Outlines of Universal History Part 46

CHINA: AFGHANISTAN.--A war with China (1839) had no better ground than the refusal of the Chinese government to allow the importation of opium. The occupation of _Kabul_ in 1839 caused a general revolt of the Afghans. A British army was destroyed in the _Khyber Pa.s.s_. The British then conquered, but did not care to retain, Afghanistan.

REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS.--_Victoria_, the only child of the Duke of Kent, the brother of _William IV._, succeeded the latter in 1837. She married her cousin, _Albert_ of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (1840). In 1846 the party which had long advocated free trade gained a triumph in the repeal of the _Corn Laws_, which had existed since 1815, imposing duties on imported grain. In the agitation which preceded the repeal, _Richard Cobden_ was the leader: he was effectively aided by _John Bright_. But the measure was carried by _Sir Robert Peel_, who on this question abandoned his former views and those of the Conservatives, by whom he had been raised to power. He was bitterly a.s.sailed, especially by _D'Israeli_, who was rising to the position of a leader among them.

LOUIS PHILIPPE.--Louis Philippe made up his first ministry from the party which had raised him to the throne. Among its members were _Broglie_, _Guizot_, and _Casimir Perier_. The king aimed by shrewd management to maintain his popularity at home, and to keep the peace with foreign powers, by taking care to encourage liberal movements abroad, yet without taking any step in that direction which would bring on war. He did nothing for the _Poles_ in their mortal struggle, and nothing really effectual for the _Italians_. Several abortive attempts upon his life were made by secret societies; one of a dangerous character, by _Fieschi_ (1835), who fired "an infernal machine" from his window when the king was pa.s.sing. This was followed by the "Laws of September," to curb the license of the press. They reminded the public of the royalist laws of 1820. They were opposed by the more liberal men: _Royer-Collard_ and _Villemain_ spoke against them. They went by the name of the "Fieschi laws." An effort to raise an insurrection among the French troops in _Strasburg_ was made by _Louis Napoleon Bonaparte_ (1836), who, after his flight from Italy, had resided in Switzerland, where he had busied himself in study, and had written several books. The enterprise proved a ridiculous failure: its author was allowed to go to America.

FRENCH POLICY IN THE EAST.--Various causes conspired to undermine _Louis Philippe's_ government. One of these was its connection with the war of _Mehemet Ali_ with the Sultan. In the former war with his over-lord, the Sultan, the viceroy of Egypt had been invested with _Syria_ as a fief. He now sent an army into Syria, under his son _Ibrahim_, who overran that country, advanced victoriously into Asia Minor, and threatened _Constantinople_ (1832). The European powers intervened, and obliged _Mehemet Ali_ to content himself with Syria, together with the district of _Adana_ in Asia Minor, and the island of _Candia_, which the Sultan had ceded to him before. In 1839 the Sultan tried to recover Syria, but encountered an overwhelming defeat, and lost the entire Turkish fleet. England now combined with Austria, Prussia, and Russia, and the Western powers once more saved the Turkish Empire; although France, under the ministry of _Thiers_, had strongly favored the cause of _Mehemet Ali_ (1840). Contrary to the wish of the French, he had to give up Syria. He secured for himself and his descendants the pashalic of Egypt (1841). The failure of the French policy in the East, by this action of the _Quadruple Alliance_, caused indignation and chagrin in France. Even _Thiers_, who was in sympathy with the cause of Mehemet Ali, was loudly blamed. There was danger of a rupture with England. _Thiers_ was a princ.i.p.al author of the plan for fortifying Paris by encircling the city with forts. The king judged that they might prove to be of use in putting down insurrections. _Louis Napoleon_ thought the occasion favorable for another attempt to seize the crown. He landed from England at _Boulogne_ with a few followers, and proclaimed himself emperor. He was captured, tried, and imprisoned in the fortress of Ham, where he spent six years. His time there was mostly given to study and writing. A few months before this attempt of _Louis Napoleon_, the French government had arranged for the bringing of the body of the first _Napoleon_ from _St. Helena_ to _Paris_. It was one of various impolitic measures, in which _Thiers_ was actively concerned, for doing honor to the emperor and his military achievements. But at that time _Louis Napoleon_, who was known to be a man of slow mind, but whose capacity for intrigue was not understood, was regarded with contempt, and the Bonapartists excited no alarm. In 1841, in the presence of the royal family and of a vast concourse, the remains of _Napoleon_ were deposited with great pomp in a magnificent tomb under the dome of the Church of the Invalides. Marshal _Soult_ superseded _Thiers_ at the head of the ministry (1840); but _Guizot_ was the ruling spirit in the cabinet, and was a.s.sociated with the king until his dethronement. The death of the _Duke of Orleans_, the eldest son of _Louis Philippe_, by a fall from his carriage (July 13, 1842), endangered the new dynasty. The duke's eldest son, the _Count of Paris_, was then only four years of age.

GUIZOT'S ADMINISTRATION.--From 1840 _Guizot_ was the princ.i.p.al minister of _Louis Philippe_, and _Thiers_ was in the opposition. They differed both as regards foreign and domestic policy. _Thiers_, who in his convictions was a decided liberal, and in full sympathy with the spirit of the French Revolution, was for the extension of suffrage, and for making the influence of France felt and respected in matters of European concern, even at the risk of war.

_Guizot_, on the contrary, clung to the English alliance, and he considered that a foreign war--for example, in defense of _Mehemet Ali_,--would be to France a great and needless calamity. Claiming to be a fast friend of representative government, _Guizot_ nevertheless inflexibly resisted movements for the extension of popular rights,--movements which he believed would lead, if they were not withstood, to revolution and anarchy. On the one hand were the legitimists, aiming at the restoration of the elder branch of the Bourbons; on the other hand there were the republicans, who wished to be rid of monarchy altogether. The government of _Louis Philippe_ satisfied neither. It served as a transition, or temporary halting-place, in the progress of France towards the goal of rational and stable republicanism, to which the great Revolution tended. It was an "attempt to put new wine in old bottles." This inherent weakness of the Orleans rule, it would have been difficult by any means to neutralize in such a way as to avert, sooner or later, a catastrophe. The unbending conservatism of _Guizot_--as seen, for instance, in his refusal to extend suffrage--hastened this result. A government over which less than half a million of voters of the middle cla.s.s alone had an influence, could not stand against the progressive feeling of the country. The middle cla.s.s, on which the throne depended, became separated from the advanced party, to which the youth of France more and more rallied. _Guizot_ was personally upright; but official corruption was suffered to spread in the last years of his administration, and bribery was used in the elections. These circ.u.mstances, added to the mortification of national pride from the little heed paid to France by the other powers, weakened the throne. The failure of the government to support the cause of liberty in _Poland_ and _Italy_ was another important source of its growing unpopularity.

