NurtureShock_ New Thinking About Children Part 11

Cary Grant as doorman: A number of Magic Castle members recall Cary Grant acting as the doorman, either having been there during Grant's tenure or having heard it from other members at the time. Outside the club membership, the story has become more elaborate over the years; some versions even claim that Grant occasionally donned a doorman costume when at its entrance. Our account is based on Joan Lawton's recollection of the events, which she kindly relayed to us in interviews. (And no, Lawton doesn't recall him ever wearing a costume. He was usually in a suit, sometimes a tuxedo.) A number of Magic Castle members recall Cary Grant acting as the doorman, either having been there during Grant's tenure or having heard it from other members at the time. Outside the club membership, the story has become more elaborate over the years; some versions even claim that Grant occasionally donned a doorman costume when at its entrance. Our account is based on Joan Lawton's recollection of the events, which she kindly relayed to us in interviews. (And no, Lawton doesn't recall him ever wearing a costume. He was usually in a suit, sometimes a tuxedo.)

Introduction.

Neural network activated in parenting: Parts of the brain involved in paternal attachment, love, and responsiveness include: anterior cingulate cortex; anterior insula; mesial prefrontal cortex; right orbitofrontal cortex; periaqueductal gray; hypothalamus; thalamus; caudate nucleus; nucleus acc.u.mbens; and putamen. Bartels and Zeki (2004); Lorberbaum et al. (2002); Noriuchi et al. (2008); and Swain et al. (2007). Parts of the brain involved in paternal attachment, love, and responsiveness include: anterior cingulate cortex; anterior insula; mesial prefrontal cortex; right orbitofrontal cortex; periaqueductal gray; hypothalamus; thalamus; caudate nucleus; nucleus acc.u.mbens; and putamen. Bartels and Zeki (2004); Lorberbaum et al. (2002); Noriuchi et al. (2008); and Swain et al. (2007).

Prose throughout is our mutual collaboration: From start to finish, the book has been a joint effort, from the research to the writing. However, at times in the text when recalling personal experiences, we needed to identify ourselves individually. Therefore, when the p.r.o.noun "I" is used, it refers to Po's personal experiences; when "Ashley" is employed, this refers to her personal experiences. These pa.s.sages of text, though, are jointly composed and edited. From start to finish, the book has been a joint effort, from the research to the writing. However, at times in the text when recalling personal experiences, we needed to identify ourselves individually. Therefore, when the p.r.o.noun "I" is used, it refers to Po's personal experiences; when "Ashley" is employed, this refers to her personal experiences. These pa.s.sages of text, though, are jointly composed and edited.

Chapter 1, The Inverse Power of Praise.

Categorization of gifted students: The exact requirements for gifted programs vary, but most start calling children gifted based on scores on an intelligence test or achievement test at the 90th percentile. The exact requirements for gifted programs vary, but most start calling children gifted based on scores on an intelligence test or achievement test at the 90th percentile.

Advanced students' poor self-a.s.sessment of competence: That gifted students frequently underestimate their abilities has been reported in a number of studies, including: Cole et al. (1999); Phillips (1984); and Wagner and Phillips (1992). Note that in these studies, a common method of a.s.sessment is to ask students to describe their proficiency in a school subject and then compare the students' self-reports to their actual achievement scores. That gifted students frequently underestimate their abilities has been reported in a number of studies, including: Cole et al. (1999); Phillips (1984); and Wagner and Phillips (1992). Note that in these studies, a common method of a.s.sessment is to ask students to describe their proficiency in a school subject and then compare the students' self-reports to their actual achievement scores.

Columbia University survey: Dweck (1999). Dweck (1999).

Brightest girls collapse after failure round: One of the things that Dweck's research suggests is that there is nothing inherently fragile or dramatic about being blessed with an advanced brain, but it's the praise that makes intelligent children more vulnerable. One of the things that Dweck's research suggests is that there is nothing inherently fragile or dramatic about being blessed with an advanced brain, but it's the praise that makes intelligent children more vulnerable.

Interestingly, in one of her studies, Dweck found that after the failure round of tests, all the girls were collapsing, but the higher their IQ, the more they collapsed-to the remarkable point where girls who had the highest IQs in the first round of tests performed even worse than the low IQ girls in the last round. Explaining this, Dweck conjectured: "Girls are used to being perfect. Girls feel other people's opinions and feedback are valid ways to learn about their abilities. Boys always call each other morons. n.o.body else is going to give you the final verdict on your abilities." Interestingly, in one of her studies, Dweck found that after the failure round of tests, all the girls were collapsing, but the higher their IQ, the more they collapsed-to the remarkable point where girls who had the highest IQs in the first round of tests performed even worse than the low IQ girls in the last round. Explaining this, Dweck conjectured: "Girls are used to being perfect. Girls feel other people's opinions and feedback are valid ways to learn about their abilities. Boys always call each other morons. n.o.body else is going to give you the final verdict on your abilities." This may explain findings by Henderlong: she has seen age and gender differences in her own renditions of praise experiments, indicating that boys may respond differently to person-oriented praise such as "You're smart." Henderlong Corpus and Lepper (2007). This may explain findings by Henderlong: she has seen age and gender differences in her own renditions of praise experiments, indicating that boys may respond differently to person-oriented praise such as "You're smart." Henderlong Corpus and Lepper (2007).

Baumeister's a.s.sessment of self-esteem findings: Baumeister's expressed disappointment at the results of his findings was originally reported by Ahuja (2005). Baumeister's expressed disappointment at the results of his findings was originally reported by Ahuja (2005).

