Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution Part 20

In 1778 he was elected governor of his native State without his knowledge, advice or consent. The mode of election was by the legislature and secret ballot. Caucuses, insulated with intrigue and corruption, were then unknown. Love of Liberty and country, exemplified by the acts of freemen, were all the "pledges" required. He declined accepting the office for the reason that a const.i.tution was before the legislature not as republican as he desired and if adopted required the a.s.sent of the executive. Believing it would be sanctioned and could be amended at some future time he preferred not placing himself in the way.

Rawlin Lowndes was then elected who approved of the const.i.tution on the 19th March 1778.

Political honesty was a marked trait in the character of Arthur Middleton. No inducements could turn him from the path of rect.i.tude and duty. He weighed measures, men and things in the unerring scales of justice. He went with no man unless he believed him clearly right. He was sound at the core. His mind was pure and free as mountain air--his purposes n.o.ble, bold and patriotic. In 1779, when the British troops were devastating S. Carolina, he took the field with Gov. Rutledge and cheerfully endured the privations of the camp. At the attack upon Charleston by Gen. Provost, he manifested great coolness and courage.

His family was driven away by the destroying enemy and his property plundered. Several valuable paintings were mutilated in the most shameful manner. At the surrender of Charleston in 1780, he was among the prisoners sent to the Spanish Castle at St. Augustine, Florida and manfully endured the cowardly indignities there imposed upon the Americans. In July 1781 a general exchange of prisoners took place when he returned to Philadelphia. He was again elected to Congress and resumed the important duties of legislation. Soon after this the last important act of the revolutionary tragedy was closed at Yorktown, where the Heroes of the revolutionary stage took a closing benefit at the expense of British pride and kingly ambition. With the surrender of Lord Cornwallis the last hope of the crown in America expired in all the agonies of mortification.

In 1782 Mr. Middleton was again returned to Congress where he continued until November when he returned to his long neglected home. He declined remaining in Congress that he might serve his own state. He did much towards restoring order, harmony and stability in the new government of South Carolina. He was several times a member of her legislature and used his best efforts to advance her prosperity. At intervals he improved his desolated plantation and looked forward to years of domestic felicity. But alas! how uncertain are all sublunary things. In the autumn of 1786 he was attacked with the intermittent fever which terminated in serious disease and caused his death on the first day of January 1787, leaving a wife, two sons and six daughters to mourn their irreparable loss. He was deeply lamented by the nation at large. He was held in great veneration by every friend of freedom in the country. He had only to be known to be loved and admired. He was a consolation to his friends, a shining light in the cause of freedom, an ornament to society, a good and honest man. The examples of such a man are living epistles, worthy to be known and read by all who desire the happiness of our beloved country and the perpetuity of our glorious UNION.

LEWIS MORRIS.

A military despotism is a national curse, a blighting sirocco, a foe to liberty. Laws that require the bayonet to enforce them for an extended length of time are bad or the people for whom they are made are unworthy of freedom. Moments of excitement do occur in the best organized communities arising from a sudden local impulse that require a show of military power and even its force--but in a little time reason resumes her sway, the spirit of mobocracy subsides, the soldier again becomes the peaceful citizen and rests for security upon the strong arm of civil power.

Quartering the military upon the citizens of a community is full of danger. After having enjoyed the bounty and hospitality of the inhabitants let that military be directed to enforce laws that are obnoxious to the people--an indignation is roused that is increased tenfold from the circ.u.mstance of previous familiarity. The citizen conceives he has bestowed a special favor upon the soldier. He looks upon the attempt to force unjust laws upon him as base ingrat.i.tude--the blackest crime out of pandemonium. Favors forgotten and ingrat.i.tude displayed add desperation to revenge. Previous to the American Revolution the military were quartered upon or drew their support directly from the people. The Colonies had contributed largely in money and blood to aid the mother country in conquering her most inveterate foe in America--the French in Canada. No return was asked but the quiet enjoyment of chartered privileges guarantied by the const.i.tution. This was denied them. Pet.i.tions were treated contumely--remonstrances were laughed to scorn. Then it was that a band of Sages and Heroes rose in all the majesty of man's native dignity and vindicated their inalienable rights.