_Guizot_, in the personal _Memoirs_ written by him after the fall of _Louis Philippe_, has defended himself against the charge of a want of loyal support of _Thiers_, the head of the ministry, while he (Guizot) was amba.s.sador to England (1840). There was a private understanding that he should go no farther than his sympathy with the views of _Thiers_ extended. _Guizot_ has undertaken, also, to show that a war in behalf of _Mehemet Ali_ would have been most unwise; and that it was for the interest of France to regain its weight in European affairs, not by the renewal of the b.l.o.o.d.y and fruitless contests of the past, but by methods of peace. He deemed it his duty not to give way to the "warlike tastes and inclinations" of the French people. The effort, however, to tie down so spirited a nation to so tame a policy, proved to be futile. The recollections of the empire, which the government itself did so much to arouse, moved the people to compare the achievements of the past with the humiliating position of their country under the Orleans rule.

Guizot has left this interesting exposition of his principles and policy: "In the diplomatic complication which agitated Europe, I saw a brilliant opportunity of exercising and loudly proclaiming a foreign policy, extremely new and bold in fact, though moderate in appearance, the only foreign policy which in 1840 suited the peculiar position of France and her government, as also the only course in harmony with the guiding principles and permanent wants of the great scheme of civilization to which the world of to-day aspires and tends.

"The spirit of conquest, of propagandism, and of system, has. .h.i.therto been the moving cause and master of the foreign policy of states. The ambition of princes or peoples has sought its gratification in territorial aggrandizement. Religious or political faith has endeavored to expand by imposing itself. Great heads of government have attempted to regulate the destinies of nations according to profound combinations, the offspring rather of their own thought than the natural result of facts. Let us cast a glance over the history of international European relations. We shall see the spirit of conquest, or of armed propagandism, or of some systematic design upon the territorial organization of Europe, inspire and determine the foreign policy of governments. Let one or other of these impulses prevail, and governments have disposed arbitrarily of the fate of nations. War has ever been their indispensable mode of action.

"I know that this course of things has been the fatal result of men's pa.s.sions; and that, in spite of those pa.s.sions and the evils they have inflicted on nations, European civilization has continued to increase and prosper, and may increase and prosper still more. It is to the honor of the Christian world, that evil does not stifle good. I know that the progress of civilization and public reason will not abolish human pa.s.sions, and that, under their impulse, the spirit of conquest, of armed propagandism, and of system, will ever maintain, in the foreign policy of states, their place and portion. But, at the same time, I hold for certain that these various incentives are no longer in harmony with the existing state of manners, ideas, interests, and social instincts; and that it is quite possible to-day to combat and restrain materially their empire. The extent and activity of industry and commerce; the necessity of consulting the general good; the habit of frequent, easy, prompt, and regular intercourse between peoples; the invincible bias for free a.s.sociation, inquiry, discussion, and publicity,--these characteristic features of great modern society already exercise, and will continue to exercise more and more, against the warlike or diplomatic fancies of foreign policy, a preponderating influence. People smile, not without reason, at the language and puerile confidence of the _Friends of Peace_, and of the _Peace Societies_. All the leading tendencies, all the most elevated hopes of humanity, have their dreams, and their idle, gaping advocates, as they have also their days of decline and defeat; but they no less pursue their course; and through all the chimeras of some, the doubts and mockeries of others, society becomes transformed, and policy, foreign and domestic, is compelled to transform itself with society. We have witnessed the most dazzling exploits of the spirit of conquest, the most impa.s.sioned efforts of the spirit of armed propagandism; we have seen territories and states molded and re-molded, unmade, re-made, and unmade again, at the pleasure of combinations more or less specious. What survives of all these violent and arbitrary works? They have fallen, like plants without roots, or edifices without foundation. And now, when a.n.a.logous enterprises are attempted, scarcely have they made a few steps in advance when they pause and hesitate, as if embarra.s.sed by, and doubtful of, themselves; so little are they in accord with the real wants, the profound instincts, of existing society, and with the persevering, though frequently disputed, tendencies of modern civilization.... I repeat, our history since 1789, our endless succession of shocks, revolutions, and wars, have left us in a state of leverish agitation which renders peace insipid, and teaches us to find a blind gratification in the unexpected strokes of a hazardous policy. We are a prey to two opposing currents,--one deep and regular, which carries towards the definite goal of our social state; the other superficial and disturbed, which throws us here and there in search of new adventures and unknown lands. Thus we float and alternate between these two opposing directions,--called towards the one by our sound sense and moral conviction, and enticed towards the other by our habits of routine and freaks of imagination."

(_Memoirs of a Minister of State, from the year 1840_ pp. 7-9, 10.)

THE KING'S AVARICE.--The imputation of avarice to Louis Philippe was one source of his increasing unpopularity. On his accession he had handed over to his children the estates of the house of Orleans, in order that, as private property, they might not be forfeited with the loss of the crown. He was not content with increasing his wealth by adding to it all the possessions of _Charles X_. and of the _Duke of Bourbon_, but it was discovered that he was engaged in business ventures. In providing for ample marriage settlements for his children, he resorted to devices which gave offense to the Chamber of Deputies and to the public. Yet writers like _Martin_, who are strongly averse to his method of rule, clear him of blame in these particulars, if he is to be judged by what is usual in a monarchical system.

THE SPANISH MARRIAGES.--An event of consequence in relation to the fall of Louis Philippe from power was the affair of the Spanish marriages, which took place under the ministry of Guizot. The _Duke de Montpensier_, the youngest son of the king, was married to the sister of _Isabella II_. of Spain. The design, it was believed, was, in the antic.i.p.ated childlessness of the queen, to secure for his heirs the Spanish crown.

