Memoirs of the Court of George IV. 1820-1830 Part 14

No fresh news from Naples. The repulse of the 7th, with great confusion, is fully believed. Canning certainly goes back to Paris after Lambton's motion; he gives this out everywhere. The rumour rather gains ground of your going to Ireland; but I don't know from any authority.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Four o'clock.

MY DEAR LORD,

I got your letter this morning, and had previously received one yesterday evening from the Duke ... which I enclose you. It is unnecessary, therefore, for me to stir on the subject, or to make a further observation, till you have read the enclosed, and have given me your opinion upon it, and what is the determination of Lord W---- regarding the arbitration. I can only, however, add my opinion, that it will be utterly impossible to make a previous engagement to withdraw the proceedings now pending. They are, in fact, deferred; and the result of an arbitration amicably concluded would be the withdrawing of all questions now before the Courts of Law.

Nothing can have been more successful than the whole proceedings on the Catholic Bill; and there is no doubt but that the Security Bill will also pa.s.s rapidly through the House. This will naturally bring you to town, to share in the support of it through the House of Lords.--I have just heard from Mr. Holmes (who said he knew the fact), that a counter-revolution had taken place at Naples: the mob had risen--disarmed the troops--spiked the guns--turned the Parliament out of doors--proclaimed the Regent, Viceroy--and called for the King's return. General Pepe had not been found, and most of his army had abandoned him. The person left in command of the troops at Naples was the first to turn tail. The cry was now, the old Const.i.tution!

I don't know anything further to tell you. The _old Court_ is terribly dismayed by the success of the Catholic Bill, and I believe put very little trust in the King's determination to resist it. The whole thing in the Lords depends on _his_ decision, and upon the conduct of Lord Liverpool; if he does not make a _Ministerial_ business of it, there are great hopes it will be carried.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. FREMANTLE.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, March 24.

MY DEAR LORD,

Plunket received by yesterday's post intelligence that his wife was dying, and consequently set out immediately for Ireland. In spite of this great disadvantage, we got through the first clause of the Bill (that relative to the Oath of Supremacy), and gained three upon the division more than we had on the second reading, the numbers being 230 to 216. I think they will hardly make a fight about Transubstantiation; but they will push all their strength on the exclusion from Parliament, which Bankes will move on Monday. I think the Bill will pa.s.s the House of Commons. I believe Lord Duncannon and Mr. Holmes are agreed that we should have a majority of 38, if the whole House were to attend. The notion is that Lord Sidmouth, Vansittart, and B. Bathurst are to go out if the Bill is carried. Peel is clearly paving the way for a junction with Government, even though the Bill should pa.s.s; and Canning as clearly holding out that there can be no obstacle in the way of his sitting in the same Cabinet with Peel. Peel has not gained ground by his conduct in the business; I should say he has lost rather in the estimation of the House.

I sent your Lordship a copy of the Bill on the day it was reprinted; the alteration was made because it appeared that doubtful persons were less dissatisfied with it than with the explanation.

Believe me,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.

MR. C. W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Sat.u.r.day.

MY DEAR B----,

Notwithstanding the great loss which we sustained last night from the absence of poor Plunket, who set off for Ireland with little hope of finding his wife alive, we made a very good figure last night. Castlereagh spoke better than I ever heard him. You will see that your suggestion of adding some words to exclude all mental reservation is adopted--that is to say, both Phillimore and Castlereagh last night stated the willingness of the promoters of the Bill to admit them, if any person thought it desirable to move their insertion. Burrell, notwithstanding what he had said, came and voted against us; but Curteis and Fox Lane, instead of only staying away, voted with us. Davies Gilbert did not vote, but is so completely turned that I have strong hopes of his vote on Monday.

We are also to have Denman, and I believe Abraham Moore, from the Circuits; W. Pole, who was ill; Dennis Browne, and Sir Gerard Noel, who were absent. Castlereagh has also promised to insist on checking the activity of Holmes, who has been quite indefatigable in the use of every means, fair and foul, to induce members to vote against us. Lord Fife has been dismissed from the Bedchamber, in consequence of his vote on the Malt Tax, and Lord Lovaine is to succeed him.

