Modern Economic Problems Part 11

" 2.5 to 0.0 " " 20.5 " "

[Footnote 9: The complete application of the new rule is deferred for a period of three years from the pa.s.sage of the act.]

[Footnote 10: See on "piping" provision, sec. 2, above.]

[Footnote 11: See sec. 7 above.]

[Footnote 12: Several other features of the law well merit description. Among these features are measures for developing bankers'

acceptances, open market operations, the gold clearing system of the Federal Reserve Board, and the clearing of checks and parring of exchange.]

CHAPTER 10

CRISES AND INDUSTRIAL DEPRESSIONS

-- 1. Mischance, special and general, in business. -- 2. Definitions.

-- 3. A feature of a money economy. -- 4. European crises. -- 5. American crises. -- 6. A business cycle. -- 7. General features of a crisis.

-- 8. "Glut" theories of crises. -- 9. Monetary theories of crises. -- 10.

Capitalization theory of crises. -- 11. The use of credit. -- 12. Interest rates in a crisis. -- 13. Dynamic conditions and price readjustments.

-- 14. Tariff changes and business uncertainty. -- 15. Rhythmic changes in weather and in crops. -- 16. Remedies for crises.

-- 1. #Mischance, special and general, in business.# Every separate business enterprise is subject to chances which suddenly decrease its profits and the prosperity of its owners; such are fire, flood, illness of its owners, unfavorable changes in prices of materials or of the products.[1] The interests of many other persons in the neighborhood may be so bound up with an enterprise that its losses may mean unemployment, lower wages to workingmen, and bankruptcy to local merchants and to banks. Sometimes misfortune and disaster affect whole communities. The lack of cotton while the Civil War was in progress compelled the factories of Manchester to close in 1864, and the earthquake and fire in San Francisco in 1906 left a quarter of a million people homeless.

But a change of business conditions is constantly occurring that is of wider extent, that is of less accidental and of more rhythmic nature, and that appears to be the effect of slowly working and more general causes. The enterprise of a modern community, as a whole, "general business," moves along, in a wavelike manner, going through a somewhat regular series of changes that is called a business cycle. We are now to study the nature of these cycles.

-- 2. #Definitions.# Crisis means, generally, a decisive moment or turning point. The word crisis suggests a brief period, a moment, something that is sudden, severe, and soon over. In medical usage it is the period when the disease must take a turn for better or for worse. As used in economics, the term, however, implies a sudden change of business conditions for the worse, a collapse of prosperity.

What precedes has not the appearance of disease, but rather that of exuberant health. Crises in economics may be distinguished as industrial, speculative, and financial, according as one or another influence seems to be more potent, but all are essentially financial.

The change that occurs always is connected in some way with the use of money and credit.

A financial _crisis_ is the culmination of a period of rising prices, and a sudden fall which shatters the credit of some banks, brokers, merchants, and manufacturers. Every crisis is marked by much confusion and loss and by hasty efforts of individuals and inst.i.tutions to meet their pressing obligations. Sometimes this process of liquidation goes on quietly and in other cases it becomes a wild scramble, each one trying to save himself, in which case it is a financial _panic_.

An _industrial depression_ is the period of hard times that usually follows a financial crisis.

-- 3. #A feature of a money economy.# Financial crises, by their very nature, are confined to communities in which the money economy prevails and where there is a developed state of industry. The periods of industrial hardship in the Middle Ages were connected usually not with the collapse of prices, but with political oppression, famine, wars, pestilence, and scourges of nature. Throughout the lands money was little used and there was no development of credit and of credit prices. The money economy began, as has been noted, in the cities.

As the use of money spread, as larger commercial enterprises were undertaken, as borrowing and the payment of interest became common, there began to appear in city trading circles, on a small scale, the phenomena of the modern crisis.[2]

-- 4. #European crises.# In Europe financial crises date from 1763 and have occurred at more or less regular intervals since. The common statement that the cycle of a crisis is run in a period of ten years, finds only partial support in history. The chief crises of the eighteenth century occurred in 1763, 1783, 1793, these dates marking the close of wars of some magnitude. The crises were not widespread or general, but were more marked in England, which was at that time farther developed industrially and in its money economy than other countries. Likewise, in the nineteenth century, the crises were of unequal force in various countries, usually being severer in England.

