Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution Part 1

Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution.

by L. Carroll Judson.

PREFACE.

This volume contains the condensed substance of more expensive works that have been published relative to the men and times of the American Revolution. The character and acts of the most prominent Sages and Heroes of that eventful era are delineated. A sufficient amount of doc.u.mentary matter is inserted to enable the reader to fully understand the causes, progress and triumphant termination of that sanguinary struggle that resulted in FREEDOM to the new world and prepared an asylum for the oppressed. The French and Indian wars are prominently noticed. More Revolutionary names are rescued from oblivion in this book than in any other extant. I have introduced many practical remarks intended to rouse the reflective powers of the immortal mind and increase a patriotic love for our expanding Republic and glorious inst.i.tutions. These remarks are designed to be living epistles animated with "thoughts that breathe and words that burn." There are many festering wounds on our body politic that need probing to the bottom--cancers that require the best treatment of the boldest operators in moral, religious and political surgery. The text is concise and not dressed in the dogmatical garb of _arbitrary_ punctuation. In preparing the historical part I have consulted numerous doc.u.ments and the most approved works in our libraries. Once for all I award a general credit.

The relation of events is usually in my own plain laconic language. I believe this volume as free from errors as any of its ill.u.s.trious predecessors. It has long been a cherished _desideratum_ in my mind to place this _multum in parvo_ within the reach of every working man in our land. I have exerted my best efforts to make it interesting and instructive by blending a perspective chart of human nature with the thrilling history of the times that tried the souls of the patriots of '76. It is my ardent desire that it may prove beneficial to readers and publisher.

L. CARROLL JUDSON, _of the Philadelphia Bar_.

PHILADELPHIA, MARCH 4, 1851.

PART I.

JOHN ADAMS.

[Ill.u.s.tration: {John Adams portrait and signature} ENGRAVED BY T.B.

WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.]

The history of men should interest every reader. It is the mirror of mind--imparting lessons of thrilling interest, essential improvement, exquisite pleasure--substantial advantage. It is a matter of deep concern to the investigating student. Remoteness increases veneration.

Human foibles are buried in the tomb. Faults are often eclipsed by towering virtues--find no place on the historic page and after generations gaze upon a picture of rare perfection, which, as time advances, a.s.sumes shades--richer and holier--until it commands the reverence of every beholder. The names of many of the ancients, whose crowning glory was virtue, over whose ashes centuries have rolled, are often referred to with as profound respect as if angel purity had given the impress of Divinity to their every action. A country--a nation may be lost in the whirlpool of revolution--the fame of good and great men is enduring as time. In the persons of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution, ancient and modern wisdom, patriotism and courage were combined. Let us join the admiring millions who are gazing on their bright picture and impartially trace the character of those who pledged their LIVES, FORTUNES AND SACRED HONORS in behalf of FREEDOM.

Among them, John Adams was conspicuous. He was a native of Quincy, Ma.s.s.

born on the 19th of Oct. (O.S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who removed from Devonshire Eng. with eight sons and located near Mount Wollaston.

During his childhood he was under the instruction of Mr. Marsh of Braintree and made rapid progress in his education. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard college at Cambridge and graduated at the age of twenty-one with high honors.

At Worcester he commenced the study of law under Mr. Putnam, finished with Mr. Gridley, supporting himself by teaching a grammar cla.s.s. Wisdom to discern the path of rigid virtue and uncompromising justice, with moral courage to _act_, marked his career from the dawn of manhood. He boldly grasped the past, present and future and made deductions truly prophetic. On the 12th of Oct. 1755, he wrote the following paragraph in a letter.

"Soon after the reformation, a few people came over into this new world for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me, if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the exactest computation, will, in another century, become more numerous than England herself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves, is--_to disunite us_. Keep us in distinct colonies and then some men in each colony, desiring the monarchy of the whole, will destroy each other's influence and keep the country in equilibrio."

Mark two things referred to in this letter. He plainly saw that the navy is our right arm of defence and yet treated, by our government, with a parsimony that has long astonished the old world. "TO DISUNITE US"--the only thing that can _ruin us_ now that we _have_ set up for ourselves.

Lay this to heart ye demagogues who are sowing broadcast the seeds of disunion and no longer court a monarchy.

At the end of three years study Mr. Adams was admitted to the practice of law and commenced a successful professional career at Braintree.