Higher self-esteem leads to higher aggression: Since Baumeister's review, the relationship between high self-esteem and aggression has been expressly seen in the study of children. In 2008, scholars reported on a study where children were to play computer games-believing that they were playing against other children, but in reality playing only against the computer-with a predetermined, losing outcome. After studying how the children attacked their believed opponents, the researchers concluded that there was no empirical support for a claim that children with low self-esteem were aggressive, but there was support that those with high self-esteem were more aggressive and more narcissistic. They even suggested that efforts to boost self-esteem "are likely to increase (rather than to decrease) the aggressive behavior of youth at risk." Thomaes et al. (2008). Since Baumeister's review, the relationship between high self-esteem and aggression has been expressly seen in the study of children. In 2008, scholars reported on a study where children were to play computer games-believing that they were playing against other children, but in reality playing only against the computer-with a predetermined, losing outcome. After studying how the children attacked their believed opponents, the researchers concluded that there was no empirical support for a claim that children with low self-esteem were aggressive, but there was support that those with high self-esteem were more aggressive and more narcissistic. They even suggested that efforts to boost self-esteem "are likely to increase (rather than to decrease) the aggressive behavior of youth at risk." Thomaes et al. (2008).

Review of 150 praise studies: Henderlong and Lepper (2002). Henderlong and Lepper (2002).

Cloninger's location of the persistence circuit in the brain: Cloninger put people inside an fMRI scanner to measure their brain activity while they looked through a series of 360 photographs, like car accidents and people holding children. He asked them to rate the photographs as pleasant, neutral, or unpleasant. Those who were most persistent (scored on a seven-factor personality test) had the highest activity in their lateral orbital and medial prefrontal cortex, as well as their ventral striatum. Interestingly, they also rated more neutral photographs as pleasant, and unpleasant photographs as neutral. In other words, persistent individuals actually experience the world as more pleasant-less bothers them. Cloninger put people inside an fMRI scanner to measure their brain activity while they looked through a series of 360 photographs, like car accidents and people holding children. He asked them to rate the photographs as pleasant, neutral, or unpleasant. Those who were most persistent (scored on a seven-factor personality test) had the highest activity in their lateral orbital and medial prefrontal cortex, as well as their ventral striatum. Interestingly, they also rated more neutral photographs as pleasant, and unpleasant photographs as neutral. In other words, persistent individuals actually experience the world as more pleasant-less bothers them.

Chapter 2, The Lost Hour.

Parents' poor accuracy in a.s.sessing the sufficiency of their children's sleep: Several scholars have tried to figure out how accurate parents are at a.s.sessing their children's amount of sleep, comparing parental reports with kids' reports and scientific measures (actigraphy). Parents frequently overestimate the time their kids are asleep by at least a half-hour-even as much as an hour and a half. See, for example, National Sleep Foundation (2006a) and Werner et al. (2008). Several scholars have tried to figure out how accurate parents are at a.s.sessing their children's amount of sleep, comparing parental reports with kids' reports and scientific measures (actigraphy). Parents frequently overestimate the time their kids are asleep by at least a half-hour-even as much as an hour and a half. See, for example, National Sleep Foundation (2006a) and Werner et al. (2008).

High school students reporting sleep deprivation: Teens' lack of sleep is a problem that by no means is limited to American youth: teens around the world are exhausted. In a study of Singaporean high-schoolers, 96.9% said they weren't getting enough sleep. And only 0.5% of them had discussed their sleep difficulties with a physician. Lim et al. (2008). Teens' lack of sleep is a problem that by no means is limited to American youth: teens around the world are exhausted. In a study of Singaporean high-schoolers, 96.9% said they weren't getting enough sleep. And only 0.5% of them had discussed their sleep difficulties with a physician. Lim et al. (2008).

Basis of "lost hour" of kids' sleep: There seems to be universal agreement as to the fact that kids are getting less sleep today than in years past. However, there's less agreement in just how much sleep kids have lost. We base our "one lost hour" on research we did in sleep studies and general time use studies: our determination is probably a conservative a.s.sessment. There seems to be universal agreement as to the fact that kids are getting less sleep today than in years past. However, there's less agreement in just how much sleep kids have lost. We base our "one lost hour" on research we did in sleep studies and general time use studies: our determination is probably a conservative a.s.sessment.