They may be dated 1803, 1825, 1838, 1847, 1857, 1864-66, 1875, 1890, 1900, 1907, and 1914. These were attributed to various causes; that of 1825 to over-trading abroad; that of 1847 to railroad-building; while that of 1866 followed the severe disturbance of trade in 1864 caused by the interruption of the cotton trade and commerce by the Civil War in America. While in many parts of England the crisis of 1864 was unusually severe, in other countries it was of little moment. Germany, after several years of great speculative prosperity, had a most severe crisis in 1875; while France, although prostrated by the war of 1870-71, losing a large amount of wealth, and paying a thousand millions of dollars to Germany as a war indemnity, escaped a commercial crisis almost entirely at that time.

-- 5. #American crises.# Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the financial connections of the United States with London, the leading loan market of Europe, have been such that every crisis in either England or America has extended its effects to the other country. But the disturbances are so modified by the particular conditions (of crops, politics, and speculation) that the phenomena never correspond exactly in time of occurrence, in duration, or in intensity. The first notable crisis in America occurred about 1817 in the very violent readjustment of trade after the resumption of commerce with Europe in 1816.[3] In 1837-39 came in quick succession two crises, not quite distinct from each other, the second similar to the relapse of a fever patient. The conditions were rapid westward expansion, over-speculation in lands, reckless state internal improvements, great issues of state bank notes, and the financial measures of Andrew Jackson, which included the dissolution of the Second Bank of the United States in 1836.[4] The crisis of 1857 followed a period of great prosperity marked by rising gold production and prices and a great increase in foreign trade. The crisis of 1873, possibly the severest in our history, followed great speculation, especially in the direction of railroad building on an unexampled scale after the war. The blow, when it fell, was intensified by the relative contraction of currency then in progress, leading to the return to a specie basis and lower prices.[5] The crisis of 1884, a comparatively slight one, occasioned (rather than caused) by the discussion of the money question, was followed by some years of noticeable depression. The years 1889 to 1892 witnessed prosperity, only slightly interrupted in 1890, that culminated in a crisis in May, 1893 (likewise generally explained as due to the unsettled state of our monetary system), followed by a period of great depression lasting until 1897. A rapid growth of business was checked but little in 1900 when a crisis occurred in Europe, especially severe in Germany. In November, 1902, began in America what has been called "the rich man's panic" of 1903 in which for a year many securities were sold by holders because European creditors were recalling their loans.

American business, however, slackened but little, altho building operations were somewhat checked. General prices, which had been moving upward since 1897, remained almost unchanged in 1903 and 1904, and then continued going upward until 1907. In the period from September to November of that year occurred a severe crisis both in Europe and in America. The industrial depression following this was marked in 1908, slowly growing less. The crisis at the outbreak of the war in August, 1914, was quite exceptional, being due to the sudden demand of Europe upon New York for funds. Within a couple of months it was over and soon prices were again rising as the result of large exports of merchandise followed by gold imports.

-- 6. #A business cycle#. Let us now sketch in broad outline a business cycle, bearing in mind that this series of changes does not repeat itself with unvarying regularity, but that it is fairly typical in the modern business world. The period leading up to a crisis is one of relative prosperity; then occurs a crisis in which prices fall, at first rapidly, and afterward for a while going slowly lower. When prices are at the lowest point many factories are closed, and much labor is unemployed. Let us start at that point. Conditions are worse in some industries than in others. General economy and great caution prevail; few new enterprises are undertaken. For those persons having available funds this is a good time to buy, and property begins to change hands. Then h.o.a.rded money begins to come out of its hiding places. Money and credit flow in from other countries, particularly if business conditions are better abroad than here, for when prices are lower than they have been, relative to those of other countries, a country is a good place in which to buy. At the same time that the money in circulation thus increases, there is a general return of confidence that increases credit. Not only are there more dollars, but each does more work. Then old enterprises are resumed and new ones are undertaken. The purchase of materials in larger quant.i.ties causes a rapid rise in the prices of many raw materials and of all kinds of industrial equipment. The less efficient laborers and others that have been out of work, begin to find employment, and then, more tardily, wages begin to rise. As a result, the costs of many products begin to rise rapidly. The only cla.s.ses not sharing in this improvement are the receivers of fixed incomes. As prices rise, the purchasing power of their incomes correspondingly falls.