_Ferdinand VII_. of Spain was an absolutist; but the extreme monarchical party there wished for a king of more energy, and desired to raise to the throne his brother _Don Carlos_. In 1830 _Ferdinand_, being then childless, was induced by his wife, the daughter of _Ferdinand IV_. of Naples, to abrogate the Salic law excluding females from the succession. Her daughter _Isabella_ was born a few months later. After the death of the king (1833), the _Carlists_ resisted the exclusion of their favorite from the throne. _Don Carlos_ was proclaimed in the Basque provinces, and a civil war arose. The queen, _Maria Christina_, as regent, was supported by the _moderados_ (moderates) and the liberals, and was allowed to recruit for her army in England and France. The leading const.i.tutionalist general, _Espartero_, was successful; and _Don Carlos_ fled into France (1839). The queen regent allied herself with the conservative wing of the progressive party (the _moderados_); but insurrections at _Barcelona_ and _Madrid_, in the interest of the radical wing, obliged her to make _Espartero_, the head of the movement, prime minister (1840). His administration greatly promoted the prosperity of the country. But the conservatives and absolutists were against him; and, as the result of a counter-insurrection, _Gen. Narvaez_, the leader of the conservatives, became chief of the cabinet (1844); but he was dismissed two years later. The const.i.tution was divested of some of its liberal features. The queen, _Isabella II_., had been declared of age by the Cortes, and placed on the throne (Nov. 10, 1843). _Christina_, her dissolute mother, returned from France, whither she had fled. In the hope of securing the Spanish throne to the Orleans family, _Louis Philippe_ arranged with _Christina_ to effect a marriage between _Isabella_ and a weakling in body and mind, _Francis de a.s.sis_; and, at the same time, a marriage of his son, the _Duke de Montpensier_, with her sister _Maria Louisa_ (Oct. 10, 1846). An Orleans prince would not have acquired the crown, even if Louis Philippe had remained on the French throne, since a daughter was born to Isabella in 1851.

There was loud complaint in England against the king and _Guizot_, for the alleged violation of a promise in this affair. Their defense was that _Lord Palmerston_, who succeeded _Aberdeen_, took a very different position from that of this minister, which had been the condition of the engagement. It was from _Palmerston's_ action previously in the affair of Egypt, that the French were embittered, the English alliance was weakened, and the policy of _Guizot_, who was sincerely desirous to maintain this friendly relation, was discredited at home.

FALL OF LOUIS PHILIPPE.--The scarcity of provisions in 1846 and 1847 provoked much discontent in France. "Bread riots" broke out in various places. The liberal party, composed of diverse elements, organized committees as one of their instruments of agitation in behalf of political reform. The democratic and socialistic journals published inflammatory discussions and appeals. The complaint of corruption among officials grew louder. Communism had numerous votaries; and _M. Louis Blanc_ was an apostle of socialism,--the theory that the government should furnish work and maintenance to all of its subjects. Great reform banquets were held, where the spirit was inimical to _Guizot_,--who would yield nothing to the popular clamor,--and hostile to the reactionary policy of the Orleans monarchy. The spark that kindled the flames of revolution was the prohibition by _Guizot_ of a great reform banquet appointed to be held on the 22d of February, 1848, in the _Champs Elysees_, in which a hundred thousand persons were expected to partic.i.p.ate. On that day barricades were thrown up in the streets, and there were some conflicts with the munic.i.p.al guard. These disturbances continued on the next day. The king, who did not lack physical courage, evinced no firmness or boldness in this crisis, dismissed _Guizot_ as a peace-offering, and called upon Count _Mole_ to form a cabinet. _Mole_ declined; the riotous disturbances increased; and _Thiers_, on the promise of the king to consent to the reforms demanded, undertook, when it was too late, to take office, and try to pacify the people. Soldiers began to fraternize with the mob. The king showed no spirit, but abdicated in favor of his grandson, the _Count of Paris_. The _d.u.c.h.ess of Orleans_ presented her two sons, the count and his brother, before the Chamber of Deputies. But the motion for a provisional government prevailed (Feb. 24). It consisted of _Dupont de l'Eure, Lamartine_ the poet, _Arago, Ledru-Rollin_, and six a.s.sociates. It established itself in the Hotel de Ville. This act, and the firmness and eloquence of _Lamartine_, prevented the establishment of an ultra-republican, socialistic Directory. The middle cla.s.ses, alarmed on account of the displays of mob violence, rallied to the support of _Lamartine_ and the party of order. _Louis Philippe_ and his family were allowed to escape to England. There _Guizot_ temporarily took up his abode. After a year, this "last of the Huguenots" returned to France, where he died in 1874.

CONTEST WITH SOCIALISTS.--A concession was made to the socialists in the establishment of government workshops, which turned out to be not workshops at all, but mere excavations. A mob of the Red Republicans was checked (April 16) by the National Guards. The National a.s.sembly voted for a republic. Another mob of socialists and communists was suppressed (May 15). But the great contest came (June 23-26) when the government dismissed a part of those given employment on public works. The battle was severe; but the government troops under the command of a patriotic general, _Cavaignac_, who was made dictator during the struggle, subdued the insurgents. He was now appointed president of the council, or chief of the executive commission.

THE REPUBLIC: LOUIS NAPOLEON.--Fear of communism and of mob violence gave a new impetus to the conservative tendency. A republican const.i.tution, however, with a president holding for a term of four years, was adopted. _Louis Napoleon_ was elected a member of the a.s.sembly. He was chosen president of the republic, mainly by the votes of the peasantry and common soldiers, and with the help of _Thiers_ and others who thought him incapable, and desired to bring about a restoration of the Orleans rule.

_Thiers_ was a personal enemy of _Cavaignac_. "_Thiers_" says _Martin_, "did not feel the same repulsion for the consulate and the empire as does the present generation: he took Louis Napoleon for an inexperienced and somewhat narrow-minded man, whom he could easily restrain and direct, not guessing the determined obstinacy and prejudice hidden beneath his heavy and commonplace exterior." (_Popular History of France_ [from 1789], iii. 200.)

CHAPTER III. EUROPE, FROM THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1848 TO THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN WAR (1866).

