, pp. 86, 89.]

Shortly after severing his connection with the Lady Elizabeth's Men, Henslowe, in March, 1615, seems to have taken over Prince Charles's Men, who, it appears, had been acting at the Swan. To this new company--the "strangers" referred to, I think--he had already transferred some of the hirelings, and had sold the Hope stock of apparel for 400.

Henslowe died early in January of the following year, 1616, and his interest in the theatre pa.s.sed to Edward Alleyn. On March 20, 1616, Alleyn and Meade engaged Prince Charles's Men to continue at the Hope "according to the former articles of agreement had and made with the said Philip [Henslowe] and Jacob [Meade]."[555] The actors acknowledged themselves indebted to Henslowe "for a stock of apparel used for playing apparel, to the value of 400, heretofore delivered unto them by the said Philip,"[556]--the stock formerly used by the Lady Elizabeth's Men; and Alleyn and Meade agreed to accept 200 in full discharge of that debt.[557]

[Footnote 555: Collier, _Memoirs of Edward Alleyn_, p. 127; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 91.]

[Footnote 556: Collier, _Memoirs of Edward Alleyn_, p. 127.]

[Footnote 557: My interpretation of the relation of Henslowe to Prince Charles's Men differs from the interpretation given by Fleay and adopted by Greg and others. For the evidence bearing on the case see Fleay, _Stage_, pp. 188, 262; Greg, _Henslowe's Diary_, II, 138; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 90, note; Chambers, _Modern Language Review_, IV, 165; Cunningham, _Revels_, p. xliv; Wallace, _Englische Studien_, XLIII, 390; Murray, _English Dramatic Companies_.]

In the winter of 1616-17, Prince Charles's Men quarreled with Meade, who had appropriated an extra day for his bear-baiting. Rosseter had just completed a new private theatre in Porter's Hall, Blackfriars, and that stood invitingly open. So about February they abandoned the Hope, and wrote a letter of explanation to Edward Alleyn: "I hope you mistake not our removal from the Bankside. We stood the intemperate weather, 'till more intemperate Mr. Meade thrust us over, taking the day from us which by course was ours."[558]

[Footnote 558: Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, p. 93. Cf. also the chapter on "Rosseter's Blackfriars."]

After the company quarreled with Meade and deserted the Hope, there is no evidence that the building was again used for plays. It became a.s.sociated almost entirely with animal-baiting, fencing, feats of activity, and such-like performances; and gradually the very name "Hope," which was identified with acting, gave way to the earlier designation "Bear Garden." In 1632 the author of _Holland's Leaguer_ remarks that "wild beasts and gladiators did most possess it"; and such must have been the chief use of the building down to 1642, when animal-baiting was prohibited by Parliament.[559]