At length prices begin to go up less rapidly, and the question arises in many minds whether the movement can continue, and if not, when it will cease. Men wish to hold on for the last profits, and are willing to risk something to gain them. When prices rise not only as compared with former domestic prices, but as compared with current foreign prices, foreign imports are stimulated and exports fall. This calls for a new equilibrium of money and requires at length large and continued exportation of specie. This checks prices, and, reducing the specie reserves of the banks, compels them to be more cautious. At the same time the increase of costs in many industries begins to reduce profits. The fall in the value of many stocks and securities held by the banks forces many brokers and speculators to convert their resources into ready money. This is the moment of danger; weak enterprises find their foundations crumbling, and there are many failures.[6] The falling prices, the shattered credit, and the financial losses force many factories to close, and many workmen are thrown out of employment. This moment of widespread loss is the crisis, It is followed by another period of low prices and of small output, and therefore of profits small or negative in many industries.

Business must again enter upon a period of retrenchment, for it has completed another cycle.

-- 7. #General features of a crisis.# Altho irregular in time of occurrence and unlike in their immediate occasions, financial crises show certain general features. They are a part of the larger movement here outlined as the business cycle. Some have thought this cycle to be normally a period of ten years, divided into one year of crisis, three years of depression, three years of recovery, and three years of unusual prosperity. This succession of events occurs pretty regularly, though not in the regular intervals of time. Crises are more severe in countries with more extensive use of money and credit, but still more severe where the credit system is more loosely administered and less efficiently coordinated. They are harder in the United States and England than in Germany, harder in Germany than in France, harder in western Europe than in eastern Europe, harder in Christendom than in heathendom. They are less severe in rural districts, where prosperity depends more on crop conditions, and business has in it less of financial speculation. Their effects are least felt in the staple industries, for when hard times come people economize on the less essential things. The glove-factory, the silk-factory, the golf-club-factory are more likely to close than the flour-mill. In a crisis wages and salaries are less affected than are profits, but wageworkers suffer in the loss of employment. Those money lenders who have eliminated chance as far as possible and have taken a low rate of interest lose little; the risk-takers who draw their incomes from dividends on stock or from bonds of a less stable kind, often lose much.

-- 8. #"Glut" theories of crises#. Many explanations of the causes of financial crises have been offered.[7] Nearly all of these belong to the general group of "glut" theories, of which genus there are two species, under-consumption and over-production theories. These are, in truth, but two aspects of the same idea.[8] The one view is that too many goods are produced, the other that too few are consumed. The over-production theorist seeing that in a crisis warehouses are filled with goods that cannot be disposed of for what they cost (or at best, not so as to give a profit), and that factories are shut down and men are out of employment for lack of demand, declares that productive power has grown too great. The under-consumption theorist, seeing the same facts, says that the trouble is lack of purchasing power. He observes that there are some people who would like to buy more of some of these things, but that such people lack income with which to buy.

Usually he a.s.serts that this is because production grows faster than wages, wages being fixed, as he believes, by the minimum of subsistence--a theory akin to the iron law of wages. In both over-production and under-consumption theories, the inequality of demand and supply is looked upon as a general one. There is supposed to be not merely an unequal and mistaken distribution of production, but a general excess of productive power.

The wide vogue held by these views would justify a fuller discussion and disproof of them here, did s.p.a.ce permit. It must suffice to indicate merely that they have the same taint of illogicalness as the "fallacy of waste," and the "fallacy of luxury."[9] They overlook the fact that an income, either of money or of other goods, coming even to the wealthiest, will be used in some way. It may be used either for immediate consumption or for further indirect use in durable form. Through miscalculation there may be, at a given moment, too many consumption goods of a particular kind, but the durable applications can find no limit until the inconceivable day when the material world is no longer capable of improvement. At the time of a crisis, there is unquestionably a bad apportionment of productive agents, and a still worse adjustment of their valuations, but these facts should not be taken as proving that there is an excess of all kinds of economic goods.

-- 9. #Monetary theories of crises.# Another group of theories explains the crises as being due to money, either too much or too little. The unregulated issue of bank notes has been a.s.signed as the cause of crises, especially under the circ.u.mstances accompanying such crises as those of 1837 and 1857 in America, when bank note issues greatly contributed to the unsound expansion of credit. The issue of government paper money years before, leading to inflation and speculation, was by many believed to be the cause of the crisis of 1873. The reverse view is taken by the advocates of a cheap and plentiful money. They say that these crises were caused, not by the expansion, but by the contraction of the money stock; for example, not by the inflation of prices through the issue of greenbacks in 1862 to 1865, but by the contraction of the currency from 1866 to 1873.