DISTURBANCES IN GERMANY.--The effect of the revolution which dethroned _Louis Philippe_ was felt like an electric shock through all Europe. It was experienced immediately in the smaller states of Germany. New ministries were installed, which were pledged to a liberal policy. _Louis of Bavaria_ resigned the crown to his son _Maximilian_. The _Grand Duke of Baden_ agreed to the demands of a popular convention at _Mannheim_, and he placed a liberal ministry in control of the government. _Prussia_ and _Austria_ were thoroughly disturbed by the movement for freedom and national unity. A rising in _Vienna_ (March 13-15), headed by the students, compelled _Metternich_ to depart for safety to England, the asylum of political exiles of every creed. The emperor summoned a Diet to be chosen by popular suffrage, and went for safety to _Innsbruck_ among his faithful Tyrolese. In _Berlin_, at the same time, there were excited meetings, and conflicts in the streets between the people and the soldiers. The Prussian king yielded to the demand of the crowd which gathered before his palace on the 18th of March, that the troops should be sent out of Berlin; but he did not send them away until the next day, and after an attack had been made on them from behind barricades. The ministry was dismissed, and a call was issued for a National a.s.sembly to be chosen by ballot.

THE FRANKFORT CONVENTION.--There was a gathering at _Frankfort_, of about five hundred Germans, who organized themselves as a provisional parliament under the presidency of _Mittermaier_ (March 31). They resolved to call a National a.s.sembly, to be elected by the German people. The Confederate Diet recognized the authority of the provisional parliament.

THE FRANKFORT PARLIAMENT.--The National a.s.sembly met on May 18, and created a new provisional central government, with the Archduke _John of Austria_ as its head. The Confederate Diet ceased to exist. But the division of parties in the a.s.sembly, with respect to the system of government for united Germany, gave rise to long and profitless discussions. Differences of opinion as to the steps to be taken in a war which had sprung up with Denmark, respecting the duchies of _Schleswig_ and _Holstein_, made the strife of factions in the parliament still more bitter.

NEW PRUSSIAN CONSt.i.tUTION.--The Prussian National a.s.sembly met on May 22. A hot contention arose between the moderate and the radical parties. At length the king adjourned the a.s.sembly to meet in _Brandenburg_; but the party of the "Left" (the radical party) protested, and was soon dispersed by force. In Brandenburg a quorum failed to meet. The government framed a const.i.tution with two chambers,--the second to be chosen by universal suffrage,--and called a new parliament to consider it. The new parliament failed to agree with the government, but another parliament met (Aug. 7, 1849). Mutual concessions were made, and the king swore to maintain the new const.i.tution (Feb. 6, 1850).

AUSTRIA: END OF THE FRANKFORT a.s.sEMBLY.--The Diet of the Austrian Empire was a confused a.s.sembly representing different nationalities. _Kossuth_, an eloquent Hungarian deputy in the lower house, demanded independence for his country. The _Slavonic tribes_ resisted the supremacy of the _Magyars_. When the emperor took active measures against these (Oct. 6), there was an uprising in _Vienna_. The city was held by the revolutionists until the 30th, when it was captured by the emperor after much bloodshed. _Ferdinand I_ abdicated in favor of his young nephew, _Francis Joseph_. The Frankfort a.s.sembly debated the question, what relation Austria should have to united Germany. A majority decided (March 27, 1849) that a president should be appointed, whose office should descend in his family, and that he should be styled "Emperor of the Germans." The station was offered to _Frederick William of Prussia_, but he declined it. The new const.i.tution was not accepted by the more important states. The a.s.sembly dwindled away through the withdrawal or resignation of members, and, having adjourned to _Stuttgart_, was finally dispersed by the Wurtemberg government (June 18). Its history was a grievous disappointment of ardent hopes. The Prussians helped the _Saxon_, _Bavarian_, and _Baden_ governments, to put down formidable and partially successful popular insurrections in their states.

THE HUNGARIAN REVOLT.--Austria reduced her _German_ provinces to subjection, and early in 1849 the _Italian_ provinces also. But a great contest was to be waged with the _Hungarians_, who gathered an army of one hundred thousand men, and gained decided advantages over incompetent Austrian generals. But in the end Austria brought together overwhelming forces and was aided by the intervention of _Russia,_ which sent an army into Hungary. The Hungarian general, _Gorgey,_ whom _Kossuth_ and the ministers had made dictator, surrendered at _Vilagos_ (Aug. 13, 1849). _Kossuth_ and other Hungarian patriots fled into Turkey. Hungary was dealt with as conquered territory. The Austrian commander, _Haynau,_ treated the vanquished people with brutal severity. The Hungarian const.i.tution was abolished. The general const.i.tution of Austria was abrogated on Dec. 31, 1851.

CONDITION OF ITALY.--_Charles Albert,_ the king of _Piedmont,_ or _Sardinia,_ disliked the preponderance of the Austrians, and desired to give his people good government, but was disinclined to enter into the schemes of "Young Italy," composed of the ardent republicans of whom _Mazzini_ was the chief. On this account they were exasperated with him. On the contrary, a great part of the "moderates" placed their hope for Italy in the Sardinian king and his house. To one of these, _D'Azeglio,_ a n.o.bleman of high character, who reported to him, in 1845, the danger that revolutionary risings against misrule in Italy would occur, and set forth the necessity for a speedy remedy, the king said, "Make known to these gentlemen, that they must be quiet and not move, for at present nothing can be done; but let them be certain, that, if the occasion presents itself, my life, the life of my sons, my arms, my treasure, my army, all shall be devoted to the cause of Italy." In _Tuscany,_ there was much less oppression than elsewhere, but even there the government was despotic.

LIBERAL POLICY OF PIUS IX.--On the death of _Gregory XVI._ (1846), Cardinal _Mastai Feretti_ was made Pope, and took the name of _Pius IX._ He adopted a new and liberal policy. Prisoners for political offenses were set free, an amnesty was proclaimed, and improvements--including railroads--were promised. The "Gregoriani," who were devoted to the old administrative system and to Austrian predominance, were offended. The Roman people generally were full of joy and hope. The extreme republicans were dissatisfied and suspicious. On the occasion of disturbances, the Pope consented to the formation of a National Guard, as the liberal party wished. The consequence was, that Austrian troops were marched into his territory. This movement roused _Charles Albert_ to espouse more actively the Italian cause. In Tuscany the Liberals, with _Ricasoli_ for a leader, drove the Grand Duke to measures of reform. Austrian aggressions were more severely felt in _Parma_ and _Modena._ In _Palermo,_ there was a rising (Jan. 12) against the unbearable tyranny of _Ferdinand II._ This was followed by an insurrection in _Naples_ itself. The king was obliged to grant to his people a const.i.tution. The same boon was granted by _Pius IX._, by the king of _Sardinia_, and by the _Tuscan_ Grand Duke. Italy, it should be observed, was already on fire with these revolutionary movements prior to the overthrow of the government of _Louis Philippe_. The earliest popular demonstrations at Milan were on Sept. 5 and 8, 1847.