According to one report, in 1997, children age 3 to 5 were found to be getting just over 10.8 hours of sleep per night, while children 6 to 8 years old were getting 10.1 hours of sleep. In 2004, the National Sleep Foundation found that the 3- to 5-year-olds were down to 10.4 hours of sleep, and the 6- to 8-year-olds were down to 9.5 hours. (Compare Hofferth and Sandberg [2001] to the National Sleep Foundation's 2004 Sleep in America Poll.) According to one report, in 1997, children age 3 to 5 were found to be getting just over 10.8 hours of sleep per night, while children 6 to 8 years old were getting 10.1 hours of sleep. In 2004, the National Sleep Foundation found that the 3- to 5-year-olds were down to 10.4 hours of sleep, and the 6- to 8-year-olds were down to 9.5 hours. (Compare Hofferth and Sandberg [2001] to the National Sleep Foundation's 2004 Sleep in America Poll.) Over the same time period, Brown University found that, in 1997, nine- to twelve-year-olds were getting about 9.6 hours of sleep, but in 2004, sixth graders were getting 8.3 of sleep-a difference of 1.3 hours. Carskadon (2004) and Sleep in America poll (2006). Over the same time period, Brown University found that, in 1997, nine- to twelve-year-olds were getting about 9.6 hours of sleep, but in 2004, sixth graders were getting 8.3 of sleep-a difference of 1.3 hours. Carskadon (2004) and Sleep in America poll (2006). Further support for the hour loss of sleep can be found in an influential and widely cited study of Swiss children. In that study, throughout the 1990s, sleep duration for children fell across all ages-meaning that a two-year-old slept less in 1986 than he would have in 1974, and a fourteen-year-old slept less in 1986 than he did in 1974. The youngest children actually saw the most severe drop in sleep duration. Six-month-old infants born in 1993 were sleeping 2.5 hours less than those born in 1978, while there was a 1.0 hour difference for sixteen-year-olds. Iglowstein et al. (2003). Further support for the hour loss of sleep can be found in an influential and widely cited study of Swiss children. In that study, throughout the 1990s, sleep duration for children fell across all ages-meaning that a two-year-old slept less in 1986 than he would have in 1974, and a fourteen-year-old slept less in 1986 than he did in 1974. The youngest children actually saw the most severe drop in sleep duration. Six-month-old infants born in 1993 were sleeping 2.5 hours less than those born in 1978, while there was a 1.0 hour difference for sixteen-year-olds. Iglowstein et al. (2003). In 2005, the American Academy of Pediatrics' Working Group on Sleepiness in Adolescents/Young Adults and the AAP Committee on Adolescence issued a technical report that opined that the Iglowstein study was an "impressive work" and a valuable guideline as to trends in youth sleep in the United States; if anything, the American scholars believed that the US results would be more "extreme" than the Swiss results. Millman et al. (2005). And Landhuis et al. believe that a two-hour drop in the past two decades is also a supportable claim. Landhuis et al. (2008). In 2005, the American Academy of Pediatrics' Working Group on Sleepiness in Adolescents/Young Adults and the AAP Committee on Adolescence issued a technical report that opined that the Iglowstein study was an "impressive work" and a valuable guideline as to trends in youth sleep in the United States; if anything, the American scholars believed that the US results would be more "extreme" than the Swiss results. Millman et al. (2005). And Landhuis et al. believe that a two-hour drop in the past two decades is also a supportable claim. Landhuis et al. (2008). Other studies addressing the international downward trend in sleep duration include: Van Cauter et al. (2008) and Taheri (2006). Other studies addressing the international downward trend in sleep duration include: Van Cauter et al. (2008) and Taheri (2006).

Rhode Island study on teens setting bedtimes: Wolfson and Carskadon (1998). Wolfson and Carskadon (1998).

Sleep deprivation and its effects on emotional stability and development: For ADHD, authors' interviews with Ronald Chervin and Louise O'Brien; Chervin et al. (2005); Chervin et al. (2002); and Chervin et al. (1998). For emotional stability of adolescents, authors' interviews with Ronald Dahl, David Dinges, and Frederick Danner, as well as Dahl (1999); Danner and Phillips (2008). For ADHD, authors' interviews with Ronald Chervin and Louise O'Brien; Chervin et al. (2005); Chervin et al. (2002); and Chervin et al. (1998). For emotional stability of adolescents, authors' interviews with Ronald Dahl, David Dinges, and Frederick Danner, as well as Dahl (1999); Danner and Phillips (2008).

Experimental manipulation of children's sleep duration and test performance: Since Sadeh's experiment, Tzischinsky et al. (2008) essentially replicated his findings-having eighth graders sleep an hour more than normal. The students who slept the extra time scored significantly higher on math tests and attention measures. Since Sadeh's experiment, Tzischinsky et al. (2008) essentially replicated his findings-having eighth graders sleep an hour more than normal. The students who slept the extra time scored significantly higher on math tests and attention measures.

Effects of sleep loss akin to lead exposure: McKenna (2007). McKenna (2007).

Studies reporting a sleep/grade correlation: See, e.g., Danner and Gilman (2008); Warner et al. (2008); Bachmann and Ax (2007); and Fredriksen et al. (2004). See, e.g., Danner and Gilman (2008); Warner et al. (2008); Bachmann and Ax (2007); and Fredriksen et al. (2004).

Sleep deprivation's interference with brain mechanisms: Durmer and Dinges (2005). Durmer and Dinges (2005).

Slow-wave sleep and kids' learning vocabulary: Backhaus et al. (2008). Backhaus et al. (2008).

Edina, Minn. SAT scores: The The New York Times New York Times previously reported on Edina's SAT gains; however, the article reported incorrect scores. The previously reported on Edina's SAT gains; however, the article reported incorrect scores. The Times Times reported lower figures than the students had actually achieved. Wahlstrom had requested a correction at the time; however, no one responded to her query. Per our request to Wahlstrom, Wahlstrom retrieved the information that she had previously provided the reported lower figures than the students had actually achieved. Wahlstrom had requested a correction at the time; however, no one responded to her query. Per our request to Wahlstrom, Wahlstrom retrieved the information that she had previously provided the Times Times, and then re-a.n.a.lyzed the data to confirm the accuracy of the increase.

O'Reilly of the College Board explained to us in an interview that the increase is even more extraordinary on two points. First, the scores we include in the text were based on the 1600-point test: a 212-point increase would essentially account for 14% of a total score. Second, most Minnesota students take the ACT: only the most compet.i.tive students take the SAT. Accordingly, O'Reilly says that students in the top 10% of an Edina SAT cla.s.s would be in the O'Reilly of the College Board explained to us in an interview that the increase is even more extraordinary on two points. First, the scores we include in the text were based on the 1600-point test: a 212-point increase would essentially account for 14% of a total score. Second, most Minnesota students take the ACT: only the most compet.i.tive students take the SAT. Accordingly, O'Reilly says that students in the top 10% of an Edina SAT cla.s.s would be in the top 1% top 1% nationally. We also note that the increase in scores after the later start time is roughly equivalent to the increase promised by professional SAT prep courses. nationally. We also note that the increase in scores after the later start time is roughly equivalent to the increase promised by professional SAT prep courses.