There is only a fragment of truth in these various views. It is always lack of "money" at the moment of the crisis that causes any particular failure, and in that sense it is always lack of "money" that causes a crisis. The question is, whether in any reasonable sense it can be said that it was lack of a circulating medium before the crisis that brought it on. There is no support for this view, except in the rare case when the money standard is undergoing a rapid change, as in the United States from 1866 to 1873, and the statement then needs much modification and explanation. The monetary theories of crises are a bit nearer to the truth than are those of the over-production type, for the crisis is always connected with prices and credit. But it is clear that these rhythmic price changes occurring in the business cycle are not due to the same causes as are the general movements of the price level, due to an increasing or decreasing output of gold or again to a paper money inflation. Statistics show that while a general price level is slowly changing like a tidal movement, the effect of the rhythmic business cycle appears now in hastening, now in r.e.t.a.r.ding, the changes in the price level.

-- 10. #Capitalization theory of crises#. Here we verge upon a different type of explanation of the financial crisis--one of a psychological nature. The quant.i.ty of money, we have seen, affects prices more or less according as credit is more or less used in connection with it. Money plus confidence has a larger power of sustaining prices, than money without, or with less, confidence. And throughout the business cycle the amount of confidence, expressed in such ways as the readiness to grant credits and in the easy extension of the time of collection, is constantly changing. Over-confidence at one time is suddenly followed by widespread lack of confidence. This has led some to say that lack of confidence is the cause of crises.

This is a truism, but it does not explain what is the real cause of this lack of confidence, which, when the crisis comes, is not mere unreasoning fear that needs only to ignore the danger to banish it.

Might it not just as truly, if not more truly, be said that the cause is _over-confidence_ in the period preceding the crisis?

The essential characteristic of a crisis is the forcible and sudden movement of readjustment in the mistaken capitalization of productive agents. Capitalization runs through all industry. The value of everything that lasts for more than a moment is built in part upon incomes that are not actual, but expectative, whose amount, therefore, is a matter of guesswork, or "speculation."[10] Many unknown factors enter into the estimate of future incomes. The universal tendency to rhythm in motion (material or psychic) manifests itself in an overestimate or underestimate of incomes and of every other factor in value. This is emphasized by a psychological factor called sometimes the "hypnotism of the crowd," and sometimes, the "mob mind." Most men follow a leader in investment as in other things. The spirit of speculation grows till often it becomes almost a frenzy, and people rush toward this or that investment, throwing capitalization in some industries far out of equilibrium with that in others.

The cause of crises immediately back of the maladjusted capitalization thus is seen to be a psychological factor; it is the rhythmic miscalculation of incomes and of capital value, occurring to some degree throughout industry, but particularly in certain lines. This subjective cause in men is given an opportunity for action only when certain favoring objective conditions are present.

-- 11. #The use of credit.# Most noteworthy of these objective conditions is the general use of credit. The credit system greatly enhances the rhythm of price. If the value of a thing that is fully paid for falls, the owner alone loses; but if the value of a thing only partly paid for falls so much that the owner is forced to default in his payment, the loss may be transmitted along the line of credit to every one in a long series of transactions. A credit system, highly developed, is a house of cards at a time of financial stress. Demand liabilities are at such a time the greatest danger, so that the banks, ordinarily the pillars of financial strength, become at such a time the points of greatest weakness in the financial situation. If many of the customers were not restrained by their sense of personal obligation to the banks, by the strong pressure which the banks can bring to bear upon them, or by the force of public opinion among business men, from withdrawing the balances to their credit in a time of crisis, all commercial banks would become insolvent at once in a crisis by the very nature of their business; for all their ordinary deposits are nominally payable on demand.