EVENTS IN ITALY.--The revolt in _Vienna_ and in _Hungary_ in 1848 furnished the long-coveted occasion for the Italians to attack the hated Austrian rule. _Lombardy_ flew to arms, and expelled the Austrian troops. The _Venetians_ set up a provisional government under _Daniele Manin_, their leader in the insurrection. The king of Sardinia declared war against Austria. A mult.i.tude of Italian volunteers rushed to his standard. But there was no national league; his military management lacked skill; and after some successes he was defeated by _Radetzky_, the Austrian general, at _Custozza_ (July 25). _Garibaldi_, who had been a sailor, but was now a gallant and adventurous champion of the Italian movement, kept up the contest in the mountains on the north. The Austrians were once more in power. The refusal of the Pope to take part in hostilities against them alienated the liberals. His best minister _Rossi_, who stood midway between the extreme parties, was a.s.sa.s.sinated (Nov. 15). From the disorder that reigned at _Rome, Pius IX._ escaped in the dress of a common priest to _Gaeta_. The extreme democrats in _Tuscany_ got the upper hand, and set up a provisional government. In _Piedmont, Gioberti_, the minister, gave way to _Ratazzi_, who was of the democratic school. But the dream of an Italian confederation was dissipated by the great defeat of _Charles Albert_ by _Radetzky_ at _Novara_ (March 23). The broken-hearted king resigned his crown to his son, _Victor Emmanuel_. In _Rome_, the government, after the flight of the Pope, was lodged in an a.s.sembly elected by popular suffrage, with triumvirs, of whom _Mazzini_ was the first. The French were not disposed to allow the Austrians to dominate in the peninsula, and sent an army under _Oudinot_, who captured _Rome_ from the republicans, after a stubborn defense by _Garibaldi_. A French garrison now occupied the city. The Pope, who had abandoned the idea of political changes in the direction of Italian freedom and unity, was brought back to the Vatican (April, 1850). By the close of the summer of 1849, the Austrian authority was restored, and was exercised with redoubled severity in _Venice_ and _Milan_. The rulers of _Tuscany, Modena_, and _Parma_ had before returned to their capitals. They were kept in power by means of Austrian garrisons. The will of Austria was law in the greater part of Italy. _Ferdinand II._ (called _Bomba_) maintained his tyranny by the help of Swiss mercenaries and loathsome dungeons. _Piedmont_ was the only spot where const.i.tutional freedom survived. In its youthful monarch and in _Garibaldi_, the hope of Italy rested. The course of events ultimately proved that both the fire of the republicans and the prudence of more moderate statesmen were requisite for its emanc.i.p.ation.

COUP D'eTAT OF LOUIS NAPOLEON.--The Legislative a.s.sembly in France, consisting of one chamber, had in it many monarchists. As the _first_ Napoleon was sustained by the dread of Jacobin rule, so the _third_ Napoleon profited by the dread of the ultra-republicans. It was felt by the trading-cla.s.s, that the safety of society depended on him. When the French troops were sent to Rome in 1849, the opposition of _Ledru-Rollin_ and his radical party became more furious. But _Changarnier_ and his troops dispersed their procession (June 13), and broke down their barricades. The Paris insurrection was put down, and _Ledru-Rollin_ fled the country. _Thiers_, _Broglie_, _Mole_, _Montalembert_, and other adherents of the Bourbons, either of the old or of the Orleans branch, now professed to yield to _Louis Napoleon_ their adhesion. His measures for the restraint of the press, the punishment of political offenses, etc., were popular, especially in the provinces. The clergy were favorable to him. The soldiers, in the autumn of 1850, began to shout "_Vive I'Empereur!_" _Changarnier_ was removed from the command of the troops (Jan., 1851) when it was learned that his regiments did not join in the cry. Movements of this kind, together with pet.i.tions for a revision of the const.i.tution, provoked hostility in the a.s.sembly. The struggle between the president and that body culminated in the "_Coup d'etat_" of December 2, 1851. _St. Arnaud_ had been appointed minister of war, the fidelity of the troops in Paris rendered sure, and all needful preparations made with profound secrecy. The president gave a great party on the night of the first. During the night, the republican and Orleanist leaders--_Cavaignac_, _Changarnier_, _Lamoriciere_, _Thiers_, _Victor Hugo_, and many others--were surprised in their beds, and imprisoned. They were sent away in custody to different places. Placards were posted, dissolving the a.s.sembly, and declaring Paris in a state of siege; also, an address submitting to the people the question whether there should be a responsible chief of state for ten years. The soldiers fired on gatherings of the people in the streets, killing many innocent persons, for the purpose of forestalling any attempt at resistance. The deputies, as they persisted in their purpose to meet, were surrounded, and placed under arrest. Within a few weeks many thousands of persons suspected of disaffection were exiled or imprisoned. Nearly seven and a half million votes were cast for _Napoleon_, and only 647,292 against him. The political prisoners were released. _Thiers_ was allowed to return to Paris.

NEW FRENCH EMPIRE.--A new const.i.tution was promulgated (Jan. 14, 1852), resembling that which existed under the consulate. The Legislative a.s.sembly was virtually stripped of power.

One year later, the restoration of the Empire was decreed, and sanctioned by popular vote. The change was at first viewed with alarm by Austria, Prussia, and Russia. _Francis Joseph_ made a visit to _Berlin_, and was received with great honor. The two princ.i.p.al German sovereigns reviewed the troops of Berlin, in front of the bronze statue of _Blucher_. But _Napoleon_ declared that the Empire meant peace, and the other great powers followed the example of England in recognizing his imperial government.