Later school start times result in improved quality of life: Htwe et al. (2008); Danner and Phillips (2008) and Wahlstrom interviews. Htwe et al. (2008); Danner and Phillips (2008) and Wahlstrom interviews.

Prevalence of early morning high school start times: Wolfson and Carskadon (2005). Wolfson and Carskadon (2005).

McMaster review of obesity prevention programs: Thomas (2006). British officials completed a similar large-scale review of obesity prevention programs and also concluded that there was "scant" evidence that such programs were effective. See "Obesity 'Not Individuals' Fault" (2007). Stice et al. (2006) also considered the efficacy of most programs to be "trivial." Thomas (2006). British officials completed a similar large-scale review of obesity prevention programs and also concluded that there was "scant" evidence that such programs were effective. See "Obesity 'Not Individuals' Fault" (2007). Stice et al. (2006) also considered the efficacy of most programs to be "trivial."

Kids' TV watching and other sedentary activity: Vandewater isn't the only scholar who disputes the premise that kids limit their physical activity because they are watching television. Taveras et al. (2007) concluded that if a kid watched an hour less of television each week, there would be no increase in his physical activity. And other researchers have measured the time spent on homework, computer use, reading, hobbies, hanging out with friends, even sitting in a car on the way to school. When those are considered, television is as little as one-third of a teen's sedentary activity. Biddle et al. (2009); Biddle (2007); and Utter et al. (2003). Vandewater isn't the only scholar who disputes the premise that kids limit their physical activity because they are watching television. Taveras et al. (2007) concluded that if a kid watched an hour less of television each week, there would be no increase in his physical activity. And other researchers have measured the time spent on homework, computer use, reading, hobbies, hanging out with friends, even sitting in a car on the way to school. When those are considered, television is as little as one-third of a teen's sedentary activity. Biddle et al. (2009); Biddle (2007); and Utter et al. (2003).

Studies showing relationships between sleep deprivation and children's obesity: In addition to the American, Australian, Canadian, and j.a.panese studies finding a connection between children's shortened sleep and obesity, this same relationship has now also been found by scholars in France, Germany, Portugal, Tunisia, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, and New Zealand-where scholars found that shortened sleep in elementary school children predicted obesity at age 32. Studies reporting a connection include: Landhuis et al. (2008); Nixon et al. (2008); Taveras et al. (2008); Lumeng et al. (2007); Eisenmann et al. (2006); Chaput et al. (2006); Gupta et al. (2002); and Sekine et al. (2002). In addition to the American, Australian, Canadian, and j.a.panese studies finding a connection between children's shortened sleep and obesity, this same relationship has now also been found by scholars in France, Germany, Portugal, Tunisia, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Brazil, and New Zealand-where scholars found that shortened sleep in elementary school children predicted obesity at age 32. Studies reporting a connection include: Landhuis et al. (2008); Nixon et al. (2008); Taveras et al. (2008); Lumeng et al. (2007); Eisenmann et al. (2006); Chaput et al. (2006); Gupta et al. (2002); and Sekine et al. (2002).

Two meta-a.n.a.lyses also have found a relationship between children's sleep and obesity: Cappuccio et al. (2008) and Chen et al. (2008). Two meta-a.n.a.lyses also have found a relationship between children's sleep and obesity: Cappuccio et al. (2008) and Chen et al. (2008). While some scholars-e.g., Ha.s.san et al. (2008) and Horne (2008)-are still unsure about the relationship between sleep and kids' obesity, While some scholars-e.g., Ha.s.san et al. (2008) and Horne (2008)-are still unsure about the relationship between sleep and kids' obesity, Pediatrics Pediatrics has determined that enough data supports short-sleep's relationship to overweight in children, that sleep should be considered in a.s.sessing an individual child's weight issues. Krebs et al. (2007). And other scholars believe that the data is now persuasive enough that kids' sleep and obesity should be considered a public health issue. Young (2008). has determined that enough data supports short-sleep's relationship to overweight in children, that sleep should be considered in a.s.sessing an individual child's weight issues. Krebs et al. (2007). And other scholars believe that the data is now persuasive enough that kids' sleep and obesity should be considered a public health issue. Young (2008).

CDC/USDA positions on kids and sleep: Park (2008); Schoenborn and Adams (2008); Redding (2007); and Hensley (2007). Park (2008); Schoenborn and Adams (2008); Redding (2007); and Hensley (2007).

Chapter 3, Why White Parents Don't Talk About Race.

Infants' perception of racial differences: Kelly et al. (2007) have determined that infants begin to notice the visually apparent aspects of racial differences somewhere between the third and sixth months. Kelly et al. (2007) have determined that infants begin to notice the visually apparent aspects of racial differences somewhere between the third and sixth months.

Experiment with cross-race groups: Rooney-Rebeck and Jason (1986). Rooney-Rebeck and Jason (1986).

Subgroupism in j.a.panese schools: Based in part on authors' interview and correspondence with David Crystal and Crystal et al. (2000). Based in part on authors' interview and correspondence with David Crystal and Crystal et al. (2000).

Shushing kids' discussion of race: In one case we learned about, a kindergarten teacher began her lecture on Martin Luther King Jr. only to have one of the children cut her off with: "Mommy says we shouldn't talk about color." Polite and Saenger (2003). In one case we learned about, a kindergarten teacher began her lecture on Martin Luther King Jr. only to have one of the children cut her off with: "Mommy says we shouldn't talk about color." Polite and Saenger (2003).

