Parish Priests and Their People in the Middle Ages in England Part 26

Rectory of Whitton in the town of Wyche, glebe, 14_s._ 1_d._; t.i.the, 75_s._ 8_d._; In libro compot pascal,[426] 8_s._ 8_d._; 4 days, 4_s._; total, 5 2_s._ 5_d._

R. of St. Andrew in the town of Wyche, t.i.the, 19_s._ 6_d._; Easter, 40_s._; 4 days, 14_s._; total, 3 13_s._ 6_d._

R. of St. Nicholas in the town of Wyche, t.i.the, 46_s._ 8_d._; Easter, 33_s._ 4_d._; 4 days, 10_s._; total, 4 10_s._

Vicarage of St. Peter in the town of Wyche, t.i.the, 75_s._; Easter, 40_s._; 4 days, etc., 1_s._; 6 7_s._

V. of Bromsgrove with chapel of Norton, in the town of Wyche, farm of a garden, 2_s._; t.i.the, etc., 7 5_s._; Easter, 12; 4 days, 40_s._; mortuaries, 1_s._; chapel t.i.the, 4; Easter, 16; total, 41 8_s._

It is worth while to note the proportion which the offerings bear to the other sources of income, and to make a few notes upon them. We find the customary offerings at the four seasons and at Easter, as enjoined in Saxon times (see p. 71); only in some places, instead of the "oblationes quatuor festorum," we find that the times had been reduced to three, as in the rural deanery of Irchingfield, in the diocese of Hereford ("Valor,"

iii. p. 19), where we find "oblationes ibidem III bus temporibus anni usualibus"; or to two, as at Leeds, in the diocese of York, "oblationes duo' dierum ibid' consuet'." The Easter offering was the more important; it is spoken of in various ways, "Decima privata in Festo Paschae," "Decimae personaliae vocatae Lenten Booke," "Decimae personaliae voc' le Estre Booke,"

"In libro Paschali," "In Rotulo Paschali," "In Rotulo Quadragesimali,"[427] "Lent Decimae," and "Oblationes in Pasch'."

In settling the vicarages these fees were usually a.s.signed to the vicar, and in town parishes the appropriators often left the vicar very little besides to live upon. We give a few examples taken at random in ill.u.s.tration of these remarks:--

The Vicarage of Leeds, a house and garden valued at 15_s._ 8_d._; t.i.thes of lambs and wool, 13; Lent t.i.thes and oblations in Pasch', 26; oblations of two days _ibid' consuet'_, 4 10_s._; oblations within the church, 4 6_s._ 8_d._; oblations of a chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 3_s._ 4_d._; total, 48 15_s._ 8_d._[428]

The Vicarage of Sheffield, a house and garden valued at 10_s._; t.i.the of wool and lambs, 36_s._; oblations, 6 18_s._; Easter Book, 4; small t.i.the, 2_s._ 8_d._; total, 13 6_s._ 8_d._[429]

The Vicarage of Huddersfield, house and garden, 3_s._ 4_d._; t.i.thes of wool, 60_s._; of lambs, 64_s._; oblations, 4 11_s._ 8_d._; small and private t.i.the, 9 18_s._ 0_d._; total, 20 17_s._ 0_d._[430]

The Church of Doncaster, at the end of the thirteenth century,[431]

was a rectory, held in two medieties; but in the course of the following centuries both medieties had been appropriated to the Abbey of St. Mary at York, which appointed a vicar. The vicar had a house and garden, valued at 6_s._ 8_d._, and an annual pension from St.

Mary's, _in pecunia numerata_, of 33 6_s._ 8_d._[432]

The income of the three churches in Nottingham--[433]

St. Mary. Mansion and glebe, 30_s._; t.i.the of bread and ale, 26_s._ 8_d._; t.i.the of wool and lambs, 4; t.i.the of geese, pigs, and fowls, 20_s._; of fruits, 20_d._; in Easter t.i.thes, 60_s._ In the whole, 10 18_s._ 4_d._

St. Peter. Mansion, 6_s._ 8_d._; personal t.i.thes, 6 13_s._ 4_d._; oblations, 26_s._ 8_d._; t.i.the of bread and ale, 13_s._ 4_d._; of fowls and eggs, 14_d._; of pigs, 6_s._ 8_d._; of chrisom cloths in _pannis crismalibus_,[434] 3_s._ 4_d._; oblations on the feast of the Purification, 3_s._ In the whole, 9 14_s._ 2_d._

St. Nicholas. Mansion and garden, 8_s._; a house, 8_s._; oblations, 13_s._ 4_d._; Easter t.i.thes, 36_s._; t.i.the of bread and ale, 2_s._ 6_d._; t.i.the of pigs, fowls, and geese, 6_s._; of fruits, 3_s._ 7_d._; t.i.the of flax and hemp, 3_s._; eggs _et pannorum crismalium_, 3_s._ In the whole, 4.