-- 12. #Interest rates in a crisis.# In normal times there is always outstanding a great ma.s.s of short-time, commercial loans.[11] The motive of the borrower, in most cases has been to hire more labor and to buy more materials for use in his business. Ordinarily these loans can and are renewed without difficulty or are replaced by others, based on the security of new business transactions in unbroken succession. Now at the time of a crisis a general contraction of credit occurs, and all borrowers with maturing obligations are faced with bankruptcy. The effort of the business man at such a time is not to make a positive profit, but to save what he can from the threatened wreck. The demand for short-time loans, therefore, in such times of stress, fluctuates rapidly, and exceedingly high interest rates prevail in these loan markets for a few days or a few weeks, rates which have only a remote relationship with the usual capitalization of most agents.

The distress of the business man is magnified by the fact that it is just at such times that both the equipment he has bought and the products he has made become temporarily almost unsaleable at prices as high as he paid for them when he bought them with the borrowed money.

He may know that prices will soon be higher, but he cannot wait.

Various courses are open to him in this emergency; he may borrow the money at a very high rate of interest, holding the goods for better prices; or he may sell the goods under the unfavorable conditions; or he may sell other capital such as stocks and bonds. The end sought is the same--to get ready money; and the methods are not essentially unlike--the exchange of greater future values for smaller present values. The sacrifice sale thus reveals the merchant's high estimate of present goods in the form of money. The purchaser of some kinds of property in times of depression is securing them at a lower capitalization than they will later have. The rise in value may be foreseen as well by seller as by buyer, but the low capitalization reflects the high interest rate temporarily obtaining. A.T. Stewart, once the most famous New York merchant, is said to have laid the foundation of his fortune when, being out of debt himself, he bought up the bankrupt stocks of his compet.i.tors in a great financial panic.

The high interest at such times is but the reflection of the high premium on present purchasing power.

The worst of the evils of crises are confined to the markets where the greatest numbers of short-time loans are made. Most of the long-time loans do not fall due in such seasons of stress, and the great ma.s.s of slowly exchanging wealth alters little and slowly in price. Such loans as fall due can generally be renewed for long periods at rates little higher than usual, the market for long-time and short-time loans being in large measure independent of each other. But they are not quite independent, and some lenders take whatever sums they can collect on maturing long-time obligations and loan them on short terms at high rates of interest, or buy goods, whole enterprises, bonds, and stocks, at the unusually low prices temporarily prevailing. The effect of this is to raise somewhat the interest rate on long-time paper to accord with the new conditions.

-- 13. #Dynamic conditions and price readjustments.# Another condition favorable to the rhythmic movement of capitalization is a dynamic economic society. The past century has opened up new fields for investment on an unexampled scale. Investment has advanced both intensively and extensively in a series of great waves. New machinery and processes have given undreamt of opportunities for enterprise in the older countries, and the physical frontier of investment has moved outward with the march of millions of immigrants to people the fertile wilderness. Such factors disturb the equilibrium of prices both in time and s.p.a.ce, give a powerful impulse toward higher values in the older lands, and stimulate the hopes of all investors. When the balance between the capitalizations of various industries and between the incomes of the various periods proves to be false, the inevitable readjustment causes suffering and loss to many, but particularly in the inflated industries. But, because of the mutual relations of men in business, few even of those who have kept freest from speculation can quite escape the evils.

Among the dynamic conditions in industry are changes in the general price level whether due to changes in the production of the standard money commodity (relative to population) or to changing methods of doing business. If the price level is falling (i.e., the standard unit is appreciating), the burden of the great ma.s.s of outstanding debts is growing heavier upon the debtors.[12] Sooner or later some of them break down under its weight. At such times many attempt to shift their capital from active investments such as stocks, to pa.s.sive investments such as bonds. When the price level is rising, the opposite conditions prevail. But such adjustments proceed uncertainly and unevenly in different industries, with much speculation in shifting from one type of business to another, and with much accompanying miscalculation.

-- 14. #Tariff changes and business uncertainty.# Another variable influence in American business has been the tariff. Every tariff revision, whether the rates go upward or downward, shifts somewhat the relative opportunities and profitableness of different industries.