THE CRIMEAN WAR.--The administration of the French emperor was acceptable to the commercial cla.s.ses, who prized tranquillity. He erected new edifices in _Paris_, and made many other improvements, which, however, had an eye to defense against popular insurrection, and involved much hardship for the poor. He married (Jan. 30, 1853) a young Spanish countess, _Eugenie Montijo_. What did most to give stability to his power, and to raise his repute in Europe, was the union of _France_ with _England_ in the prosecution of the Crimean war. The Emperor _Nicholas_ thought the time propitious for the aggressive ambition of _Russia_ with regard to _Turkey_. His plan of attack embraced a "provisional" occupation of _Constantinople_ by Russian troops. He had intimated to England that the situation of "the sick man"--meaning the decaying government of _Turkey_--opened the way for a division of the Turkish Empire between the two powers. _Lord Aberdeen_ was then prime minister in England, and _Mr. Gladstone_ was chancellor of the exchequer. The dispute of Russia with Turkey, which was the ostensible occasion of the war, related to the holy places in Jerusalem, the resort of worshipers of different creeds, and to the privileges accorded by the Sultan to the Greek and Latin Christians respectively. The claim of _Nicholas_ resolved itself into a demand to exercise a sole protectorate over the Christians of the Greek faith in the Turkish Empire. Without formally declaring war his forces crossed the _Pruth_. Alarm was awakened in Austria, in consequence of the Russian movements in that region. _Nicholas_ had only been able to secure neutrality from Prussia and Austria. _Louis Napoleon_ was anxious for war. _Lord Aberdeen_ was averse to it; but the pressure of _Lord Palmerston_ and his supporters was too strong, and war was declared (March 27, 1854) by _England_ and _France_ in alliance with _Turkey_. At first the Turks had unexpectedly gained advantages over the Russians, but the Turkish fleet was destroyed at _Sinope_ (Nov. 30, 1853). Approaches of Russia which portend the acquisition of the mouths of the Danube, or of any of the Slavonic districts of European Turkey, can only excite jealousy and apprehension on the side of Austria. Nicholas, on the demand of _Francis Joseph_, which was seconded by _Prussia_, evacuated the Danubian princ.i.p.alities, which were provisionally held by Austrian forces. The English and French fleets that were sent into the Baltic did not produce the effect that was antic.i.p.ated by the allies. The sh.o.r.es of the Black Sea were the main theater of the conflict. The troops of the English and French landed at _Eupatoria_ in the _Crimea_ in September, 1854, and defeated the Russians in the battle of the _Alma_. There was a second engagement at _Balaklava_ (Oct. 25); and in the battle of _Inkermann_ (Nov. 5) the attempt of the Russians to surprise the British forces met with a defeat. The effort of the allies was directed to the capture of the strong fortress of _Sebastopol. St. Arnaud_, the French general, had died, and been succeeded by _Canrobert_. Later, _Lord Raglan_, the English commander, died. The siege was prolonged. Once the batteries of _Malakoff_ and _Redan_ were attacked by the allies unsuccessfully; but, after a month's bombardment, both were taken by storm (Sept. 8, 1855), and _Malakoff_, which the French took, was held. The Russians blew up their forts at Sebastopol, and withdrew to the northern part of the fortress. Meantime _Nicholas_ had died (March 2, 1855), and been succeeded by _Alexander II.;_ and _Lord Aberdeen_ had been superseded by _Palmerston_ as head of the English ministry.

PEACE OF PARIS (MARCH 30, 1856)--In the _Peace of Paris_, Russia was obliged to cede the mouths of the Danube and a small portion of _Bessarabia_ to _Moldavia_, to limit the number of her ships in the Black Sea, and to engage to establish no a.r.s.enals on its coast. The Black Sea was to be open to commerce, but interdicted to vessels of war. Russia gave up the claim to an exclusive protectorate over Christians in Turkey. She surrendered also the fortress of _Kars_ in Turkish Armenia, which she had captured. _Wallachia_ and _Moldavia_ were confirmed in important privileges of self-government, under the Porte. Austria, France, and Great Britain, in a distinct treaty, guaranteed the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

NEUTRALITY DECLARATIONS.--The parties to the Treaty of Paris (including Austria and Prussia) united in four declarations on the subject of neutrality, by which privateering was abolished, the neutral flag was made to protect enemy's goods except contraband of war, these goods under an enemy's flag were exempted from capture, and it was ordained that blockades in order to be binding must be effective. The _United States_ declined to concur in this agreement unless the private property of subjects or citizens of a belligerent power (unless it be contraband of war) should be also exempted from seizure by armed vessels of the enemy. This rule, were it adopted, would put private property on the _sea_ on a level with private property on the _land_, in case of war.

WAR OF FRANCE AND SARDINIA WITH AUSTRIA.--After the contests of 1848-49, Victor _Emmanuel II_. was looked on by all except the ardent republicans of the school of _Mazzini_ as the champion of Italian independence. He made _Azeglio_ his chief minister, and _Cavour_ his minister of commerce. Various reforms were adopted, especially for the reduction of the power and wealth of ecclesiastics. The rapid progress of administrative changes led _Azeglio_ to withdraw from office. _Cavour_, his successor, a statesman of broad views and consummate ability, began to plan not only for the Sardinian kingdom, but likewise for all Italy. By his advice, Sardinia joined England and France in the Crimean war. At the Congress of Paris (1856), he spread before the European powers the deplorable misgovernment at Naples and in the other states of Southern Italy. He denounced a plot against the life of _Louis Napoleon_, which _Orsini_, a Roman, and a member of a secret society, tried to carry out, but failed (Jan. 14, 1858). Communications and a personal interview between _Napoleon_ and _Cavour_ followed. An alliance was formed, one of the objects of which was the expulsion of the Austrians from Italy. _Prince Napoleon_, the son of Louis Napoleon's uncle _Jerome_, was married to _Clotilde_, the daughter of _Victor Emmanuel_. Napoleon's ministers were opposed to a war with Austria, and he himself affected to have no intention of that kind. Russia proposed a congress; but Austria refused to admit Sardinia, or to join it herself, unless that power should immediately disarm. Russia was at that moment unfriendly to Austria, which had refused to help the Czar in the Crimean war. Prussia, also, showed a disinclination to interfere. _France_ and _Sardinia_ declared war against _Austria_, and _Napoleon_ proclaimed that he would free Italy, from the Alps to the Adriatic (May, 1859). As the war began, a revolt broke out in _Tuscany_. The Tuscan Duke, the d.u.c.h.ess regent of _Parma_, and the Duke of _Modena_, had to fly from their capitals. _Cavour_ accepted help from all Italian patriots except the adherents of _Mazzini_, to whom were imputed schemes of a.s.sa.s.sination. _Garibaldi_ led the "Riflemen of the Alps." _Louis Napoleon_ commanded the French army in person. The French were victorious at _Magenta_ (June 4), where _MacMahon_ was made a marshal. At the battle of _Solferino_ (June 24), all of the three contending sovereigns were present. The Austrians were vanquished with very heavy losses. At this time _Napoleon_, unexpectedly to his Italian ally, in a personal interview with _Francis Joseph_ at _Villafranca_, arranged preliminaries of peace, which provided, to be sure, for the cession of _Lombardy_ to Sardinia, but left _Venice_ and the "Quadrilateral,"--as the district, with its fortifications, east of the Mincio, was called,--under the Austrian rule. It was proposed that an Italian confederation should be formed, with the Pope for its honorary president,--a plan not destined to be realized. The Grand Duke of _Tuscany_ and the Duke of _Modena_ were to be restored, could it be done without a resort to arms. Napoleon was afraid of a long war. Russia was not disposed to suffer him to stir up a revolution in Hungary. Prussia might soon intervene; and this, Austria, too, did not antic.i.p.ate without anxiety, since Prussia would thereby become predominant in Germany. _Cavour_, in disgust and indignation at this premature close of the struggle, laid down his office.