Among the boldest of the bold was Lewis Morris, born at Morrisania in the vicinity of the city of New York in 1726. The preserved doc.u.ments of this family trace their genealogy back to Rhice Fitzgerald. Rhys or Rhice Fitzgerald was a Cambrian chieftain who carried his military operations and conquests into Ireland during the reign of Henry II. By his valor and success he obtained the name of Maur [great] Rhice and the penultimate Fitzgerald being dropped gives us the name in plain English--Morris. In tracing genealogy we find names more changed than this. Genealogy and the origin of names is an amusing study--if you have leisure try it.

Lewis was the son of Judge Morris of the same Christian name who retained possession of the paternal estate formerly purchased by his grandfather, Richard Morris, who was a leader under Cromwell and came from Barbadoes in 1663 and purchased a tract of land near Harlaem on York Island. He left an only son, Lewis, who was Chief Justice of New York and subsequently governor of New Jersey.

After his preparatory studies Lewis entered Yale College at the age of sixteen. From the President, Dr. Clap, he imbibed a relish for moral and religious principles and became a good scholar. In 1746 he graduated--returned to his estate and became extensively engaged in agriculture. At that period the Colonies were free, prosperous and happy. The mother country had not discovered the philosopher's stone of taxing her distant children to support royalty. They were left to pursue their own course--enjoy the fruit of their labors and repose in peace.

In this delightful retirement Mr. Morris continued to improve his farm and mind. By his suavity of manners, moral rect.i.tude and honorable course he gained the confidence and esteem of all who made his acquaintance. He was the nucleus to a circle of friends of the highest attainments and respectability. He became a great favorite among the people and did all in his power to improve their condition and promote general good. He was a philanthropist and patriot.

The time rolled on rapidly when colonial repose was to be plucked up from the roots and perish under the burning heat of British oppression.

The treasury of England had been drained by extravagance and war--her national debt had become frightfully large. The story of prosperity and wealth in America had been told to Mr. Grenville by an evil person in an evil hour. The plan of imperious taxation was devised. The Stamp Act was pa.s.sed as a feeler. The descendants of the pilgrim fathers thought its feeling rather rough and recoiled from the touch with amazement. They loved their king but they loved their chartered privileges and country more. Legal remedies were resorted to. A Congress was convened at New York and several Colonies ably represented. Powerful addresses to the throne and people of Great Britain were prepared breathing the purest allegiance conditioned on the restoration of const.i.tutional rights. The Stamp Act was repealed only to give place to a more voracious and obnoxious budget of Acts. The ministry bent all their force to accomplish their impolitic designs. They did more to prepare the people of America for Independence than the combined energies of the Sages could have effected without their co-operation. In devising a great evil they consummated a great good.

Mr. Morris took a deep interest in pa.s.sing events--at first only as an adviser. Although Ma.s.sachusetts took the lead in resisting oppression New York was not tardy in coming to the rescue. In 1767 an Act was pa.s.sed by Parliament compelling the people of that Province to furnish the British soldiers that were quartered among them with provisions. By this order the burden fell upon certain portions of the inhabitants exclusively and not _pro rota_ upon the whole. It was a direct invasion of personal rights and was most severely felt by the citizens of the city of New York and its vicinity. This measure brought Mr. Morris out.

He publicly proclaimed it unconst.i.tutional and tyrannical and contributed largely towards influencing the legislature to place a veto upon it. Might triumphed over right and enforced the contribution from the citizens. Spirits like that of Lewis Morris were not to be subdued.

An unquenchable fire was only smothered to gather volcanic force under the brittle crust that covered it. It was constantly increased by supplies of fuel from Mr. Grenville and his more subtle successor Lord North. The statute of Henry VIII. was revived which doomed the disobedient to be sent to England for trial. Its eldest daughter--the Boston Port Bill was ushered into life and other screws of the rack tightened. The last pet.i.tions and remonstrances in the magazine of patience were finally exhausted. It was speedily replenished with materials more weighty than paper. Mr. Morris had become a prominent leader, a bold and substantial whig, rather too highly charged for the conciliatory Congress of 1774. The time came on apace when the people required just such a man and in April 1775 elected him to the Continental Congress. Even then most people attributed their sufferings to the venal ministry and hoped the king would cease to be an automaton and prove himself a man worthy of the high station he occupied. But hopes were vain--the olive branch withered beneath the scorching rays of corrupted power. The virtues of steel, powder and lead were then to be tried. Already had the purple current of Americans saturated the streets of Boston and the heights of Lexington. Already had the groans of dying citizens, slain by the hands of those whom they had fed--pierced the ears of thousands. Already were widows weeping for husbands weltering in blood and orphans for fathers covered in gore. If imagination sickens--if language fails, if history is impotent in conveying but a faint idea of the consuming anguish, the bitter grief, the palsying terrors, the boiling revenge, the deep resolves of those dark hours--how heart breaking--how overwhelming must have been the dreadful reality to living witnesses.