Study of Detroit high school students: Oyserman et al. (2006). Oyserman et al. (2006).

Black Santa and White Santa: Account is based on authors' interviews, correspondence with Coperhaven-Johnson, and her report, Coperhaven-Johnson (2007). Account is based on authors' interviews, correspondence with Coperhaven-Johnson, and her report, Coperhaven-Johnson (2007).

Chapter 4, Why Kids Lie.

100,000 children testifying: Following Talwar's discoveries about children's understanding of lying, and under what circ.u.mstance they are more likely to lie, the Canadian legislature revised its procedure to determine if children should be allowed to testify. Talwar et al. (2002) and Bill C-2 (2004). Following Talwar's discoveries about children's understanding of lying, and under what circ.u.mstance they are more likely to lie, the Canadian legislature revised its procedure to determine if children should be allowed to testify. Talwar et al. (2002) and Bill C-2 (2004).

Lie-detection systems: In an extensive review of 150 studies on lie detection, University of Portsmouth professor Aldert Vrij concluded: "[T]here is not a single verbal, nonverbal or physiological cue uniquely related to deception. In other words, nothing similar to Pinocchio's growing nose actually exists." Vrij (2004). Perhaps the most common belief about lie detection is that people avert their gaze when telling a lie. However, study after study show that gaze aversion has little if any relation to a person's lying. Gaze aversion is even less of a signal for children: they frequently look away from a conversation partner when they are concentrating. See, e.g., Talwar and Lee (2002a) and Vrij et al. (2004). In an extensive review of 150 studies on lie detection, University of Portsmouth professor Aldert Vrij concluded: "[T]here is not a single verbal, nonverbal or physiological cue uniquely related to deception. In other words, nothing similar to Pinocchio's growing nose actually exists." Vrij (2004). Perhaps the most common belief about lie detection is that people avert their gaze when telling a lie. However, study after study show that gaze aversion has little if any relation to a person's lying. Gaze aversion is even less of a signal for children: they frequently look away from a conversation partner when they are concentrating. See, e.g., Talwar and Lee (2002a) and Vrij et al. (2004).

Fascinatingly, in a 2006 study of over 11,000 survey responses from 57 countries, 64% of respondents said that gaze aversion signaled lying. Scholars hypothesize that the myth of gaze aversion comes from a different emotional state altogether: around the world, people look down at the ground as an indication of shame. Therefore, the scholars suggest there's an (errant) a.s.sumption that liars are ashamed of their falsehood and thus look away. Global Deception Research Team (2006). Fascinatingly, in a 2006 study of over 11,000 survey responses from 57 countries, 64% of respondents said that gaze aversion signaled lying. Scholars hypothesize that the myth of gaze aversion comes from a different emotional state altogether: around the world, people look down at the ground as an indication of shame. Therefore, the scholars suggest there's an (errant) a.s.sumption that liars are ashamed of their falsehood and thus look away. Global Deception Research Team (2006).

Parents' inability to detect children's lies: Talwar has been regularly studying parents' failure to identify children's lying, first publishing results in 2002. She isn't alone in her findings, either: scholars Angela M. Crossman and Michael Lewis found similar results, with parents again performing at levels lower than chance in identifying children's lying in their study. Crossman and Lewis (2006). Talwar has been regularly studying parents' failure to identify children's lying, first publishing results in 2002. She isn't alone in her findings, either: scholars Angela M. Crossman and Michael Lewis found similar results, with parents again performing at levels lower than chance in identifying children's lying in their study. Crossman and Lewis (2006).

In Talwar's newest study, she's been looking to see if some people are just better at lie detection than others. She's found that only 4% were repeatedly significantly better at lie detection. Leach et al. (2009). In Talwar's newest study, she's been looking to see if some people are just better at lie detection than others. She's found that only 4% were repeatedly significantly better at lie detection. Leach et al. (2009).

Prevalence of children who peek and lie: The percentages of children who will cheat and lie during the peeking game we've reported come from Talwar's first 2002 study. Talwar and Lee (2002a). However, Talwar has since replicated this pattern in many subsequent studies: the percentage of children who peek and those who lie remain amazingly consistent. Additionally, other scholars have since replicated her work in their own versions of the peeking game. The percentages of children who will cheat and lie during the peeking game we've reported come from Talwar's first 2002 study. Talwar and Lee (2002a). However, Talwar has since replicated this pattern in many subsequent studies: the percentage of children who peek and those who lie remain amazingly consistent. Additionally, other scholars have since replicated her work in their own versions of the peeking game.

Lying's connection with intelligence: Talwar has found that children with more advanced executive functioning and working memory are better liars. She's also seen relationships between children's lying and "theory of mind"-the ability to understand and keep track of multiple people's points of view. Talwar has found that children with more advanced executive functioning and working memory are better liars. She's also seen relationships between children's lying and "theory of mind"-the ability to understand and keep track of multiple people's points of view.

Children's lying to make a parent happy: Along with Talwar's research, Bussey's work fleshes out this insight. When Bussey has presented children with anecdotes, and asked them to predict if the protagonist would be truthful or not, the children's responses were in part determined by whether or not the story had said if the protagonist would be punished for a misdeed or its admission. Bussey has also shown that it isn't until children are eight years old that they begin to believe that truth telling may make the truth teller himself feel better. Bussey (1999) and Wagland and Bussey (2005). Along with Talwar's research, Bussey's work fleshes out this insight. When Bussey has presented children with anecdotes, and asked them to predict if the protagonist would be truthful or not, the children's responses were in part determined by whether or not the story had said if the protagonist would be punished for a misdeed or its admission. Bussey has also shown that it isn't until children are eight years old that they begin to believe that truth telling may make the truth teller himself feel better. Bussey (1999) and Wagland and Bussey (2005).