Bingham Rectory. Mansion and land, 48_s._; three houses, 18_s._ 8_d._; a pigeon-house, 13_s._ 4_d._; oblations of the three days, 20_s._; Easter t.i.thes, 46_s._ 8_d._; t.i.the of eggs, 3_s._; pigs and geese, 20_s._; fowls, 3_s._; wool and lambs, 100_s._; hay, 20_s._; corn, 30; flax and hemp, 5_s._ In the whole, 44 19_s._ 4_d._

Here follows a case in which the personal t.i.the, that is, the Easter offering, due from each princ.i.p.al parishioner, is set forth in detail:--

Vicarage of Cowarne Magna gives Decimis psonalibus an{it} videlit de Thoma Scull 6_s._, Johne ap Madoke 4_d._, and four others at 4_d._ each; villat' de Locatt 8_s._ 7_d._, Villat' de Hopton 6_s._ 2_d._; Villat' de Bache 3_s._ 1_d._ and five other villatae, amounting to 10 1_s._ 5_d._; oblations at the four accustomed times 14_s._ 8_d._; Lez crysoms 12_d._ Candles offered in die Pur' Bte Marie; Denar' oblat'

c.u.m pane benedicta 2_s._ 6_d._[435]

The V. of Frome also mentions "lez crysoms" and offerings both at the Cross at Easter and on the other Paschal days.

R. of Estnor mentions "oblationes tam ad fontem benedict' 20_s._," and ad crucem in die Parescheue 6_d._, quam al' oblacon' accustumat'

an{ti} 13_s._ 4_d._ unac.u.m le bede roll' 16_d._ and debit' pascalibz 23_s._ 4_d._[436]

The Rector of Streteford[437] was indebted oblacionibus Ste Cosme et Damiane, 40_s._ 5_d._ He probably had a relic of the Physician Saints in his church, and the people resorted to it for cure of maladies.

The compotus of the vicarage of Newark, Notts, is worth giving at full length:--

The Vicar of Newark returns his income from "tiethe chekens, doves, gowse, piggs, apples, peares, worth a yere xl{s} iij; offering daies, viz. All Saynts' Daie, Xremas Daie, and the Sondaie nexte after the feaste of Mary Magdaleyn, iiij{li} vi{s}; personall t.i.thes at Eastor, xxj{li}; offerings at m'iages, purificacons of women, buryalls, wi{t} other casualties, iij{li} iv{s}.; total, 30 10_s._ Whereof to the archebushopp of Yorke for synage, xvij{s} vi{d}; to the archedeacon of Nottingham for procuracons, xvij{s} vi{d}; for waxe spent in the svice time in the churche, xvj{s} ix{d}; for wyne the ole yere and at Eastor spent in the churche, xvij{s} vi{d}; for oyle spent in the lampe in the queyre day and night, ix{s}; for breade and franckingsence, ij{s} viij{d}; for bell-strings, iiij{d}, and for the stipend of thone of the parryshe preistes, v{li}. Total, 21 5_s._ 1_d._"[438]

Some special sources of income which occur here and there are worth notice:--

The Vicar of Leominster has the herbage of the cemeteries of the church and chapels; the t.i.thes of the bakers and taverners within the borough. Ma.s.s pennies and candle oblations, and oblations for the blessed bread on the Lord's days.[439]

The case of Lenton, Notts, has also features of special interest. It was appropriated to the Prior of Lenton:--[440]