Const.i.tutional law had become a subject of investigation. Disputes had commenced between the people and the officers of the crown who were employed in the custom-house and claimed the right to search _private_ dwellings for the pretended purpose of discovering dutiable goods. This preliminary act of usurpation was frequently prompted by personal animosity without a shadow of evidence to raise even suspicion. The right of search was vigorously resisted. Writs of a.s.sistance were issued--the seeds of the revolution were sown. Mr. Gridley, the friend and admirer of Mr. Adams, defended the officers--not on const.i.tutional ground but from the necessity of the case to protect the revenue, from which Mr. Adams strongly dissented. The question was argued before the Superior Court at Boston--Mr. Gridley for and Mr. Otis against the crown. Mr. Adams listened to both gentlemen with intense interest and has often been heard to say--"The oration of Mr. Otis against writs of a.s.sistance breathed into this nation the breath of life. American independence was then and there born."

The court _publicly_ decided against the writs but _secretly_ issued them. No richer fuel could have been used to increase the volume and force of the revolutionary fires already kindled. Mr. Adams was roused by the hypocrisy of the court and the audacity of the crown officers and at once took a bold stand in favor of justice. The a.s.sembly interfered in behalf of the people and in 1762, prepared a bill to prevent the issue of these volcanic writs only upon specific information on oath--which was vetoed by the governor. The a.s.sembly retaliated by reducing the salary of the judges.

In 1761 Mr. Adams rose to the rank of Barrister--in 1764 married the accomplished Abigail Smith, daughter of Rev. William Smith, who n.o.bly partic.i.p.ated with her husband in the thrilling scenes of their lives for fifty-four years. Judge of her patriotism from the following extract from one of her numerous and able letters.

"Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of blood or the carnage of the human species--but, having been forced to draw the sword, we are determined never to sheathe it--_slaves to Britain_. Our cause, Sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice and will finally prevail, though the combined force of earth and h.e.l.l should rise against it."

The Stamp Act kindled an enduring flame of indignation in the patriotic bosom of Mr. Adams. He at once became a champion for chartered rights and rational freedom. He published an essay on Canon and Feudal Law which proved him a fearless, able and vigorous writer. It penetrated the joints and marrow of royal power as _practised_ and parliamentary legislation as _a.s.sumed_. He traced the Canon law to the Roman clergy--shrewdly planned, acutely managed and rigorously enforced to advance their own aggrandizement. He delineated the servile dogmas of the Feudal code, each manor being the miniature kingdom of a petty tyrant. He exposed the unholy and powerful confederacy of the two, aiming to spread the mantle of ignorance over mankind, drive virtue from the earth, producing the memorable era of the dark ages, shrouded in mental obscurity. He then ushered in the dawn of returning light, exhibited the gigantic struggles of the reformers--the b.l.o.o.d.y scenes of persecution and finally placed his readers upon the granite sh.o.r.es of New England, where, for a century, LIBERTY had shed its happy influence upon the sons and daughters of freemen, undisturbed by canons or feuds.

"Tyranny has again commenced its desolating course--it _must be_ arrested or we are _slaves_." This is a mere syllabus of a pamphlet of over forty pages, strong in language, bold in sentiment, and nervous in style.

Mr. Adams became a.s.sociated with other prominent whigs, Samuel Adams, Quincy, Otis and many kindred spirits, whose influence produced the repeal of the Stamp Act and the removal of Mr. Grenville from the ministry. An apparent but delusive calm ensued on the part of the crown officers. At intervals, a cloven foot would be seen, festering wounds would be irritated and no balm was found to restore them to perfect soundness.

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston where his talents became so strongly developed that the king's governor thought him worth purchasing. He was offered the most lucrative office in the colony--Advocate General in the court of Admiralty. He spurned the bribe with the disdain that none but freemen can exhibit.

In 1769 he was on the committee that prepared instructions for the legislature, which were very obnoxious to the royal governor. He had outraged the people by quartering a mercenary army in the town--was unyielding in his purposes and hastened a tragedy that gave a fresh impetus to the embryo revolution.

On the 5th of March 1770, an affray occurred between the military and citizens, in which five of the latter were killed and others wounded.

Mr. Adams thus describes the result.

"The people a.s.sembled, first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial, independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed themselves into a regular deliberative body--chose their moderator and secretary--entered into discussions, deliberations and debates--adopted resolutions and appointed committees. These public resolutions were conformable to the views of the great majority of the people--'_that the soldiers should be banished at all hazards_.' Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to the governor, or governor and council, was ordained and a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which Samuel Adams was chairman. The soldiers were removed and transient peace restored."