Soon after he took his seat in Congress Mr. Morris was placed upon a committee of which the ill.u.s.trious Washington was chairman to devise measures to obtain the munitions of war. This was a _desideratum_ rather problematical. Comparatively a sling and a few smooth stones were all the patriots had with which to combat the British Goliah. But the battle of Bunker Hill convinced all parties that rusty guns in hands with nerves of steel guided by hearts of oak could do good service and that men resolved on liberty or death were not to be tamely yoked without a desperate effort to be free. Mr. Morris became an active member and advocated strong measures. The year previous he was considered rash--the time had arrived when all saw the necessity of pursuing the course he had marked out. He became early convinced that an honorable arrangement could not be had _under_ Great Britain--nothing but a triumph _over_ her would restore the equilibrium of justice. He was one of a committee to visit the Indian tribes to persuade them not to enlist under the blood stained banner of England. But British gold was stronger than the most eloquent reasoning. To the eternal disgrace of those who were then wielding the destinies of the mother country, a premium was given for _scalps_ not for prisoners. So dark, so deep, so damming a blot rests not upon the escutcheon of any other nation upon earth. Why? Because that kingdom had been the proclaimed conservator of the peaceful, humane religion of the Cross for centuries--the crowning glory of which is love. The foul deed was committed in the full blaze of Gospel light and boasted civilization. There were n.o.ble souls in parliament at that time and millions of British subjects who looked upon the horrors of that demoniac policy with as much indignity as an American can. Mr. Morris also visited the New England States for the purpose of maturing plans to raise supplies and commence concentrated vigorous action.

In 1776 he again took his seat in Congress and was pleased to find the general pulse beating in unison with his own--a determination to sever the Gordian knot and proclaim an eternal separation from a nation that held power only to abuse it. He was on many important committees--was all activity in and out of the House. In his native neighborhood he had a herculean task in rousing the people to a sense of their true position. Gov. Tryon mingled the poison with the wisdom of the serpent--affected to be harmless as a dove and exercised a powerful influence over the people of the city of New York in favor of the crown.

He pointed them to the certain destruction of the commercial interests by a war--the inequality of the two powers--the impossibility of Whig success and construed self interest into self preservation. To paralyze his influence required great exertion. Mr. Morris and his friends put forth their n.o.blest energies in the mighty work. What they could not effect, British oppression and the powder and ball of Gen. Howe soon accomplished.

When the Declaration of Independence was proposed Mr. Morris became one of its ardent supporters. At that very time his large estate was within the power of the enemy. He well knew that his signature to the proposed instrument would be destructive to all his property within the reach of British hirelings. Most faithfully was the work executed. Even his extensive woodlands of a thousand acres were subjected to axe and fire--his family driven from home and every species of devastation resorted to that malice could invent, hatred design, revenge execute.

But LIBERTY was dearer to this devoted patriot than earth and all its riches. He boldly sanctioned and fearlessly affixed his name to the great certificate of our national birth and rejoiced in freedom illumined by the conflagration of his own Elysian Morrisania. His family and himself suffered many privations during the remainder of the war.

They endured every hardship with heroic fort.i.tude without regret for the past and with buoyant hope for the bright future.

In 1777 he resigned his seat in Congress and rendered important services in the legislature of his native State. He also served in the tented field and rose to the rank of major-general of militia. He was a good disciplinarian and reduced the state troops to an excellent organization. In every situation he ably and zealously discharged all his duties and did not leave the service of his country until the American arms were triumphant and the Independence of our nation acknowledged by Great Britain. Then he retired to his desolated plantation--converted his sword into a pruning hook--his musket into a ploughshare and his farm into a delightful retreat where his friends from the city often visited him to enjoy his agreeable society--talk of times gone by and rejoice in the consolations of blood-bought Liberty.

Peacefully and calmly he glided down the stream of time until January 1798 when his immortal spirit left its frail bark and launched upon the ocean of eternity in a more substantial vessel. He died serene and happy surrounded by an affectionate family and kind friends. His remains were deposited in the family vault upon his farm under the honors of an epic and civic procession.