Additionally, a 2007 University of Texas, El Paso, study offers an intriguing twist for both Talwar's conclusion that children lie to make an adult happy and Dweck's praise-addicted children. In the UT study, young children were asked if they'd seen anyone take an examiner's toy. Some children were told, "Thank you, you've been a big help," every time they answered "Yes" to Additionally, a 2007 University of Texas, El Paso, study offers an intriguing twist for both Talwar's conclusion that children lie to make an adult happy and Dweck's praise-addicted children. In the UT study, young children were asked if they'd seen anyone take an examiner's toy. Some children were told, "Thank you, you've been a big help," every time they answered "Yes" to any any of the examiner's questions. Within four minutes, half of the children who had heard that praise had begun making false confessions. They actually lied about wrongs they weren't a part of, so that the praise could continue. Billings et al. (2007). of the examiner's questions. Within four minutes, half of the children who had heard that praise had begun making false confessions. They actually lied about wrongs they weren't a part of, so that the praise could continue. Billings et al. (2007).

Frequency of children's lies: Wilson et al. (2003) and Wilson et al. (2004). Wilson et al. (2003) and Wilson et al. (2004).

Tattling: The primary work on children's tattling comes from den Bak and Ross (1996) and Ross and den Bak-Lammers (1998). Friman et al. (2004) is also informative, particularly on his point that fourth-graders consider tattling an aggressive act on par with stealing or destruction of another's property. The primary work on children's tattling comes from den Bak and Ross (1996) and Ross and den Bak-Lammers (1998). Friman et al. (2004) is also informative, particularly on his point that fourth-graders consider tattling an aggressive act on par with stealing or destruction of another's property.

Frequency of adult lies: There are popularized claims that the average adult lies at least three times in a ten-minute conversation. However, that statistic is based on an experiment in a highly manipulated situation-where two strangers were told to sit in a room and at least one had been instructed to say things that would make the other like him. Even in that artificial environment, 40% of the test subjects never lied at all. The data from DePaulo and Hanc.o.c.k on the frequency of lies is based not on an experimental manipulation, but on diary studies-where people kept track, on a daily basis, of every lie that they told. In the DePaulo and Hanc.o.c.k studies, people in the general population lied only about once a day-college students twice a day. DePaulo et al. (1996) and Hanc.o.c.k et al. (2004). There are popularized claims that the average adult lies at least three times in a ten-minute conversation. However, that statistic is based on an experiment in a highly manipulated situation-where two strangers were told to sit in a room and at least one had been instructed to say things that would make the other like him. Even in that artificial environment, 40% of the test subjects never lied at all. The data from DePaulo and Hanc.o.c.k on the frequency of lies is based not on an experimental manipulation, but on diary studies-where people kept track, on a daily basis, of every lie that they told. In the DePaulo and Hanc.o.c.k studies, people in the general population lied only about once a day-college students twice a day. DePaulo et al. (1996) and Hanc.o.c.k et al. (2004).

Adults' treasuring of children's honesty: Indeed, in an a.n.a.lysis of twenty years of parents' responses to a national survey on asking what trait parents wanted most for their children, "honesty" was the clear winner-nothing else came close. Alwin (1989). Indeed, in an a.n.a.lysis of twenty years of parents' responses to a national survey on asking what trait parents wanted most for their children, "honesty" was the clear winner-nothing else came close. Alwin (1989).

Chapter 5, The Search for Intelligent Life in Kindergarten.

The model intelligence test: Our version of the intelligence test is based on publicly available training manuals, presentations, and sample questions: the questions we used draw from a variety of both intelligence and achievement tests. The actual tests themselves are held under close guard: the publishers generally sell them only to licensed psychologists and school administrators. (There are a few underground test guides out there, as well.) Our version of the intelligence test is based on publicly available training manuals, presentations, and sample questions: the questions we used draw from a variety of both intelligence and achievement tests. The actual tests themselves are held under close guard: the publishers generally sell them only to licensed psychologists and school administrators. (There are a few underground test guides out there, as well.) The correlation between pre-K testing and third-grade achievement: This is a mathematical determination, based on a 40% correlation-the typical statistical relationship between children's performance on an IQ test at preschool or kindergarten to their scores on the same test in third grade. Lohman (2006); Lohman and Korb (2006); and Lohman (2003). This is a mathematical determination, based on a 40% correlation-the typical statistical relationship between children's performance on an IQ test at preschool or kindergarten to their scores on the same test in third grade. Lohman (2006); Lohman and Korb (2006); and Lohman (2003).

Regarding how well WPPSI scores predict Regarding how well WPPSI scores predict later later achievement, previous research has shown that WPPSI scores (at ages 4 to 6) account for only 7% to 24% of a child's SAT scores, 11 or 12 years later. Thus, at least 76% of a child's SAT score is not determined by their early intelligence. Spinelli (2006) and Baxter (1988). achievement, previous research has shown that WPPSI scores (at ages 4 to 6) account for only 7% to 24% of a child's SAT scores, 11 or 12 years later. Thus, at least 76% of a child's SAT score is not determined by their early intelligence. Spinelli (2006) and Baxter (1988).

Intelligence test authors and publishers working to eliminate racial/ethnic bias: Dietz (undated); Rock and Stenner (2005); and Lohman and Lakin (2006). Dietz (undated); Rock and Stenner (2005); and Lohman and Lakin (2006).

