Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 8

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the House of Commons this afternoon. After a pet.i.tion had been presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame!

shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from the Queen to a communication from her; and _told him_, if he would be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct was not confined to the members of Opposition.

I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not.

In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that they can long stand against the storm they have been so instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.

Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Sunday, Two o'clock P.M., Nov. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday, having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G---- had intended to have added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose to you his memorandum of what pa.s.sed yesterday. He desires that you would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no part of that memorandum being _either copied or quoted by you_. You will see that he desired the K---- to mention to Lord L---- that such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours, it will probably be very generally known that Lord G---- was at the Cottage. The way in which Lord G---- means to speak of it when it is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute determination not to embark in any official business, or in any possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be so great, that it is very natural for the K---- to wish to converse with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K---- should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G----, it is only surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G---- to the const.i.tution of our limited monarchy."

This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth, a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such a topic. My brother thought that the K---- looked thin and worn, but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the whole conversation.

My own speculation is, that C---- means to oppose the Cabinet in their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted.

I think Lord G---- did all that became him in declining to advise between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K---- forces his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it, instead of going a-shooting and revelling.

Lady L---- has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord G----'s servant returns early to-morrow.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly part by so doing.--The King has been urging the Government to go on with the business _now_ without adjournment, and was most eager that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by L----. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh.

Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public opinion.--I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.--I hope you continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.

MY DEAR LORD,

Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and yesterday Lord G---- came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till three.--It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord Grenville.--Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that he had told Lord G---- all that was intended to be done; by which I implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting and asking his advice, than for any object of change.--Previous to dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appet.i.te), and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish--but no meat--together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour of the _Mountain_ in the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.--He leaves the Cottage to-morrow.--You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage.

If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G---- would recommend in the first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not suit his present feelings.--What a game has Lord Grenville now in his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country, could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will not!--Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something about it.--Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to negotiation.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.--The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.

The Queen immediately tried to make the most of her "triumph," as it was called, and wrote to Lord Liverpool, demanding a palace. This was refused, though a handsome allowance was offered. She then agitated for a restoration of her name to the Liturgy, which was also firmly opposed.

The result of the withdrawal of the Bill was remarkable. A delirium of triumph appeared to have seized the entire country, and more particularly the populations of the large cities; but singularly true was Lord Castlereagh's prophecy, that in six months the King would be the most popular person in his dominions. The madness of the mult.i.tude necessarily brought about a reaction. "When the struggle was over and the victory gained," observes an historian of these events, "the King and his Ministers defeated, and the Queen secured in her rank and fortune, they began to reflect on what they had done, and the qualities of the exalted personage of whom they had proved themselves such doughty champions. They called to mind the evidence in the case, which they had little considered while the contest lasted; and they observed, not without secret misgivings, the effect it produced on the different cla.s.ses of society. They saw that the experienced hesitated at it, the serious shunned it, the licentious gloated over it. The reaction, so usual in such cases when the struggle is over, ensued; and, satisfied with having won the victory, they began to regret that it had not been gained in a less questionable cause."[52]

[52] Alison's "Europe," vol. ii. p. 467.

The last entry in Plumer Ward's "Diary" of this date is very characteristic of the Duke of Wellington:--"Met the Duke just come to town. He took me under the arm, and walked me to Lord Bathurst's. He was in excellent humour, and asked what news--having, as he said, been a country gentleman for two days. I said, I thought the heat a little, and but a little, subsiding. He observed, he thought so too; and that it would more after to-morrow--the prorogation. He was more convinced than ever of the wisdom of that measure, and of withdrawing the Bill."[53]

[53] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 101.

As may be exemplified by a familiar hygrometer, this change of atmosphere sent the lady out of notice, and brought the gentleman again before the public gaze.

The Government have been much censured for their proceedings in the Queen's case, but it was quite an exceptional one; and their treatment of it, however open to objections it may be, is equally open to justification. Their task, from the first, was an up-hill one, which nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them continue; but when a thousand unmistakeable signs foretold a rebellion if they persevered, they had no alternative but to put an end to the thing with all convenient despatch. The value of this movement soon became apparent. It possessed advantages which a victory could not have secured.

Notwithstanding the opinions expressed by the heads of the great Whig families in favour of the Queen, they could scarcely have desired her to be at the head of the female aristocracy of the kingdom--their example, guardian, and liege mistress. The stout lady in the magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial embarra.s.sment; but much as some of them pretended to decry the evidence against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with their wives and daughters.

Plumer Ward describes in his "Diary" one of the Opposition peers who had been very active for the Queen during the discussion of the Bill, though acknowledging that he entertained no doubt of her guilt. "I suppose," observed Ward, "you mean to present Lady ---- at Brandenburg House? He, with a sudden change to solemnity, and with great emphasis, exclaimed, '_Never!_'"[54]

[54] "Memoirs," by Phipps, vol. ii. p. 95.

The Queen soon began to discover that her victory was a sensible defeat. "She is striving to keep the flame alive," we are told, "and blow it to fury."[55] But the mob, having nothing to clamour about, nothing to break windows for, ceased to shout and to throw stones. The better educated became influenced quite as strongly from a different source. The cause of the Queen had enjoyed every a.s.sistance which a considerable portion of the press could afford it; and Thomas Moore and George Cruikshank manufactured the most stinging satires and the most ludicrous caricatures upon every person of distinction who opposed her; but a writer had entered the field on the other side, whose caustic humour told more damagingly on the popular idol and her chief supporters than the pen of the poet or the pencil of the artist; and Theodore Hook, in the columns of the _John Bull_, made the respectable portion of the Queenites heartily ashamed of their cause.

[55] "Wilberforce," vol. v. p. 81.

The Queen went in state to St. Paul's, to offer her thanks for the signal advantage over her enemies Providence had afforded her,[56] and omitted nothing likely to maintain her _prestige_; but the careful observer might easily have seen that the tide was turning. Brandenburg House was losing its attraction, while Carlton Palace again became the main channel of loyal interest. Addresses from several of the most influential communities in the kingdom were received by the Sovereign in quick succession; and in one from the University of Oxford, the deputation was headed by Lord Grenville, who was honoured with a most gracious reception.

[56] This exhibition the Bishop of Llandaff stigmatizes as "a mockery of religious solemnity, at which every serious Christian must shudder."--Pellew's "Life of Sidmouth," vol. iii p. 336.

"I shall be very glad to hear of your loyal addresses coming up,"

writes Sir William Scott. "We want to be reinforced in our spirits by friendly declarations from respectable bodies and individuals.

The Whigs appear too much disposed to a coalition with the Radicals, in order to compel the King to dismiss the Ministers, and that coalition is of itself a sufficient reason for a firm resistance to their admission into power; for they will be compelled to make very unpleasant concessions to their new allies, at the expense of the const.i.tution."[57]

[57] Twiss's "Life of Lord Eldon," vol. ii. p. 36.

The following correspondence will further ill.u.s.trate the transactions of this period:--