Richard Matthew, vicar there. Is worth for his house there, and with an acre of land, by the year, 6_s._ 8_d._; for Easter t.i.thes, 54_s._; for offerings on the three days, 12_s._; for offerings at marriages, churchings, and burials, one year with another, 5_s._; for oblations on Sundays, 1_d._, amounting to 7_s._ 4_d._ a year; for a corrody of bread and ale at the Priory of Lenton, every week 1_s._ 6_d._, amounting to 78_s._ a year; and every day for food from the cook of the said prior to the value of 1_d._, amounting to 30_s._ 5_d._ a year; for t.i.the of wool and lambs, one year with another, 12_s._; for pigs, geese, and fowls, 10_s._; for t.i.the of flax and hemp, 3_s._; for t.i.the of fruits, one year with another, 12_s._; for gra.s.s and hay for one horse, found by the said prior, 3_s._ 4_d._ a year; in the whole 10 11_s._ 1_d._ Thence is paid annually to the said prior and his successors for a certain pension, 28_s._ 8_d._ And there remains 9 2_s._ 6_d._

We began with a return from a curate in sole charge of the parish of an absentee rector. Here is the case of a non-resident rector who lets his benefice to farm:--

Tunstall, Kent. The certificate of Sir Symon Jenyns, parson there, made by Symon s.p.a.cherst, his farmer:--

First, the same Symon s.p.a.cherst payeth to the said parson yearly 8.

Item paid to the priest for his wages, 6 13_s._ 4_d._, making 14 13_s._ 4_d._ Whereof deducted for proxies[441] yearly 5_s._, leaving clear annual value, 14 8_s._ 4_d._

We take up now the question which was postponed from the preceding chapter, of the value of money at various periods during the Middle Ages compared with its value in our times, and especially at the period of the "Taxatio," A.D. 1292, and at the period of the "Valor," A.D. 1534. The comparative value of a given income at the two periods depends upon two things: first, upon the purchasing power of a pound at the end of the thirteenth century, and again at the middle of the sixteenth century compared with the present day; and, second, upon the style of living at the several periods.

First, as to the comparative purchasing power, it is not an easy question to determine. The late Mr. Thorold Rogers has given an immense ma.s.s of data[442] for its determination, but he has not conferred upon students the advantage of a table of comparative values for certain dates. In default of this, we fall back upon other conclusions drawn from similar collections of materials. Hallam, in his "History of Europe," arrives at the conclusion that "we can hardly take a less multiple than about thirty for animal food, and eighteen or twenty for corn, in order to bring the prices of the thirteenth century to a level with those of the present day. Combining the two, and setting the comparative dearness of cloth against the cheapness of fuel and many other articles, we may perhaps consider any given sum under Henry III. and Edward I. as equivalent in general command over commodities to about twenty-four or twenty-five times its normal value at present;" and again, "In the time of Edward I., an income of 10 or 20 a year was reckoned a competent estate for a gentleman; at least the lord of a single manor would seldom have enjoyed more." The same writer says, "Sixteen will be a proper multiple, when we would bring the general standard value of money in the reign of Henry VI.

to our present standard." Dean Milman, speaking of payments in 1344, says, without giving reason or quoting authority, "Multiply by fifteen to bring to present value."[443] Froude says, "A penny in terms of the labourer's necessities must have been equal in the reign of Henry VIII. to the present shilling;" and adopts "the relative estimate of twelve to one," as generally representing the comparative value of money at that period. The Rev. Dr. Cunningham, formerly professor of Economic Science, K.C.L., kindly replying to a question on the subject, says, "For 1535, I should say that a penny was worth at least a shilling in the present day. I could not give a guess of any value as to the change between 1291 and 1535. At the former date I fancy the values were estimates, and that the actual receipts were chiefly in kind." We have ventured to take, as approximate multiples, twelve times for the date of the "Taxatio" (A.D. 1291), and twenty-four times for the "Valor" (A.D. 1535).

But the comparative position of the parochial clergy, as of all other cla.s.ses of society, at these two periods, and at the present day, depends not only on the amount of money which they received yearly, and on the quant.i.ty of things which it would purchase, but also on the style of living at the periods compared. In those times the houses of the smaller gentry were rudely but substantially built of timber, and did not involve frequent repairs. A little carving on the roof timbers of the hall--the one living room--was a permanent decoration, which never needed renewing; a high table of oak, with a great chair for the master, boards and trestles for the other tables, benches to sit upon, and a few stools, were the sufficient furniture; a little tapestry on the walls, a few bankers (cushions on the benches), made quite a luxurious furnishing; and green rushes strewed upon the floor supplied the place of carpets. The furniture of the rest of the house was rude and substantial. Clothing, among all the middle cla.s.ses, was durable, and was worn for years; one or two better garments, worn only on great occasions, lasted for a lifetime. The whole mode of life of the middle cla.s.ses was simple and homely to a degree which we can hardly believe. They were early to rise, and lived an outdoor life, the labouring men in field-work, the farmers not only overlooking the work, but putting their hands to it; the squires looking sharply after their own estates, and spending their leisure in field sports. The food was simple but abundant; air and exercise gave hearty appet.i.tes for homely fare, and early to bed saved light and firing.