Some of these call for far-reaching readjustments of investments and of productive forces. Some persons gain and some lose by every such change. It is observed that a reduction of tariff rates seems to have a more disturbing effect upon business than does an increase. This probably is because the industries favored by protective tariffs in America are those most fully within the circle affected by crises; whereas most of the consumers adversely affected by a rise of tariff rates are outside the commercial circles where short-time credit is common and where the rapid readjustment of investment leads to a financial crisis. It never has been convincingly shown, however, that there is any large measure of correspondence in time (not to say causal relation) between tariff revisions and crises.[13]

-- 15. #Rhythmic changes in weather and in crops#. A psychological movement, once started, acc.u.mulates force and momentum up to a certain point where a reaction begins. This rhythmic movement as it appears in the capitalization of enterprises is favored and magnified, we have seen, by the wide use of credit and by the constantly changing technical and physical conditions of industry. These call for constant revaluations of the sources of incomes, thus destroying customary and habitual valuations. But why should the cycle begin or end at one point of time rather than at another; and what determines the length of the cycle? Some of the new dynamic forces such as inventions and growth of population are distributed pretty regularly along the line, so that their influences are nearly equalized. But occasionally some large impulse may serve to start a swing and if this impulse is somewhat regularly repeated, it may serve to keep up the rhythmic motion. True, the lack of coincidence in the impact of various influences which occur accidentally, such as political changes, wars, and the rapid opening of new routes of transportation, would serve to hasten or to r.e.t.a.r.d, perhaps for a time quite to alter, what would otherwise be the rhythm of the cycle. That there is nevertheless, a noticeable degree of regularity in the recurrence of crises may be due to the presence of one dominating factor.

Alternation of good and poor harvests has always seemed to be favorable to business prosperity. In America since about 1865, farm products have const.i.tuted the larger part of our exports, so that a succession of large harvests has usually acted to stimulate exports (one of the features of a period of prosperity), to give us a larger credit balance in international trade, and to reduce the rate of exchange. Large harvests of the staple agricultural crops in America have been known to be closely related to the amount of rainfall in the three most important growing months. Recently, it has been shown that the rainfall of the Ohio Valley occurs in cycles of about eight years, and in a larger cycle of thirty-three years. The cycle of yield per acre of the nine princ.i.p.al crops is shown to correspond closely with the cycle of pig iron production (one of the best single indices of growing business) dated one to two years later.[14] As the cycles of rainfall and of harvests are not coincident in different countries, it will require further study to adjust to these observations the fact of the world-wide extent of the great financial crises. But a better understanding of objective conditions of this kind will give fuller meaning to the psychological interpretation of crises.

-- 16. #Remedies for crises#. The financial crisis must be looked upon as an economic disease which brings many evils in its train. The need is not merely to mitigate the severity of the brief period of crisis, but also to smooth out the curve of the business cycle so as to reduce periodic unemployment, the lottery element in profits, and the number of unmerited failures in business. Several measures may aid toward this end. In the past the crisis has been more severe in America than in Europe because of certain well-recognized defects which now have been largely remedied in the Federal Reserve Act.[15] The provisions whereby any one may get credit on good commercial a.s.sets should make it impossible for a crisis to degenerate into a panic. This legislation has provided springs to reduce the jolt of the change from a higher to a lower level of prices.

Probably other improvements may be made in our banking laws. Competent students of the subject have urged that the payment of interest on deposits not subject to notice before withdrawal should be made unlawful, because demand deposits const.i.tute the greatest danger at critical times. In principle this objection is sound, tho experience may show that this evil has been practically remedied by other features of the Federal Reserve Act. Moreover, bankers could, by pursuing a more conservative policy, discourage speculative methods of enterprise. The strong public disapproval of stock-market speculation on margins may some day be able to express itself effectively in ways that will not injure healthy business. Greater stability in our tariff policy would remove a constantly disturbing factor in prices, as would likewise the stabilizing of the standard of deferred payments. In the attempt to remedy the great evil of unemployment, public works of every kind might be planned and distributed in time so as to better equalize the demand for labor and materials. Finally, much better commercial statistics are needed, and for collecting them and reporting the outlook, government organization is required comparable in range and methods to the weather bureau.

It cannot be expected, however, that financial crises, in the sense of general readjustments of prices downward from time to time, ever can be completely abolished. There will always be changes in general industrial conditions calling for reevaluation of the existing sources of income; and in this process there will always be a tendency to rhythmic swing like that of a river, which carries the stream of prices now on this side of the valley, now on that. But this fluctuation of general prices surely can be so greatly moderated in magnitude and in evil results as to make the word "crisis" almost a misnomer. It is toward the attainment of this irreducible minimum of uncertainty and disaster in business that efforts should be directed.

[Footnote 1: On the way these affect private profits see Vol. I, pp.