Captain Preston was brought before the court charged with giving the order to fire upon the citizens. The regulars who committed the fatal act were also arraigned and tried. Each party charged the other with commencing the affray. Some inconsiderate citizens had thrown snow-b.a.l.l.s at the King's troops who returned lead in payment. Mr. Adams was employed to defend the accused. A delicate task he performed, but so ingeniously did he manage the case that Captain Preston and all the soldiers but two were acquitted and the two were only convicted of manslaughter. When the trial closed Mr. Adams stood approved by the citizens, having performed his professional duty to his clients and at the same time vindicated the rights of the people.

The same year he was elected to the legislative body and boldly opposed the arbitrary measures of the British cabinet. He was one of the committee that prepared an address to the governor, the style of which induces me to think that it was penned by him. After clearly pointing out the violation of chartered rights the address concludes, "These and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated and too melancholy to be _much longer borne_ by this injured people, we have seen brought upon us by the devices of ministers of state. And we have, of late, seen and heard of _instructions_ to governors which threaten to destroy all the remaining privileges of our charter. Should these struggles of the house prove unfortunate and ineffectual this Province will submit with pious resignation to the will of _Providence_--but it would be a kind of suicide, of which we have the utmost abhorrence, to be instrumental in our own servitude."

A blind obstinacy on the part of the ministers increased the opposition of the people, inducing a rapid acc.u.mulation of combustible materials, increasing the volcanic fires by their own strong exertions. Being alarmed at the boldness of the citizens, the governor ordered the legislature to convene at Cambridge contrary to the law which fixed the place of meeting--consequently, the members refused to do anything more than to adjourn to the proper place. A war of words and paper ensued, in which the patriots were victorious. Mr. Adams was one of the sharp-shooters and made great havoc among the officers of the crown. Mr.

Brattle, the senior member of the council entered the field in defence of the ministry but was put _hors de combat_ by our champion. The governor was compelled to direct the legislature to convene again at Boston. New causes of complaint were constantly accruing. The governor, judges and troops were paid by England instead of the colony--thus aiming to render the executive, judiciary and military, independent of the people, destroying all confidence in the servants of the crown. The tax on tea was another source of aggravation, striking more tender chords. Wo to the ruler who rouses the fair s.e.x. He may more safely defy the fury of Mars and challenge the speed of Atalanta.

Tea became forbidden fruit--several vessel loads were sacrificed to Neptune--an oblation for the sins of the British cabinet--a jollification for the fish of Boston harbour. Royal authority increased in cruelty--patriots increased in boldness. The message of the governor to the legislature of 1773 maintained the supremacy of parliament. This was denied by the members and a reply written by Mr. Adams in answer to a second message from the governor, more strongly in favor of the crown.

The pen of this functionary was paralyzed--his arguments proved fallacious--his mouth sealed upon this exciting subject. The reply of Mr. Adams was an exposition of British wrongs and American rights, so clearly presented that no sophistry could impugn--no logic confront. So highly was it appreciated by Dr. Franklin, that he had it republished in England--a luminary to patriots--confusion to tyrants.

On taking his seat in the legislature Mr. Adams was placed on the list of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutchinson that he erased his name--an act that recoiled with such force as to rapidly close his public career in the colony. He was succeeded by Governor Gage, who was more fully charged with ministerial fire--more successful in accelerating the millennium of Liberty. He placed his cross upon the name of John Adams--removed the legislature to Salem--enforced the Boston Port Bill and seemed to tax his ingenuity to enrage the people.

On convening, the members of the legislature requested the governor to fix a day for a general fast which he peremptorily refused. As well might he have undertaken to extinguish a flaming fire with pitch, as to refuse this boon to the descendants of the Puritans. The people _en ma.s.se_ venerated religion and would not yield to the violation of ancient custom.

The legislature then proceeded to project a general congress. Governor Gage sent his secretary with an order to _prorogue_--the door was locked against him--patriotic resolutions were pa.s.sed and five delegates appointed to meet a national convention, one of whom was John Adams.

At the appointed time he repaired to Philadelphia--took his seat in that a.s.semblage of sages, whose wisdom has been sung by the most brilliant poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators--admired by the most sagacious statesmen of the civilized world. On reading the proceedings of the first congress in 1774, Chatham remarked, "I have studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world--but, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men can stand above this congress."