The private virtues and public services of Mr. Morris rendered him dear to all who knew him. His appearance was in every way commanding. A n.o.ble and graceful figure, a fine and intelligent face, an amiable and agreeable disposition, a warm and ardent temperament, a benevolent and generous heart, an independent and patriotic soul--crowned with intelligence, refinement and goodness--he was in all respects worthy to be admired and beloved. His examples ill.u.s.trate the patriotism that impelled to action during the Revolution. He had everything that could be destroyed to lose if successful--if not--death was his probable doom.

Previous to the war he was a favorite of the king--his brother Staats was a member of Parliament and a general officer under the crown. But few made as great personal sacrifices and no one made them more cheerfully. Like Marion--he preferred a morsel of bread, a meal of roasted potatoes with Liberty--to all the trappings of royalty and all the honors that could be conferred by a king. So long as this kind of patriotism finds a resting place in the bosoms of a respectable majority of Columbia's sons--our UNION is safe. Let this be banished by the majority as it is by a fearful minority--the fair temple of our LIBERTY will perish in flames kindled by its professed guardians. Freemen of America! I warn you to preserve, in original purity, the FREEDOM purchased with the rich blood of our fathers.

ROBERT MORRIS.

Self is the Sahara of the human heart where all the n.o.ble powers of the soul are buried in its scorching sands. We may pour upon it floods of human woe and streams of melting kindness without producing the least appearance of sympathy or grat.i.tude. The blighting sirocco of cold indifference sweeps over this desert mind, increases the powers of absorption--annihilates all that is cheering and lovely. The keenest miseries of a fellow man cannot move it--the mournful obsequies of his death cannot shame it. It is one of the foul blots imprinted on human nature by Lucifer and should be hurled back to Pandemonium. It dwells only in little minds and pinches them as dandy boots do the feet--covering them with excrescences as painful as corns and chilblains. He who is a slave to self could calmly look on the "wreck of matter and the crash of worlds" if it would add one item to his sordid gains.

Man was created a social being--benevolent, sympathetic, kind, affectionate--quick to feel and prompt to alleviate the misfortunes of his fellow man. But for the soul-killing influence of self these n.o.ble germs of human nature, as originally cast in the mould of creative wisdom, would bud and blossom as the rose and crown the human family with millennial glory.

On the pages of history we find many bright spots of self sacrifice and blooming benevolence. Individuals have lived who banished self and devoted their lives, fortunes and sacred honors to promote the best interests of the human race--men whose motives, impelling them to action, were chastened by purity, who aimed to promote public good and personal happiness.

In the history of the American Revolution we find a cheering catalogue of such philanthropists whose memories we delight to honor. No one among them did more to accomplish the great end in view than Robert Morris. He was born at Liverpool, Lancashire, England on the 20th of January 1734. His father was a respectable merchant and settled at Oxford on the eastern sh.o.r.e of Maryland in 1746. He then sent for this son who arrived at Oxford at the age of thirteen. He received only a good commercial education. At the age of fifteen he lost his father by death. He was then in the counting house of Charles Willing one of the most thorough and enterprising merchants of Philadelphia. After having served a faithful apprenticeship Mr. Willing set him up in business and remained his fast friend and adviser. For several years he prospered _alone_ but finding the cares of life pressing upon him he wisely resolved to take a partner to accompany him in his pilgrimage through this vale of tears. That partner was the meritorious Mary, daughter of Col. White and sister to the pious and learned Bishop White. She possessed every quality that adorns her s.e.x and renders connubial felicity complete. What is _now_ more than _then_ considered by too many heartless bipeds a _sine qua non_--she brought with her--WEALTH. This _desideratum_ is often a blighting subst.i.tute for genuine affection--too often the corroding mildew of matrimonial happiness. No man or woman with a good heart, clear head and sound discretion--ever married _riches_ instead of the _person_. It is the quintessence of self.

Not so with Mr. Morris and his partner. Their richest treasure was mutual esteem flowing from the pure fountain of their kindred hearts anxious to promote the reciprocal happiness of each other and the felicity of all around them. Nothing occurred to mar their refined enjoyments until the revolutionary storm burst upon the Colonies.

Mr. Morris was a sterling patriot and did not look upon the commoving political elements with indifference. He had inhaled the atmosphere of inherent freedom--his soul was roused to G.o.d-like action--he resolved to hold his life and fortune subject to the drafts of LIBERTY. If self had held her withering sway he would have remained a loyal slave. His interests were entirely commercial--his wealth was exposed to the destructive power of the mother country. He ama.s.sed it only to do good.