FURTHER EXTENSION OF THE SARDINIAN KINGDOM.--Tuscany, Modena, and Parma, and Romagna which belonged to the Pope, by deputies implored _Victor Emmanuel_ to annex them to his kingdom. _Plus IX_. made the most strenuous opposition. _Napoleon_ refused to use coercion, or to suffer it to be used by others, to carry out the Villafranca arrangements in the duchies. _Cavour_ was recalled to office in 1860; and at his suggestion, made to _Napoleon_, the communities just named were allowed to dispose of themselves by popular vote. The result was their incorporation in the Sardinian kingdom. By way of compensation to _Napoleon_, _Savoy_ and _Nice_ were ceded by the Sardinian government to France. The Pope excommunicated all invaders and usurpers of the Papal States, without the mention of names.

ANNEXING OF NAPLES AND SICILY.--The next great event in Italy was the expulsion of _Francis II_., the tyrant who reigned in _Naples_ and _Sicily_ after the death of Ferdinand II. (1859). _Garibaldi_, without the consent of the Sardinian government, raised the standard of revolt in Sicily (1860), and conquered the island. The king and _Cavour_ feared that his movement would give control to the republicans, and also bring Sardinia into war with other powers. But, despite this opposition, _Garibaldi_ entered _Naples_ as a victor, and was joined by _Mazzini_. The Sardinian troops entered the Papal States, which the king had threatened to do unless the guerilla attacks of pontifical troops in the south were suppressed. The French general, _Lamoriciere_, in the service of the pontiff, was defeated at _Castelfidardo_. _Garibaldi_, triumphant in the Neapolitan kingdom, met _Victor Emmanuel_ in the Abruzzi, and hailed him as "King of Italy." _Naples_ and _Sicily_ voted to join the kingdom of Sardinia. With the exception of _Venice_ and the _Roman Campagna_, the whole of Italy was now united under the house of Savoy. On Feb. 18, 1861, the first parliament of united Italy was opened by _Cavour_. Shortly after, there was a public reconciliation between him and _Garibaldi_, between whom there had been an estrangement.

In addition to _Garibaldi's_ general and constant dissent from the moderate policy of _Cavour_, the former was displeased that his soldiers had not been rewarded with higher positions in the Sardinian army than it was practicable or safe to grant to them. _Cavour_ believed that society was on the march towards democracy, but that no republic, at the present, in Italy could be stable. _Cavour_ had his heart set on gaining Rome for the capital of the kingdom, and on establishing "a free church in a free state." He did not live to see the realization of his hopes. His death occurred (May 30, 1861), shortly after the amicable interview with the republican patriot, to which reference has just been made.

"THE SEPTEMBER CONVENTION."--The hope of the national party in Italy was now directed towards the gaining of _Venice_ and _Rome_. But, as regards Austria, the European powers would not have suffered a breach of the Peace of Villafranca. _Louis Napoleon_ had a.s.sumed the part of protector of the Holy See, and a French garrison was stationed at Rome. After Cavour's death, _Ricasoli_, the head of the ministry, led the const.i.tutional party; and _Ratazzi_, who succeeded him and had been more in sympathy with the Garibaldians, did not deviate from his predecessor's cautious policy. The relations of the Italian government to France, even obliged the king to interfere to put down a rising, set on foot by _Garibaldi_, for driving the French out of Rome. Garibaldi was defeated by the Sardinian troops at _Aspromonte_ (Aug. 27, 1862), and taken to _Spezzia_. Thence he went to _Caprera_. The liberal party in Europe were incensed with _Louis Napoleon_. This was one inducement that moved him to enter into an agreement with _Victor Emmanuel_, by which France engaged to withdraw her troops gradually from Rome, leaving the Pope to form an army of his own; while, on the other hand, the king engaged (Sept. 1864) to prevent any attack on the papal territory. The French minister of foreign affairs said to the Italian minister at Paris, "Naturally the result of all this will be that you will end by going to Rome;" but matters were to be so managed that France should not be held responsible. This was the _September Convention_. _Florence_ was made the capital of Italy; but it was acknowledged that this was a temporary arrangement, and that, as soon as the progress of events should open the way, the seat of government would be transferred to Rome. After the withdrawal of the French troops in 1866, _Garibaldi_, with the connivance of the Italian government,--in which _Ratazzi_, who had been obliged to leave his office, was again the ruling spirit,--once more gathered a force for the capture of Rome (1867); but France interfered, and the advance of Garibaldi was checked at _Mentana_ by French troops. Afterwards _Napoleon_ again placed a French garrison in Rome. _Ratazzi_, whose scheme of capturing Rome by non-interference was balked, had to lay down his office. The next step towards Italian unity was to be a result of the _Austro-Prussian_ war.