Some supposed the ardent zeal of Mr. Adams might induce rashness. Not so--he was calm as a summer morning but firm as the granite sh.o.r.es of his birth-place. He was discreet, prudent--the last man to violate or submit to the violation of const.i.tutional law. He kept his helm hard-up--knew when to luff--when to take the larboard tack--when to spread and when to take in sail. He was one of the few who believed the mother country would remain incorrigible--that pet.i.tions would be vain--addresses futile--remonstrances unavailing.

At the close of that congress Mr. Adams had a close conversation with Patrick Henry in which he expressed a full conviction, that resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, pet.i.tions, remonstrances, addresses, a.s.sociations and non-importation agreements--however they might be accepted in America and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be waste water in England. Mr. Henry believed they might make an impression among the _people_ of England, but that they would be lost upon the government. Mr. Adams had just received a hasty letter from Major Hawley of Northampton, which concluded with these prophetic words, "_after all we must fight._" Mr. Henry raised his hands and vehemently exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind." Richard Henry Lee held a contrary opinion--Washington was in doubt. The two former based their conclusions on the past and present from which they drew deductions for the future. They penetrated the arcanum of human nature, pa.s.sed in review the multiform circ.u.mstances that inflated power-backed by superior physical force--deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to the refined feelings of humanity--deaf to wisdom--blind to justice.

Lee, equally determined to vindicate _right_ and oppose _wrong_, could not believe the ministry would dethrone reason and court ruin.

Washington, deep in reflection, an impartial and strong investigator--his soul overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did not arrive rapidly at conclusions on so momentous a subject. In weighing the causes of difference between the two countries--reason, justice and hope, on the one side--power, corruption and avarice on the other--at that time held his mind in equilibrio. He clearly perceived the right and fondly but faintly hoped England would see it too and govern herself accordingly. He was as prompt to act as the others when action became necessary.

Mr. Adams returned among his friends and stood approved by his const.i.tuents and his country. His pen was again brought into service, in answering a series of ingenious essays written by Mr. Sewell in favor of the supremacy of Parliament. Over the name of "Nonvanglus," Mr. Adams stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the brazen image Mr.

Sewell had presented to the public gaze. A meagre skeleton of visible deformity was all that remained. Attorney General Sewell trembled us he received the deep cuts from the falchion quill of this devoted patriot.

So profound was his reasoning--so learned were his expositions--so clear and conclusive were his demonstrations--that his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired in a rage from the conflict, "He strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge pile of learning."

The pile proved too "huge" for royal power and supplied the people with an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It placed the patriots in a position to hurl their darts at _them_ without refusing allegiance to the _king_. The British cabinet worked out its own destruction with regard to the American colonies--if not with fear and trembling it was with blindness and disgrace--impolicy and injustice--obstinacy and infatuation.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress with renewed responsibilities resting upon him. Revolution was rolling fearfully upon his bleeding country--hope of redress was expiring like the last flickerings of a taper--dark and portentous clouds were concentrating--the ministerial ermine was steeped in blood--the dying groans of his fellow-citizens and the lamentations of widows and orphans had fallen upon his ears and the prophetic conclusion arrived at by him and Henry but a few months previous, was forced upon the mind of every patriot, "_after all we must fight._"

As a preliminary measure it was necessary to appoint a leader of the military forces to be raised. To fix upon the _best_ man was of vital importance. Some thought the measure premature. Not so with the sons of New England. When the blood of their friends was wantonly shed upon the heights of Lexington they hung their siren harps upon the weeping willows that stood mournfully over the graves of their murdered brethren. In their view, war was inevitable. A commander-in-chief must be appointed. Several prominent persons were named in private conversations. John Adams, alone, had fixed his mind upon George Washington, in whom he saw the commingled qualities of philanthropist, philosopher, statesman, hero and Christian. All opposed his appointment at first but gradually yielded to the reasons urged by John Adams.

Satisfied that the measure would be approved by a majority, he rose in Congress and proposed that a commander of the American armies should be appointed. When his resolution pa.s.sed, he described the requisite qualities of the man to fill this important station and remarked with great emphasis--"_such a man is within these walls._" But few knew to whom he referred, no one believing himself duly and truly prepared or properly vouched for as a military man. A pause--a painful suspense--then the name of Col. GEORGE WASHINGTON of Virginia was announced by Mr. Adams. No one could be more surprised than the nominee.