He was not fastidious as to the manner it was distributed so that his n.o.ble aim might be accomplished--the salvation of his country.

He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known--his influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized.

Most n.o.bly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance was then created to enable him to control the disburs.e.m.e.nts. The money he continued to provide--often from his private funds. When Congress fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence--then sneeringly called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their coadjutors--the British. During his stay it became necessary for Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend Robert?" "The news is--I am in immediate want of----dollars hard money and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy at Trenton with signal success.

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably dest.i.tute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disburs.e.m.e.nts showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General Greene was at first displeased with the act but on a.n.a.lyzing it applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said--"If I had known that I might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary ruin.

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found every government resource exhausted--the credit of the infant Republic paralyzed--the army writhing under the keenest privations--had his mind been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fastenings upon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have occurred to the present time.

As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt!

thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent, the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample--our army would have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured--our country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations committed by the enemy--the struggle would probably have been terminated in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.

Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the unequal contest.

When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The army was in a dest.i.tute situation and without the means of prosecuting a siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short s.p.a.ce of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to triumphantly close the long and b.l.o.o.d.y struggle of the Revolution and lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family--as free from self as angels are.

Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner--Willing, Morris & Co.

many important and advantageous transactions were made for government although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an investigation inst.i.tuted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in circulation against this pure and honest patriot.

All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From the numerous doc.u.ments I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious enterprise. He was so considered by the ill.u.s.trious Washington--the Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose biographer--long after the SAGE and the HERO had gone where none but slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive--his malice powerless. His extracts from public doc.u.ments are garbled--his conclusions are based on false premises--his innuendos are ungenerous--his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud escutcheon of his literary fame.

The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.

Congress elected Mr. Morris Superintendent of Finance on the 20th of February 1781. It was only from a deep sense of duty he could be urged to accept the office. It was at a dark and fearful period of the Revolution. His duties were onerous and multiform. He immediately inst.i.tuted an examination of the public debts, revenue and expenditures--reduced to economical system the mode of regulating the finances and disbursing the public funds--executed the plans of Congress relative to monetary affairs--superintended the action of all persons employed in obtaining and distributing supplies for the army--attended to the collection of all monies due the United States--held a supervision over all the contractors for military supplies--provided for the civil list--corresponded with the Executive of each state and with ministers of our government in Europe and transacted business with all the public departments. Through the agency of the Bank of North America and with his own proverbial responsibility he improved the national credit so far that money was obtained from Europe on loan and a brighter prospect opened before the desponding patriots. He introduced rigid economy through all the avenues of public operations. He boldly entered the aegean stable and was the Hercules to cleanse it. Corrupt agents and corrupting speculators fled before his searching scrutiny--hissing like serpents disturbed in their dens. Perfect system pervaded all his transactions reducing them all to writing so that he was able to produce a conclusive voucher for each and every public act during his term of service. He believed system to be the ballast, main-mast and helm of business.

At the time of his resignation he placed himself in the crucible of an examining committee of Congress before whom he exhibited a schedule of all his public transactions. The report of the committee placed him on a lofty eminence as an able and skilful financier--a patriotic and honest man. President Washington tendered him the office of Secretary of the Treasury, which he respectfully declined. He was a member of the convention that framed the Federal Const.i.tution and a Senator in the first Congress that convened under it. He seldom spoke in debate but when he did he was eloquent, chaste and logical. He was heard with profound attention and had great influence with his colleagues. He possessed an inexhaustible store of useful information applicable to all the relations of public and private life. When the peace of 1783 was consummated Mr. Morris again entered largely into commercial business.

He favored every kind of improvement and did all in his power to promote general good and individual happiness. He first introduced ice and hot-houses in our country. He was a rare specimen of industry, system, punctuality and honesty.

After spending a long life in skilfully wielding a capital of millions he at last foundered upon the rock of land speculation and closed his eventful career in poverty on the 8th of May 1806 at the city of Philadelphia sincerely mourned by his country and most deeply lamented by those who knew him best. He met the grim messenger of death with resignation and calmness--bid a cheerful farewell to friends, the toils of earth and all sublunary things.

Mr. Morris was a large man with an open countenance, pleasing in his manners and agreeable in all his a.s.sociations. His private character was as pure as his public career was ill.u.s.trious. Dying poor, no marble monument is reared to his memory but his name is deeply engraved upon the tablet of meritorious fame and will be revered by every true American and patriot until the historic page shall be blotted from the world--social order submerged by chaos.