CHAPTER IV. EUROPE, FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE AUSTRO-PRUSSIAN WAR TO THE END OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN WAR (1866-1871).

RIVALSHIP OF PRUSSIA AND AUSTRIA.--The brief but mighty struggle which secured for Prussia the preponderance in Germany grew immediately out of complications respecting _Schleswig-Holstein_. It was, however, the fruit of a rivalship which had been gaining in intensity since the times of Frederick the Great. It was the grand triumph of Prussia, after a long succession of defeats and humiliations in the field of diplomacy.

SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.--The two duchies of _Holstein_ and _Schleswig_ had long been annexed to the crown of Denmark, whose king, as Duke of Holstein, was a member of the German Confederation. The two duchies, as regards their government, did not stand on the same footing; but the people of _Holstein_ and the German portion of the _Schleswig_ people held that by a treaty in 1460 the two duchies could not be separated. Moreover, the law of succession in the duchies excluded the female line, and when there was a prospect that the male line of the Danish dynasty would die out the Germans wished the duchies to become independent under an Augustenburg prince while the Danes wished to absorb the duchies in Denmark. In 1848 the Germans of Schleswig-Holstein revolted against _Frederick VII._ The troops of the German confederation a.s.sisted them; but the att.i.tude of England and Russia, which favored the Danes, moved Prussia to conclude the armistice of _Malmo_,--an act that excited the anger of the German National a.s.sembly at Frankfort. After the expiration of the truce, the war, with intermissions, went on, waged by Schleswig-Holstein, alone or with aid from Germany; later in a protocol--an agreement signed in _London_ in 1852 by the Great Powers, in which Austria and Prussia concurred,--the king of Denmark and his heirs were guaranteed in the possession of the duchies. This act, however, was not accepted by the duchies themselves, or by the Diet of the German Confederation; so that the seeds of strife still remained.

PREPONDERANCE OF AUSTRIA.--After the suppression of the revolts of 1848, Austria, whose counsels were guided by the astute minister _Schwarzenberg_, labored to dwarf and supplant the influence of Prussia. _Frederick William IV_. of Prussia aimed to bring about a closer union of German states, and called a national parliament to meet at _Erfurt_. Austria withstood these attempts. The disposition of Prussia to support the resistance in _Hesse_ to the tyranny of its elector, threatened to bring on an armed contest with Austria and its German allies; but the att.i.tude of Russia caused Prussia to desist from its movement. At the conference at _Olmutz_ (1850), _Manteuffel_, the Prussian minister, yielded every thing to Austria; and subsequently, under the influence of Russia, the German Confederation of 1815 was restored. Prussia took no part with the Western powers in the Crimean war, with which it had no direct concern, and thus did not, like Austria, make herself obnoxious to the Czar.

WILLIAM I: BISMARCK.--On the accession of _William I_. as regent (Oct. 1857), the Prussian government initiated a more spirited and independent policy in its relations to Austria. It refused to lend active aid to that country in the war with France and Sardinia (1859). The efficient measures of King _William_ for the reorganization and increase of the army encountered constant opposition, year after year, in the a.s.sembly, from the liberal party, which did not divine his motives, and saw in them nothing but the usurping of an unconst.i.tutional authority. In 1862 the king made _Bismarck_ minister of foreign affairs, and the virtual head of the administration. This able man had widened his knowledge of European politics by serving as amba.s.sador first at _St. Petersburg_ and then at _Paris_. Previously he had been allied with the absolutist party of _Manteuffel_: he was always for "strong government."

After 1851, when he was delegate of Prussia at the Federal Diet at _Frankfort_, he made up his mind to deliver Prussia from the domineering influence of Austria. But he was held in distrust by the Prussian liberals, who saw in him only an energetic supporter of the king in his reform of the army by acts of arbitrary power not warranted by the const.i.tution. In 1863 _Francis Joseph_ summoned a congress of German princes to _Frankfort_ to frame a new German const.i.tution; but as Prussia stood aloof, nothing was accomplished. There was much bitterness between the two states. For the moment, however, attention was diverted by the aspect of affairs in _Schleswig-Holstein_.

EVENTS LEADING TO WAR.--On March 30, 1863, _Frederick VII_. of Denmark issued a decree for the separation of _Schleswig_, and its incorporation in Denmark. The troops of the German Confederacy were sent by the Diet into _Holstein_. Prussia and Austria, who held that the Danes had broken the Treaty of 1852, announced their agreement to prosecute the war with Denmark as independent powers, apart from the confederation. They persisted in this purpose, and their victories over the Danes compelled _Christian IX_. to sign a treaty (Oct. 30, 1864) by which he resigned his rights in the duchies in favor of the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia. How should the duchies be disposed of? It was _Bismarck's_ aim to annex them to Prussia, which was sorely in need of seaports. He professed that the war had abrogated the London Treaty of 1852. The prime object of Austria was to prevent Prussia from making this gain. The dispute was hot and threatening; but in the _Gastein Convention_ (Aug. 14, 1865), _Lauenburg_ (which the Danes had also ceded) was sold to Prussia, and the disposition of the duchies was left to be determined later.

Meantime the Prussians were to hold _Schleswig_, and the Austrians _Holstein_. The Prussians were, moreover, to hold provisionally the port of _Kiel_. The scheme of Austria was to hand over the debated question to the Diet of the Confederation, where it could command a majority. To this Prussia would not consent, but demanded that the Confederacy should be reconst.i.tuted in such a that Prussia, as well as Germany, might have strength in the event of a European war. _Bismarck_ made a secret treaty with Sardinia, which provided that Prussia and Sardinia should act together in case of war with Austria, and that peace should not be made until _Venetia_ had been given up to the kingdom of Italy. When Austria convoked the estates of _Holstein_ Prussia retorted by sending twenty thousand troops into _Holstein_. The Austrian force, which was inferior, retired. When the Confederation (June 14) pa.s.sed a motion made by Austria to put the confederate troops, not Austrian or Prussian, on a war footing, the Prussian plenipotentiary protested, and declared the Diet dissolved. He also presented a new const.i.tution as the basis of a new league of states, from which Austria was to be excluded. Prussia issued a proclamation, to the effect that the purpose of the war that was now to begin was the union of Germany, and the establishment of a free parliament of the German nation.