Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 25

Richmond, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I received your kind note just as I was going to dinner. I will not detain your servant longer than to return you my sincere thanks. I will write more fully in the course of the evening, and will take care that you shall receive my letter early to-morrow. In the meantime I beg leave to inform you that I wrote to Lord Grenville as soon as I was authorized to write to any person, and I wrote to your Lordship at the same period of time. In my letter to Lord Grenville I requested an interview previous to my departure, for the purpose of receiving his inestimable advice; at that moment I had no idea of any other object. I could have attended Lord Grenville to-morrow, but I have received the King's commands to wait on him at Brighton, and I must depart early. On my return I shall be happy to pay my duty at Dropmore or in London, according to Lord Grenville's convenience.

I was very insufficiently informed of the circ.u.mstances mentioned by you, and was not aware even of their general tenor until yesterday.

I need not state what my ardent wishes are. The Duke of Wellington did not know of the commands which I had received from Brighton when he spoke of the possibility of my visiting Dropmore to-morrow.

Ever, my dear Lord, yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

THE MARQUIS WELLESLEY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Richmond, Dec 3, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

In my short note this evening I stated to your Lordship generally the restraints which precluded my earlier communication with you and Lord Grenville; my desire, expressed to him, of receiving the great benefit of his advice previously to my departure for Ireland; and my earnest and anxious hope that Lord Grenville, your Lordship, and your friends, might concur in acting with the Government which had called me to the administration of the affairs of Ireland.

I was informed a few days ago (but in no distinct statement) that it was probable that your Lordship and Lord Grenville might give your countenance to the Government, and that some of your friends might accept office; but it was not until yesterday that I understood the arrangements for that desirable object to be in any advanced state, and from what I then collected, I had hoped that all difficulties had been removed.

My desire to see Lord Grenville rested entirely on my sense of the advantage of receiving his opinions, which I was satisfied he would impart to me with all the freedom and confidence of long-established friendship, and of mutual esteem and affection; but I should not have presumed, without his express injunction, to suggest any opinion respecting the conduct of his friends or his own in the present crisis. With regard to the settlement of the Roman Catholic grievances, my general opinions are unalterable; but the course to be pursued by the Executive Government in Ireland in the existing state of the law, and in the present condition of that country, must be regulated by practical considerations, in which persons may cordially concur whose sentiments may greatly differ on the great and final question. My view of the present state of affairs in Ireland would lead me to think that an impartial, equitable, and mild administration of the law (of which the alteration cannot be effected or attempted by a Lord Lieutenant), is the only safe course which can now be pursued, and the only channel through which we can ever reach a happy and permanent settlement.

With this view I entertain no apprehension of interruption in my government from the influence mentioned by your Lordship, as the subject of alarm in some most respectable minds. I really do not believe that any person now in high office, or likely to be in high office in either country, would attempt to contravene the liberal and benevolent spirit of the King's gracious and conciliatory admonitions to Ireland; and I trust that, by general consent, the system of government is abolished by which the laws respecting the Catholics were administered in a spirit much more severe than their letter. This is a step towards more substantial improvement, and every step in this salutary career must advance us still more near the complete attainment of general union and harmony. This is my plan, from which I cannot deviate, and in the execution of which I apprehend no interruption.

I understand from the Government here, and I most ardently hope, that our highly respectable and admirable friend Mr. Plunket is likely to hold a high official station in Ireland, where I shall place the most firm confidence in him, and receive the constant benefit of his council and a.s.sistance. This will be a great comfort and strength to me in a situation of great and arduous exertion; where, however, the course to be observed cannot be doubtful, whatever doubt the uncertainty of all human affairs must cast over the prospect of success.

If your Lordship had desired my opinion, I should certainly have declared, that as your junction with the Government cannot fail to be of great advantage to the country, so it could not be injurious to the Catholic cause, which can prosper only by the regular and steady progress of a prudent and temperate system. On this point, however, I repeat that I would not venture to obtrude my weak judgment. I am obliged to attend the King to-morrow, otherwise I should have endeavoured to see your Lordship and Lord Grenville; on my return I hope for that advantage.

Believe me always, my dear Lord,

With true esteem and regard,

Yours most faithfully,

WELLESLEY.

My brother Arthur has mentioned Lieut.-Col. Fremantle to me with great regard. I shall be very happy, if it should be in my power, to promote his wishes; but, in the very extended state of my old engagements, I cannot make any decision before my arrival in Ireland.

MR. W. C. PLUNKET TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dublin, Dec. 3, 1821.

MY LORD,

The mails have arrived here after a continuance of eight or nine days of storm, and I have just received your Lordship's letter of the 30th. I hasten to acknowledge it, and to express the strong sense I entertain of your Lordship's kindness and confidence. When I was in town last March, I took the liberty of asking Lord Grenville's advice, with reference to an overture which had been made to me on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, and on which I had declined to act, until I should have the opportunity of learning his sentiments; finding that he had formed a decided (and I must say most unfortunate) resolution not to become a member of administration, but knowing, at the same time, how entirely his views and opinions on the state of public affairs coincided with those of the Government, I felt disposed to accede to the proposal which had been made, of resuming my former office of Attorney-General in Ireland. Your Lordship was not then in town, or I should certainly have availed myself of your confidence and friendly interest in my affairs, and have asked the benefit of your advice. Lord Grenville agreed with me that there was _no possible objection to the proposed arrangement_; at the same time he suggested the propriety of holding myself free as to the time and mode of dealing with the Roman Catholic question.