International efficacy of intelligence tests: See, for example, Barber (2005). See, for example, Barber (2005).

IQs of college graduates and Ph.D.s: Colom (2004). Colom (2004).

Rate of progress for California gifted students: "Windows and Cla.s.srooms" (2003). "Windows and Cla.s.srooms" (2003).

North Carolina study comparing early intelligence tests with later achievement: Kaplan (1996). Kaplan (1996).

Fully one-third of the brightest incoming third graders score below average prior to kindergarten: Lohman (2006). Lohman (2006).

Use of a single test for gifted placement: In addition to the scholars' unanimity that a single test should not be the sole determinant for placement in a gifted program, such admonitions come from the publishers of the tests themselves. In a clinical guide edited by the president and CEO of Pearson's a.s.sessment division, pract.i.tioners are warned that "a single test must never be used in isolation to a.s.sess a gifted child or to make recommendations regarding a child's school placement." Sparrow and Gurland (1998). In addition to the scholars' unanimity that a single test should not be the sole determinant for placement in a gifted program, such admonitions come from the publishers of the tests themselves. In a clinical guide edited by the president and CEO of Pearson's a.s.sessment division, pract.i.tioners are warned that "a single test must never be used in isolation to a.s.sess a gifted child or to make recommendations regarding a child's school placement." Sparrow and Gurland (1998).

Reynolds' statement on gifted versus special ed. a.s.sessment: Reynolds is referring to federal requirements that students who are being considered for placement within special education programs be tested and retested, prior to placement, and their progress in the programs is continually rea.s.sessed. Reynolds is referring to federal requirements that students who are being considered for placement within special education programs be tested and retested, prior to placement, and their progress in the programs is continually rea.s.sessed.

South Carolina's a.s.sessment of gifted students: VanTa.s.sel-Baska et al. (2007); VanTa.s.sel-Baska et al. (2002); and "Removal of Students" (2004). VanTa.s.sel-Baska et al. (2007); VanTa.s.sel-Baska et al. (2002); and "Removal of Students" (2004).

Thwarted Florida legislative effort to retest: "Legislative Update" (2008). "Legislative Update" (2008).

New York City gifted programs: "Chancellor Proposes Change" (2008) and "Gifted and Talented Proposal" (2007). "Chancellor Proposes Change" (2008) and "Gifted and Talented Proposal" (2007).

Emotional intelligence / Salovey vs. Goleman: The team that first coined the term "emotional intelligence" included: John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, and David R. Caruso. The team that first coined the term "emotional intelligence" included: John D. Mayer, Peter Salovey, and David R. Caruso.

In a packed-to-the-rafters room at the 2008 convention of the American Psychological a.s.sociation, Salovey called his colleagues' attention to this line from Goleman's 1995 book, "... what data exist, suggest [EI] can be as powerful, and at times more powerful, than IQ." Salovey explained that "what existed" in 1995 was "zero"-there was no data at all when Goleman had written that claim. At the time, Salovey's team had just come up with the theory that emotional intelligence might exist: they hadn't even come up with a way to measure it. Goleman's 1998 claim that "nearly 90% of the difference between star performers at work and average ones is due to EI" was also unsupported at the time. Since then, Salovey and others have found that in some fields, emotional intelligence may be a benefit, but, in others, it's a liability. Among insurance adjusters, for example, those with higher emotional sensitivity are less efficient and productive, because they get too emotionally involved with their clients. In a packed-to-the-rafters room at the 2008 convention of the American Psychological a.s.sociation, Salovey called his colleagues' attention to this line from Goleman's 1995 book, "... what data exist, suggest [EI] can be as powerful, and at times more powerful, than IQ." Salovey explained that "what existed" in 1995 was "zero"-there was no data at all when Goleman had written that claim. At the time, Salovey's team had just come up with the theory that emotional intelligence might exist: they hadn't even come up with a way to measure it. Goleman's 1998 claim that "nearly 90% of the difference between star performers at work and average ones is due to EI" was also unsupported at the time. Since then, Salovey and others have found that in some fields, emotional intelligence may be a benefit, but, in others, it's a liability. Among insurance adjusters, for example, those with higher emotional sensitivity are less efficient and productive, because they get too emotionally involved with their clients. Obviously, Salovey, Mayer, and Caruso remain firm believers that there is such a thing as emotional intelligence, and that it's likely an a.s.set. But they are still working out just what it is, and what it means to have it. In the meantime, they are frustrated that they've been repeatedly taken to task by other scientists for claims that Goleman and others-not the scholars themselves-have made. Obviously, Salovey, Mayer, and Caruso remain firm believers that there is such a thing as emotional intelligence, and that it's likely an a.s.set. But they are still working out just what it is, and what it means to have it. In the meantime, they are frustrated that they've been repeatedly taken to task by other scientists for claims that Goleman and others-not the scholars themselves-have made. And as for schools' training children in emotional intelligence, the first real study on whether it can be taught, and if that would have an academic benefit, is just under way. Author notes on 2008 APA Conference; Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso (2008); and Salovey (2008). And as for schools' training children in emotional intelligence, the first real study on whether it can be taught, and if that would have an academic benefit, is just under way. Author notes on 2008 APA Conference; Mayer, Salovey, and Caruso (2008); and Salovey (2008).

Emotional intelligence in a prison population: Hemmati et al. (2004). Hemmati et al. (2004).

"In one test of emotional knowledge": Izard et al. (2001). Izard et al. (2001).

Academic success and personality traits: Newsome et al. (2000). Newsome et al. (2000).