What pa.s.sed on that occasion is only a confirmation of the truth of the Duke of Wellington's view of the state of administration, and of the hollowness of their support on any question which is not vital. I suppose they now look to replace the Doctor and Van. by Peel and Canning, who are evidently extremely disposed to return together.

I agree with you in thinking the Bill, as it originally stood, with the explanation of the oath, was preferable to its present form; but _on fait ce qu'on peut_ and _non ce qu'on veut_. The best way of all would be to make the oath now proposed general for Protestants and Catholics, but this, I fear, is impossible.

I fear that we shall be all Monday on the question of admissibility to Parliament, and must reserve the Privy Council and the Judges for Tuesday.

It is intended to add the second Bill in the shape of clauses to the first. I suppose we can hardly hope to carry it up to your House till Monday, the 2nd. As to the affairs of the South, my view very closely concurs with yours.

I will make some inquiry about the office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland before I again write; but I do not myself feel any alarm at the exercise of visitatorial or any other power _in curia_ by a Catholic, and think, indeed, it might more safely be lodged in his hands than in those of an Unitarian or bigoted Presbyterian, who might both now hold it.

Believe me, ever most truly yours,

C. WILLIAMS WYNN.

More than one communication printed in this volume has indicated that the Government were anxious to secure the services of the leading members of the Grenville party. It will be seen that the former became more and more conscious of the desirableness of such a junction.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 27, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD BUCKINGHAM,

I have received your letter; and you may rely upon it, that there is no man more desirous than I am of strengthening the connexion between your family and the Government. I think that the services which you have, upon principle, rendered to them are of a nature to give you every claim to their consideration; and I am very much mistaken if this feeling is not common to all those at present forming the Administration.

I shall be very happy in being instrumental in forwarding any wish of yours; and I will so conduct myself as not to involve you in anything.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

WELLINGTON.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, March 29, 1821.

MY DEAR LORD,

I should have sent your Lordship yesterday the result of Tuesday's debate, but that I was shut up all the morning with Sir John Newport _and Co._, on the subject of the clauses relating to the securities. You will perceive that several inaccuracies are corrected; and amongst other amendments, I believe most of the alterations you suggested have been introduced--all, at least, that we considered, under existing circ.u.mstances, to be advisable.

We got through all the clauses last night, upon the whole, very triumphantly; but Mr. Hutchinson opened a broadside upon us, which in the earlier stages of the Bill might have sunk the whole concern--inasmuch as he characterized the second Bill (now consolidated with the first) as a Bill of pains, penalties, degradation, &c., imposed on the Roman Catholic clergy. The attack, however, recoiled upon the promoter of it, and the discussion was so conducted as to a.s.sist the Bill. The debate is exceedingly ill given in all the papers I have seen, more especially as it omits the speeches of three Irish county members, who rose in succession, and said they had every reason to believe the measure was very agreeable to the Roman Catholics in the counties they represented--Butler, the member for the county of Kilkenny (which, I believe, is intensely Catholic), being one. None of the Opposition ultras would attend last night.

The Report is to be brought up to-day, and the Bill to be read a third time on Monday. They have abandoned all idea of opposing the bringing up of the Report; but Croker, I understand, in spite of all that can be said to deter him, persists in his intention of moving that a provision shall be inserted in the Bill for the Roman Catholic clergy. A great exertion is to be made against us for the division on the third reading, but I think we shall succeed; we had seven votes shut out on the clause relating to Parliament, which was most unfortunate.

I am now going to meet Sir John Newport, at Lord Castlereagh's, to consider of the propriety of some alterations which have been suggested as expedient to be made on bringing up the Report. Lord Castlereagh _now_ seems quite in earnest, and I think his having this meeting at his house is a proof of it; he was very pressing with me to attend it.

The Bill will be reprinted; and as soon as it is distributed I will send a copy to Avington, where I shall presume you continue till I hear to the contrary.

Believe me, my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

JOSEPH PHILLIMORE.