The business has hung over from that time to the present, and though the measure was understood, nothing effectual has been done towards its accomplishment till within this few days. On the subject of the Roman Catholics, or as to the policy to be pursued respecting the bringing forward this question, I never have given, or indeed formed, any definite opinion, and with respect to it I hold myself just in the same situation as if I were to remain utterly unconnected with Administration. It appears to me that great advantages may be derived to that cause from the introduction of its known and steady friends to some share in his Majesty's counsels, and I own I should grieve if any circ.u.mstance was to withhold your Lordship's services, and those of some of your near friends, at this critical period.

That the Roman Catholic question cannot, for any great length of time, be kept back, appears to me evident; but it seems equally clear that there is great occasion for caution, and much room for accommodation, as to the time of bringing it forward; nothing could be more injurious than the risking the loss of the vantage ground which we have taken possession of during the last session; and one cannot but apprehend that such might be the consequence of bringing the measure forward, without some better prospect of good sense and good temper on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy, than they displayed on the late occasion. Of some improvement in that quarter I am led to entertain hopes, as well as on the part of those of the laity who were least manageable. All these are arguments for delay; at the same time, this should be entirely kept open for discretion, and above all, should not be liable to be considered as the result of contract or stipulation, especially with any portion of the Government, which would unavoidably tend to throw the Roman Catholic body into dangerous hands. Under these circ.u.mstances, and reserving this perfect freedom, I am quite disposed to attend in Parliament, and render whatever services I can to the general measures of Administration.

I write to your Lordship, as you desire it, fully, my opinions on a subject, when I should be much more disposed to ask yours, were I on the spot or the time admitted it. Will you have the goodness to communicate what I write to Mr. Wynn, and to him only. I trust I shall soon learn that the public cause has been strengthened by your Lordship's accession, and by his.

We are in a state of extreme agitation and disturbance here; the accounts are much exaggerated, however, _as I believe_, for I have not had the honour of the slightest communication from any person connected with the Irish Government. The state of this country, whilst it furnishes the fullest proof of the necessity of disposing of the question to which I have adverted, does not, perhaps, afford strong encouragement for bringing it forward just at present; but on this and all other matters connected with it, I shall look with great anxiety to learn the opinion of Lord Grenville.

I beg your Lordship to believe how sensible I am of the honour you do me by consulting me on the present occasion, and that I am with great truth and regard always my Lord,

Your Lordship's much obliged

And very faithful humble servant,

W. C. PLUNKET.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 4, 1821.

We have had a full talk with Charles, and have laid before him the good and the bad, as far as I can judge of it. His decision and yours (not ours) must ultimately regulate your conduct.

I have strongly recommended to him to see Lord Liverpool and Lord Londonderry, and also Lord Wellesley, who has written to me in very kind terms to announce his appointment, and to whom I write to offer to go to Richmond to see him, if it is inconvenient to him to come here. I hope you and Charles will endeavour to learn from him the plain English of this metaphor about balances, and what it is that he understands himself to be sent to Ireland to do.

It is a bad feature of this business, that every day presents some new difficulty not previously announced to you.

The _Courier_ now informs us,--1, That Lord Sidmouth is to continue of the Cabinet; and 2, That Canning is _not_ to go to India; or, in other words, that Charles is to go alone into the Cabinet at the very moment that is studiously chosen for making it _more_ orange in its complexion _than it was before_; and secondly, that what is called _strengthening_ Government in the House of Commons consists in driving Canning into opposition, who was before the best speaker on the Government side, and having Peel in Government, who was before a speaker also on their side.

I wish I could say _I_ approved all these things, because I see _you_ wish it; but I must speak the truth or hold my tongue, and my affection to you both makes me very reluctant to do the latter, though for your sake I have certainly expressed myself much less strongly to Charles on some of these points than I should otherwise have done.

As for saying of each of these things separately, that there are personal objections to A---- and B---- and C----, and that they are each and all of them individuals of too little consequence for you to hang your decisions upon, of what does a discussion of this nature consist, except first, of measures, the explanation of the most important of which is now wrapped up in metaphorical ambiguity; and secondly, of the men who are to execute them; and if these really are severally as insignificant as you deem them, what better argument can be found against putting them or keeping them in the first ranks of a new arrangement, the professed object of which is to supply strength which was confessed to be wanting?

But I have done, and have only as before most earnestly to wish that you may do what is best, whether I am able ultimately to think it so or not.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 5, 1821.

I return you Wellesley's letter, with which I am much pleased. I wish I could say the same of the other parts of the business; but I am old-fashioned enough to be thoroughly scandalized at the want of the common forms of civility and respect so singularly shown in Lord L----'s sending up for Charles from Wales to receive a proposal of coming into the Cabinet, and in the interim taking himself off to Bath, and leaving behind him not even a letter, but a _message_ that he is not to be back till near the meeting of Parliament.

Of the substance of the matters now depending, I have nothing more to add; but do not take it ill if an old man tells you plainly that if you do not on such an occasion so express and conduct yourself as to ensure the attention and respect which is due to you, it will be in vain to attempt to claim it afterwards, and that if you abandon it, you give up with it the hope of being really useful.

I have known many such discussions, some ending well, others ill.

But I never yet witnessed one in which such arrangements were (as in this case) presented _crudely_, to be accepted or refused, without any previous discussion as to the mode of shaping them, or any facility offered, or even intimated, for softening down such difficulties as such proposals are always more or less attended with.

I must say there appears to be, with respect to both of you, a total misunderstanding of your real rank and station in the country, and in its public estimation.