Brain cortex and synapses development: To give you a sense of the furious amount of organization that is going on within the brain, as many as 30,000 synapses may be lost To give you a sense of the furious amount of organization that is going on within the brain, as many as 30,000 synapses may be lost every second every second until a child hits adolescence. For overviews of the brain's cortical and synaptic development, see Shaw (2007); Giedd (2008); Shaw et al. (2006); Lenroot and Giedd (2006); and Lerch et al. (2006). See also Spear (2000) in Chapter 7 sources. until a child hits adolescence. For overviews of the brain's cortical and synaptic development, see Shaw (2007); Giedd (2008); Shaw et al. (2006); Lenroot and Giedd (2006); and Lerch et al. (2006). See also Spear (2000) in Chapter 7 sources.

Brain's organization: Myelination-the process in which gray matter becomes white matter-affects more specific cognitive processes, such as the development of working memory. Organization of brain fibers, known as axons, dramatically impacts the brain's speed of processing. Lerch et al. (2006); Nagy et al. (2004); Barnea-Gorlay et al. (2005); Schmithorst and Holland (2007); Schmithorst et al. (2002); and Schmithorst et al. (2006). Myelination-the process in which gray matter becomes white matter-affects more specific cognitive processes, such as the development of working memory. Organization of brain fibers, known as axons, dramatically impacts the brain's speed of processing. Lerch et al. (2006); Nagy et al. (2004); Barnea-Gorlay et al. (2005); Schmithorst and Holland (2007); Schmithorst et al. (2002); and Schmithorst et al. (2006).

Two-thirds of children's IQ scores will improve, or drop, more than 15 points: The work of Sontag and McCall a.n.a.lyzed data from the Fels Longitudinal Study; the individuals in the Fels study had their IQ measured every half year from age 2.5 to age 6, then every year until age 12, and then again at 14, 15, and 17. McCall found that the IQ of normal middle-cla.s.s children changed an average of 28.5 points between age 2.5 and age 17. In addition, more than one out of three children displayed performance jumps of more than 30 IQ points during that same age span. Some argue that IQ is stable over childhood, especially after age 6; however, McCall explains that the high stability correlations offered as evidence are somewhat misleading. Those formulas compare the variation in an individual's scores against the much wider variation in all people's IQs. Thus, when reported as a correlation, the variance in an individual's scores looks relatively small-but the raw scores over an individual's childhood years tell a different story. See Sontag et al. (1958); McCall et al. (1973); and Sternberg et al. (2001). The work of Sontag and McCall a.n.a.lyzed data from the Fels Longitudinal Study; the individuals in the Fels study had their IQ measured every half year from age 2.5 to age 6, then every year until age 12, and then again at 14, 15, and 17. McCall found that the IQ of normal middle-cla.s.s children changed an average of 28.5 points between age 2.5 and age 17. In addition, more than one out of three children displayed performance jumps of more than 30 IQ points during that same age span. Some argue that IQ is stable over childhood, especially after age 6; however, McCall explains that the high stability correlations offered as evidence are somewhat misleading. Those formulas compare the variation in an individual's scores against the much wider variation in all people's IQs. Thus, when reported as a correlation, the variance in an individual's scores looks relatively small-but the raw scores over an individual's childhood years tell a different story. See Sontag et al. (1958); McCall et al. (1973); and Sternberg et al. (2001).

Another early study of children from infancy to age 16 found that more than half of them saw their IQs change significantly-not once but Another early study of children from infancy to age 16 found that more than half of them saw their IQs change significantly-not once but three times three times during that period. Schwartz and Elonen (1975). during that period. Schwartz and Elonen (1975).

Gifted kids' IQs are more variable: Sparrow and Gurland determined, "Of the kids in the standardization sample of the WISC-III, 45.8% of the kids with [Full Scale IQs] greater than 125 had discrepancies between [the two main sections of the test] of 11 or more points." Sparrow and Gurland (1998). Others reporting variance for gifted children's performance on intelligence tests include: Robinson and Clinkenbeard (1998) and Robinson and Weimer (1991). Sparrow and Gurland determined, "Of the kids in the standardization sample of the WISC-III, 45.8% of the kids with [Full Scale IQs] greater than 125 had discrepancies between [the two main sections of the test] of 11 or more points." Sparrow and Gurland (1998). Others reporting variance for gifted children's performance on intelligence tests include: Robinson and Clinkenbeard (1998) and Robinson and Weimer (1991).

Locating love, religion, and danger in the brain: Danger is most keenly observed in the amygdala, as well as in the hippocampus, insula, prefrontal cortex, premotor cortex, striatum and anterior cingulate. Recitation of biblical pa.s.sages activates the dorsolateral prefrontal, dorsomedial frontal and medial parietal cortex. Romantic love is present in the medial insula, anterior cingulate cortex, dentate gyrus, hypothamalus, hippocampus, putamen, globus pallidus, and, for women, in the genu. Phelps et al. (2001); Williams et al. (2001); Azari et al. (2001); Bartels and Zeki (2000); and Bartels and Zeki (2004) in the sources for the introduction. Danger is most keenly observed in the amygdala, as well as in the hippocampus, insula, prefrontal cortex, premotor cortex, striatum and anterior cingulate. Recitation of biblical pa.s.sages activates the dorsolateral prefrontal, dorsomedial frontal and medial parietal cortex. Romantic love is present in the medial insula, anterior cingulate cortex, dentate gyrus, hypothamalus, hippocampus, putamen, globus pallidus, and, for women, in the genu. Phelps et al. (2001); Williams et al. (2001); Azari et al. (2001); Bartels and Zeki (2000); and Bartels and Zeki (2004) in the sources for the introduction.