The result was that a much smaller income enabled a man to hold his position in society.[444] In 1253, Henry III. issued an edict that whoever had estates of 15 yearly value should be made knights.[445] In the second year of Henry V. (1415), an Act of Parliament fixed 20 a-year as the income which qualified a man to be a Justice of the Peace.

A country rector, therefore, could hold his position in relation to his farmers, and his squire, and his country neighbours, on an income which seems to us wonderfully small; and the vicar and parish chaplain with 5 a-year did not seem to his neighbours of any degree to be in a condition of degrading poverty.

CHAPTER XXVII.

DOMESTIC CHAPELS.

The Byzantine emperors first set up a private chapel in their houses; kings followed their example, and the n.o.bles followed the example of their kings; and there was a danger of the clergy of these chapels, supported by their lords, making themselves independent of the oversight of the bishops, and of the worship of the rich being separated from the worship of the poor.[446] In 692, the second Trullan Council decreed that no clergyman should perform the rite of baptism or celebrate the Eucharist in such a chapel without the bishop's permission. Gregory the Great gives licence for the consecration of an oratory which Firmilian, a notary, has built on his farm outside the city of Fermo, on condition that there shall not be a baptistery or _cardinalem presbyterum_, a t.i.tled parish priest.[447] The Council of Clermont, 535, decreed that on Sundays and festivals all should come to church, and not invite priests to their houses to say ma.s.s.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Conisborough Castle. 10. The Chapel.]

The great Saxon n.o.bles had chapels in their houses and private chaplains.

Their chaplains are sometimes named in their wills, _e.g._ Queen Ethelfleda, c. 972, leaves "4 hides of land to her reeve, 2 to her page, and 2 to each of her priests." Lotgiva gives legacies "to Ailric my household priest, and to Ailric my page."[448] Some of them Roger of Wendover accuses of hearing in bed the daily ma.s.s said by their chaplains.[449] With the Norman n.o.bles the custom was universal; of the numerous castles of the Norman period which remain to us, we do not call to mind one which has not a chapel in the keep-tower. They differ in size, from an oratory contained within the thickness of the wall, as at Conisboro' and at Brougham, to a church forming a prominent feature of the plan and elevation, as at the White Tower, London, and at Colchester.

The chapel in the White Tower is the largest of the series. It is situated on the princ.i.p.al (first) floor, and under it on the ground floor is a kind of crypt. It has a nave with aisles, and a chancel with circular apse. Gundulph of Rochester, who was its architect, gave great importance to the chapel by projecting its round apse beyond the line of the east wall like a great semicircular bastion, the only break in the ma.s.sive quadrangular plan. The keep of Colchester Castle, no doubt by the same architect, is exactly on the same plan, only that the chapel is without aisles.

In the keeps of Rochester, Newcastle, Hedingham, Middleham, and others, a commodious chapel, with handsome ornamentation of zigzag arch mouldings and vaulted roof, is contained in the annex to the keep, which defends the great stone stair leading to the princ.i.p.al floor. It is very probable that where the keep had only a small oratory there was always a larger chapel in the castle bailey[450] for the general inhabitants of the castle, for in later times we commonly find an oratory for the lord and another for the lady, and a chapel besides.

In the Edwardian castles, the chapel is a constant feature. Conway affords a good example; there it is on the south side of the outer court, and the chaplain's room is in the adjoining tower. There are also, in the inner court adjoining the state apartments, two small elegant oratories, one called the king's and the other the queen's. There are other examples at Beaumaris, Kidwelly, etc. Usually a small vestry and a priest's chamber communicate directly with the chapel.

[Ill.u.s.tration: MARRIAGE OF COUNT WALERAN DE ST. POL WITH THE SISTER OF RICHARD, KING OF ENGLAND. ROYAL 14, E. IV., f. 30.]